MICROFILMED  1991 

COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARIES/NEW  YORK 


as  part  of  the 
'Touiidaiioii^  oi  Western  Civilization  Preservation  Project" 


Funded  b\  itie 
NATIONAL  LNDOWVIENl'  FOR  THi^  HUMANITIES 


Reproduciions  nia\  not  be  made  without  permission  from 

Cohirnhia  University  Librap'^ 


^      «      i     -i. 


The  copyright  law  of  the  United  States  -  Title  17,  United 
States  Code  --  concerns  the  making  of  photoo.^pir  -.  or  other 
reproductions  of  copyrighted  mateTial... 

Columbia  Unix'ersity  Library  reserves  the  right  tr  iviu^e  ^c 
accept  a  copy  order  if.  m  its  judgement,  fuimiineni  if  the  order 
would  in\'o]\e  violatioPi  of  the  copyright  law. 


Al  I  HOR : 


FOAKES-JACKSON 


F.J 


.f 


TITLE: 


BIBLICAL  HISTORY  OF 
THE  JEWS... 

PLA  CE: 

CAMBRIDGE 

DA  TE : 

1921 


Master  Negative  # 

^1l'6o'356'2, 

COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARIES 

« 

PRESERVATION  DEPARTMENT 

Orif 

C 

1  D89 3 . 

;inal  Material  as  Filmed  -  Existing  Bibliographic  Record 

—          '  " ■** 

■       ^   .  M  ^   >.   M    . 

19 

'  F683 

Foakos -Jacks on,   Fredorick  John,    1855-X94  1 

1 

i 
1 

The  Biblical  history/  of  th o   <^eviS,  by  the  Rev. 

1 

i'rof.  F.   J.  Foakes -Jacks on   ._      c 4th 'ed /  (En- 

• 

» 

larged  Trith  }TnDG)j      Cambridge,   Heffer,   1921, 

IjDcii,  492   p.     imps.     20-^. 

1 

« 

Bibliography:    p.  lxDci-lr?cii, 

• 

D296 
F60 

• 

Copy  in  Butler.     1921. 

Restrictions  on  Use: 

• 

- 

TECHNICAL  MICROFORM  DATA 

FILM     SIZE:__   kSC)    mfy-> 
IMACrpi.ACEMFNT:    lA    ^ 

REDUCTION     RATIO:           //^ 

IB     IIB 

nLx\:; : ) ;  •    Ki  search  publi 

^/             INITIALS           C^eL^ 

CATIONS,  INC   WUODBRIDGE,  CT 

• 

• 

* 

D 


Association  for  Information  and  Image  Management 

1100  Wayne  Avenue,  Suite  1100 
'  Silver  Spring,  Maryland  20910 

301/587-8202 


Centimeter 

123456789        10 

iiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiim 


11        12       13       14       15    mm 

liiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiii 


TTT 


Inches 


1 


I  I  I 


I 


.0 


LI 


1.25 


1 1 1 


y£   2.8 

2.5 

!£ 

Ui  II" 

2.2 

If  1" 

■  IjQ            _ 

2.0 

»i  .. 

b.Ub 

1.8 

1.4 

1.6 

TTT 


1 


MfiNUFnCTURED  TO  nilM  STflNDPRDS 
BY  APPLIED  IMAGE,  INC. 


1 


■r 


Da96 


FGS 


i 
1 


►,^  *  4  i  R  *•  ^ 


f 


(     I      -.        .       ■       !      ' 


-h^ 


;^ 


CONTI'NI 


itfiFFICll 


^-ETBENiyiVENDUS 
feDlSClPlllNAMa 


%xtiet0ilp 


^mtl'a^.-e":^. 


'«, 


u 


I 


'' 


). 


f 


THE    BIBLICAL   HISTORY    OF    THE 
HEBREWS  TO  THE  CHRISTIAN  ERA 


■J  i 


THE  BIBLICAL  HISTORY  OF 

THE  HEBREWS  TO  THE 

CHRISTIAN  ERA 


BY 

F.  J.  FOAKES-JACKSON,  D.D. 

FELLOW  OF  JBSUS  COLLEGE,   CAMBRIDGE,  ASD   HON.   CANON  OF   PETERBOROUGH 
BRIGG'S  GRADUATE  PROFESSOR  OF  CHRISTIAN  INSTTTUnONS   IN  UNION  THEOLOGICAL 

SEMINARY,  NEW  YORK 


Fourth  Edition  {Enlarged)  with  Maps 


CAMBRIDGE  :    W.  HEFFER  &  SONS  LTD. 

LONDON : 
SIMPKIN,  MARSHALL,  HAMILTON,  KENT  &  CO.  LTD. 

1921 


\\ 


Preface 

The  book  has  been  enlarged  by  a  summary  of  the  Apocryphal 
books  bound  up  with  the  English  Bible,  and  by  two  chapters, 
bringing  the  history  up  to  the  period  when  that  of  the  New 
Testament  begins. 

New  York,  1920. 


1) 


J^^ 


fG« 


Preface   to   the   First   Edition 

This  work  is  primarily  intended  for  students  in  Theology,  but  the 
Author  hopes  that  it  may  be  of  interest  to  a  wider  public.  He  has 
endeavoured  to  tell  the  story  of  Israel  from  a  Biblical  standpoint, 
in  such  a  way  as  %o  bring  into  relief  the  progressive  character  of 
Grod's  revelation  to  His  chosen  people.  If,  especially  in  the 
earlier  chapters,  narratives  once  universally  accepted  as  literally 
true  are  related  with  somewhat  less  confidence  than  was  custom- 
ary at  one  time,  the  reader  may  be  reminded  that  in  the  Author's 
opinion  this  does  not  detract  from  their  spiritual  value,  and  that 
the  interest  of  Israel's  history  grows  with  our  increasing  knowledge 
as  the  end  of  the  Old  Dispensation  is  approached.  It  is  not  what 
Israel  originally  was,  but  what  it  became,  that  makes  its  story 
of  such  supreme  importance. 

Many  friends  have  assisted  the  writer  of  this  volume,  to  whom 
he  desires  to  express  his  gratitude.  Some  of  these  may  not  agree 
with  the  Author's  concliisions,  and  none  are  responsible  for  his 
views.  He  cannot,  however,  refrain  from  acknowledging  the 
help  he  has  received  from  the  Revds.  A.  C.  Jennings,  Professor 
Naime,  R.  H.  Kennett,  E.  C.  Griffenhoofe  and  H.  Bisseker,  and 
also  from  Mr.  H.  G.  Wood,  Scholar  of  Jesus  College,  the  writer 
of  the  notes  to  Chapter  V. 

Easter,  1903. 


Preface   to   the   Second   Edition 

The  reception  which  this  work  has  met  with  has  compelled  me  to 
reprint  it  at  an  earlier  date  than  I  had  anticipated.     To  one  who, 
like  myself,  has  continually  to  go  over  the  same  ground  in  teaching 
others,  the  temptation  to  make  alterations  and  to  modify  state- 
ments  is  very  strong.     I  have,  however,  deliberately  refrained 
from  doing  this,   being  convinced  that  to  alter  my  narrative 
would  be  to  impair  the  value  of  this  work  as  a  text -book  ;   I  have 
therefore  left  the  main  part  of  the  book  imchanged,  contenting 
myself  with  the  correction  of  manifest  errors,  and  I  have  made  a 
few  additions  to  the  notes.     An  appendix  has  been  added,  con- 
sisting of  translations  of  the  most  important  inscriptions  referring 
to  the  history  of  Israel,  which,  I  hope,  will  be  of  use.     For 
permif^ion  to  print  these  I  have  to  thank  His  Majesty's  Printers 
(Messrs.  Eyre  and  Spottiswoode),  the  Department  of  Egyptian 
and  Assyrian  Inscriptions  in  the  British  Museum,  the  Regius 
Professor  of  Hebrew  at  Oxford,  and  the  Society  for  Promoting 
Christitm  Knowledge. 

1904. 


Preface   to   the   Third   Edition 

It  has  been  considered  advisable  to  reprint  the  Introduction  and 
the  main  part  of  the  book,  and  to  make  any  additions  which  are 
considered  necessary  in  the  Notes  at  the  end,  some  of  which  have 
been  completely  rewritten.     A  summary  of  history  as  related 
in  the  canonical  books  of  the  Old  Testament  has  been  placed 
after  the  Introduction  :    and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  this  may  be 
of  use  to  students  if  only  as  an  inducement  to  study  the  history 
of  the   Hebrews  from   the   Bible   itself.     So  many  maps   are 
available  that  I  have  contented  myself  with  rough  sketches  to 
enable  the  reader  to  see  what  is  necessary  at  a  glance.     Two 
English   Commentaries   have    appeared   since    1904    which   no 
student  of  the  Bible  can  neglect :   Dr.  Driver's  invaluable  work 
on  Genesis  and  Dr.  McNeile's  stimulating  exposition  of  Exodus. 
To  both  of  these  I  have  constantly  referred.     I  must  also  tender 
my  grateful  thanks  to  the   Rev.   A.   Lukyn   Williams  for  his 
searchmg  criticisms  on  the  Introduction   and  the  Notes. 
December,  1909. 


VI 


Contents 


Introduction 


Necessity  for  a  Re-statement  of  the  History  of  Israel — Princfples  of  Modem 
Criticism — Possible  Objections — Arguments  in  support  of  Composite 
Authorship,  illustrated  from  Genesis — Principal  Narratives  in  Genesis — 
Early  Documents — Unity  of  Plan — Idea  of  Inspiration  does  not  neces- 
sarily exclude  that  of  careful  study — The  Sjonpols  of  P,  J,  E — ^The 
Deuteronomist — Composite  Narratives — The  Spies — ^The  First  Plague 
— Passage  of  the  Red  Sea — Korah — Three  Periods  in  Hebrew  Litera- 
ture :  (a)  Early  Compositions  ;  (6)  Age  of  the  Deuteronomists  ;  (c)  The 
Priestly  School — Recapitulation — Historicity  of  Biblical  Records — 
Miracle    and    Prophecy — The    Jewish    Nation    itself    the    Greatest 


PAGES 


Miracle 


xm-xxx}i 


Summary  of  the  Biblical  Narrative 

General  Remarks  on  the  Contents  of  the  Canonical  Books    -        -        -  xxxiii-bdi 

The  Apocrypha .._  bdii-lxix 

List  of  Books  Referred  to--- -  Ixxi-lxxii 


Chapter  I 
The  Ancient  World 

Hebrew  traditions  written  down  between  900  and  800  B.C. — The  '  Priestly  ' 
Documents — The  Proem  to  Genesis — Assyrian  Account  of  Creation- — 
Early  Hebrew  Narrative — Babylonian  Myths — The  Hebrew  View  of  the 
Universe — Twofold  Story  of  the  Flood — Non-Babylonian  Traditions — 
Cain  and  Abel — Lamech — The  Curse  of  Canaan — Babel — Babylonians 
in  Palestine — The  History  and  Religion  of  Babylonia — Importance  of 
Genesis  L-xi. — The  Early  Writer's  Purpose — Object  of  the  Priestly 
Writer — Geography  of  the  Hebrews — Value  of  the  Record     -        -        - 


1-16 


Chapter  II 
The  Patriarchs  in  Palestine 

Character  of  the  Narrative— The  Threefold  Narrative  J,  E  and  P— Gen.  xiv. 
(Primitive  Palestine) — Invasions  from  the  East :  Sargon,  Gudea  and 
Khammurabi — Ancient  Inhabitants  of  Palestine — ^Abraham  :  A  Person, 
a  Tribe,  or  a  Type — Isaac — Jacob  and  Esau — The  Vision  at  Bethel — 
Jacob  and  Laban — The  Sons  of  Jacob — ^Mahanaim  and  Penuel — The 
Meeting  with  Esau — Jacob  at  Shechem — Joseph — Accuracy  of  Patriar- 
chal Narrative — ^Honesty  of  Early  Writers — Jacob  and  Abraham 
contrasted  ...._ 


17-38 


Vll 


Vlll 


Contents 


« 


Contents 


IX 


Chapter  III 
Israel  in  Egypt 

Joseph  in  Egypt — The  Famine — Joseph  and  his  Brethren — Jacob  goes  down 
into  Egypt — Patriarchal  Blessings — Knowledge  of  Egypt  shewn  in 
Gtenesis — Period  of  Silence — The  King  that  knew  not  Joseph — Birth  of 
Moses — Moses  in  Midian — ^The  Vision  of  the  Bush — ^Mission  of  Moses  to 
Israel — The  Plagues — The  Passover — The  Exodus — Crossing  of  the 
Red  Sea  according  to  (1)  the  Song  of  Moses,  (2)  JE,  (3)  P     - 

APPENDIX  A. — Egyptian  History  in  Connection  with  the  Semites  - 
APPENDIX  B. — Traditions  and  Date  of  the  Exodus        .... 
APPENDIX  C. — ^The  Passover 


PAGES 


39-56 

57-60 
60-63 
63-68 


Chapter  IV 
Israel  in  the  Wilderness 

The  Three  Deliverers— The  Character  of  Moses — Israel  in  the  Wilderness  of 

Shur — The  gift  of  the  Manna — War  with  Amalek — Arrival  at  Sinai The 

Ton  Words— The  Book  of  the  Covenant — The  Tabernacle— The  Gk)lden 
Calf — Departure  from  Sinai — March  to  Kadesh — The  Spies — The  Forty 

Years  of  Wandering — RebeUions — March  to  the  Land  of  Promise 

Sihon — Og— Balaam— Baal  Peor— Settlement  of  Reuben  and  Gad- 
Death  of  Moses 


69-93 


Chapter  V 
The  Conquest  and  Settlement  of  Canaan 

Joshua  succeeds  Moses— Passage  of  the  Jordan— Joshua's  Vision— Jericho 
destroyed— Repulse  at  Ai— Sin  of  Achan— Assembly  at  Shechem— The 
Gibeonites  and  the  Five  Kings— Conquest  of  Judah— Victories  in 
Northern  Israel— Partition  of  the  Land — Last  Words  and  Death  of 
Joshuas-Construction  of  Book  of  Judges.  Tribal  History  :— I.  Reuben 
and  Gad  in  the  East^^ephthah  ;  n.  South- Western  Tribes-Judah 
and  Simeon  ; — m.  Benjamin — Ehud — The  Outrage  at  Gibeah  ;  IV. 
Northern  Tribes— Defeat  of  Sisera  ;  V.  The  House  of  Joseph- 
Gideon  ;  VL  The  Danites— Samson— The  Sanctuary  at  Dan.  Lessons 
of  the  Book  of  Judges — Story  of  Ruth 


94-127 


Chapter  VI 
Priest,  Prophet  and  King 


Eh  and  the  Sanctuary  at  Shiloh— Birth  of  Samuel— EU  warned- The  Loss  of 
the  Ark  and  Death  of  Eli— Adventures  of  the  Ark- Effects  of  its  Loss  on 
Israel— Samuel  and  the  Prophetic  Order— The  Demand  for  a  King— Life 
of  Saul— The  Kingship  essentiaUy  religious— Saul  chosen  King— 
DeUvers  Jabesh-GUead- Philistine  Wars— (a)  at  Michmash,  (6)  Ephes- 
dammim— Rejection  of  Saul— The  Amalekite  War— Early  Career  of 
David— Jonathan— David's  Wanderings— David  and  Achiah- Death 
and  Character  of  Saul— David's  Elegy 


Chapter  VII 
The  Reign  of  David 

The'^Divided  Kingdom — Ishbosheth — Ziklag  taken — David  King  at  Hebrpn 
— Battle  at  Helkath-hazzurim — Murder  of  Abner — and  of  Ishbosheth — 
Zion  taken — Philistines  defeated — Ark  brought  to  Jerusalem — Wars 
with  Moab,  Edom,  Ammon,  and  Syria — David's  sin — Amnon  and 
Absalom — David's  flight — Absalom  defeated  and  slain — Revolt  of  Sheba 
— David's  Old  Age — Solomon  proclaimed  King — Death  and  Character 
of  David  


PAGES 


165-192 


Chapter  VIII 
Solomon 

Probable  reasons  for  David's  choice  of  Solomon — Early  Years  of  his  Reign — 
Wars  in  Edom,  Syria,  and  Hamath — AUiance  with  Egypt — Solomon's 
Wisdom — Empire — Commerce — Fleet — His  Officers  and  Administra- 
tj"^n — His  Wealth  and  Magnificence — His  Wives — The  Temple — 
Phoenician  Craftsmen — The  visit  of  the  Queen  of  Sheba — Unpopu- 
larity of  Solomon — His  religious  apostasy — Solomonic  Literature — 
Effects  of  his  Reign 193-216 

Chapter  IX 

The  Disruption  of  the  Kingdom  and  the 

Baal   Worship 

Influence  of  the  Prophets — Rehoboam  and  Jeroboam — The  Southern 
Kingdom — The  Calf  Worship — Conservative  character  of  the  Revolu- 
tion— The  Disobedient  Prophet — Invasion  of  Shishak — Revolutions  in 
the  Northern  Kingdom — Asa,  the  reforming  King  of  Judah — Canaanite 
Idolatry  and  its  Influence— The  Accession  of  Omri — Samaria  built — 
Moabite  and  Syrian  Wars — Jezebel  and  the  Baal  of  Tyre — Sacrifice 
on  Carmel — Elijah  at  Horeb — Naboth's  Vineyard — Ascension  of  Elijah  217-243 

Chapter  X 

The  Syrians,  Assyrians,  and  the  Fall  of 
the  Northern  Kingdom 

Alliance  of  Israel  and  Judah — War  with  Mesha— The  Moabite  Stone— The 
Syrians  and  Israel — Ahab  and  Assyria — Death  of  Ahab — Elisha — 
Destruction  of  the  House  of  Ahab — Jehu  and  the  Baal  Worship — 
Dynasty  of  Jehu — The  Literary  Prophets — Amos  and  Hosea — Israel 
and  Syria  attack  Judah — History  of  Judean  Kings — Isaiah — ^The 
Assyrian  Army  in  Palestine— Fall  of  Samari*— Character  of  the  Northern 


128-164 


Kingdom 


244-278 


Contents 


I 


Contents 


XI 


Chapter  XI 
Hezekiah 

Judah  and  the  Fall  of  Samaria — Micah — Isaiah — Hezekiah — Reign  of 
Sargon — Merodach  Baladan — The  Egyptian  Alliance — Sennacherib — 
His  Invasion  of  Palestine — Panic  of  Judah — Submission  of  Hezekiah — 
His  Reforms — The  Passover  kept — Messianic  Hopes — Sennacherib's 
army  destroyed — The  Effects  of  Hezekiah's  Reign       .... 


PAQB3 


274-295 


Chapter  XII 
From    Manasseh  to  the  Captivity 

Reaction  and  Restoration  of  Corrupt  Worship — Literature  of  the  Period — 
Deuteronomy  —  Micah  and  Nahum  —  Jeremiah  —  Zephaniah  —  The 
Scythian  Invasion — ^The  Finding  of  the  '  Law  ' — Josiah's  Reforms — 
Jeremiah's  attitude  towards  them — His  Persecution — Jehoahaz  and 
Jehoiakim — Rise  of  Babylon — Parties  in  Judah — Reign  of  Jehoiakim — 
Jehoiachin  led  into  Captivity — The  Exiled  Jews 294-516 


Chapter  XV 
Jewish  History  to  the  Christian  Era 

PAQB8 
From  the  close  of  the  Canonical  history  to  Alexander  the  Great — Israel 

under  Greek  influences — ^The  revolt  of  Mattathias  and  his  sons — ^The 

Hasmouean  Princes — Rise  of  the  Herods  and  interference  of  the 

Romans— Judsea  under  Herod  the  Great 360-S78 


Chapter  XVI 
Jewish  Literature  and  Life 

The  development  of  the  Canon — ^The  Septuagint — The  Apocrypha — Rise  of 
Rabbinism  —  Pseudepigraphic  Literature  —  Apocalyptic  Writings  — 
Rise  of  Sects  in  Judaism  (a)  Ascetic  (Essenes  Therapeutae,  Dama- 
scenes, followers  of  the  Baptist),  (6)  Legalistic  (Pharisees  and  Sadducees) 


— The  Messianic  hope 


379-404 


Chapter  XIII 
The  Captivity 

Rise  of  Judaism — Zedekiah — BzeMel's  Visions — Siege  of  Jerusalem — 
Destruction  of  the  City  and  Temple — Jeremiah  remains  with  the  Exiles 
— Gkdaliah  and  the  Remnant — Flight  into  Egypt — The  Jews  in  Baby- 
lon— Ezekiel  and  the  New  Teaching — Ezekiel  Predicts  the  Restoration 
— His  Plans  for  the  New  Sanctuary  and  Priesthood — Growing  Con- 
sciousness of  Jehovah's  Majesty — The  Problem  of  Suffering — Job  and 
the '  Servant '  of  Jehovah — Psalms  of  the  Captivity — Summary    -        -  316-556 


Notes 

Appendix 

Index 


-  406-474 

-  476-478 

-  482-492 


Chapter  XIV 
The  Return  and  Settlement  in  Judaea 

Cyrus — Babylon  entered  by  Cyrus — Isaiah  IL — Edict  of  Cyrus — Judah 
during  the  Captivity — The  Return — Altar  set  up — Samaritans  rejected 
— ^The  Temple  Building  stopped — Darius — Temple  completed — Period 
of  Silence  B.C.  517-458 — Story  of  Esther — Mission  of  Ezra  to  Jerusalem 
— Nehemiah,  Sanballat  and  Tobiah — Restoration  of  the  Walls — Opposi- 
tion to  Nehemiah — Reading  of  the  Law — The  Solenm  Covenant  -        -  337-359 


Introduction 


Maps 

Possible   Routes   of    the    Israelites   at  the 

Exodus             -            -            -  To  face  p.    56 

The  Desert  and  the  Wanderings      -  -         „           72 

Nehemiah's  Ride  round  Jerusalem  -  -         „         353 

The  Physical  Features  of  Palestine  -  -            At  end 


XII 


Several  causes  combine  to  render  a  restatement  of  the 
facts  of  the  history  of  Israel  desirable.  Not  only  has 
much  light  been  thrown  upon  the  history  of  the  ancient 
East  by  recent  discoveries,  but  the  writings  of  the  Old 
Testament  under  the  searching  light  of  criticism  have  been 
made  to  appear  in  a  new  aspect.  A  few  years  ago  the 
historian  of  Israel  based  his  narrative  on  the  assumption 
that  an  ahnost  contemporary  record  of  Israel's  doings  had 
been  preserved,  at  any  rate  since  the  age  of  Moses.  The 
verdict  of  modern  scholars  is  that  much  that  was  assumed  to 
belong  to  remote  antiquity  is  in  reality  comparatively  modem. 

The  difference  between  a  non-critical  and  a  critical 
examination  of  the  early  books  of  Scripture  may  be  com- 
pared to  the  views  of  the  firmament  taken  by  an  unedu- 
cated person  and  by  a  trained  astronomer.  To  the  one 
every  star  seems  to  be  so  to  speak  fixed  in  the  solid  vault 
of  heaven,  the  other  knows  how  vast  is  the  distance  that  may 
part  two  luminaries  which  to  the  eye  stand  in  the  same 
plane.  In  like  manner  a  practised  critic  can  discern 
perhaps  in  a  single  chapter  the  thoughts  not  of  a  single 
individual  but  of  many  generations  of  men. 

So  much  has  been  written  on  the  so-called  "  Higher 
Criticism"  that  information  is  easily  accessible.  In  the 
present  work  it  is  not  necessary  to  do  more  than  to  make 
a  statement  of  the  case  in  a  simple  form. 

The  decision  of  modern  criticism  is  that  almost  every 
book  of  the  Old  Testament  shews  signs  of  being  composite 
in  character ;  the  work  of  several  authors  combined  by  one 
or  more  redactors.  In  a  sense  this  is  so  in  the  case  of  every 
historical  work.  No  historian  can  be  independent  of  the 
works  of  others.  His  function  is  to  make  enquiry,  to 
sift  statements  made  by  others,  before  presenting  his  own 


Necessity  for 
a  restatement 
of  tlie  history 
of  Israel 


Principles 
of  modem 
criticism 


B 


UU 


XIV 


Introduction 


01)jectlon  to 
tlie  modem 
method 


conclusions.  A  modern  author  generally  puts  his  own 
work  into  the  text  and  gives  his  authorities  in  notes  or 
appendices,  sometimes  quoting  a  passage  at  length  from  a 
work  he  ha^  consulted.  But  in  early  days,  when  books  were 
scarce,  authors  composed  their  works  for  the  information  of 
readers  who  cared  little  how  the  facts  were  collected;  no 
scruples  were  felt  in  copying  authorities  wholesale,  or  m 
combining  the    narratives    of    other    writers    without    any 

acknowledgment.  i       j    i. 

It  is  supposed  that  this  was  the  method  employed  by 
the  Biblical  writers,  nor  can  they  be  reasonably  blamed 
for  appropriating  the  labours  of  others,  since  they  wrote 
as  a  rule  anonymously,  with  the  sole  object  of  edifying 
and  informing  their  readers. 

It  is  the  duty  of  the  modern  critic  to  attempt  to  dis- 
cover the  process  by  which  the  book  before  him  has  been 
reduced  to  its  present  shape,  to  discern  what  is  really 
ancient,  what  is  more  recent,  and  what  parts  have  been 
supplied  by  its  latest  editor.  ^ 

A  possible  objection  to  this  method  is,  that  smce  all 
Scripture  is  given  by  inspiration  of  God,"  the  sacred 
writers  had  no  need  to  set  to  work  like  profane  historians, 
to  consult  traditions,  monuments,  writings,  and  the  like, 
but  had  only  to  set  down  that  which  they  were  moved 
by  God's  Holy  Spirit  to  write. 

This  objection  is  not  without  weight,  for  ^  sneers  at 
"theories  of  verbal  and  mechanical  inspiration"  are  often 
due  to  a  complete  failure  to  apprehend  the  seriousness  of 
the  question  at  issue,  and  are  of  no  assistance  to  those  who 
approach  the  criticism  of  the  Scriptures  with  any  apprecia- 
tion of  its  gravity.  But  the  answer  to  the  foregoing 
objection  is  supplied  by  the  sacred  writers  themselves 

In  the  later  books  they  do  not  scruple  to  acknowledge 
their  obligations  to  eariier  works.  From  the  first,  in- 
deed, there  is  evidence  of  what  may  be  styled  a  prebiblical 
literature,  consisting  of  books  like  those  of  the  'Wars 
of  Jehovah"  and  that  of  "Jashar."  The  task,  therefore, 
of  attempting  to  resolve  the  Scriptures  into  their  original 
component  elements  can  be  approached  without  either 
presumption  or  irreverence. 


Introduction 


XV 


Before  entering  upon  the   subject  of  the  date  or  origin  Argument  in 
of  various  portions   of   the   Old  Testament    Scriptures,   an  f*^®^  pf 
examination  of  the  opening  chapters  of  Genesis  may  illus-  aSrsWp 
trate    the    arguments  in  favour  of   a  composite  authorship  illustrated 
of  many  books  of  Scripture. 

The  story  of  Creation  is  told  in  the  first  chapter,  but  at 
ii.  4  another  account  is  begun.  In  the  opening  narrative 
it  is  God  (Elohim)  who  creates  the  heaven  and  the  earth, 
the  elements,  animals,  and  finally  man,  male  and  female. 
In  that  which  follows  the  Lord  God  (Jehovah-Elohim) 
forms  man  out  of  the  dust  of  the  ground,  and  Eve  out 
of  the  side  of  Adam. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  fourth  chapter  (vv.  16-18) 
there  occurs  a  pedigree  of  the  first  of  mankind  from  Cain 
to  Lamech  and  his  sons.  In  the  next  chapter  the  descent 
of  Lamech  from  Adam's  son  Seth  is  given.  It  can  hardly 
be  a  mere  coincidence  that  there  is  a  great  similarity 
in  the  names  of  the  patriarchs  in  these  two  lists;  and 
it  is  at  least  possible  that  two  documents,  distinct  though 
derived  from  a  common  tradition,  have  been  embodied  in 
the  text. 

On  reaching  the  account  of  the  Flood  the  twofold  char- 
acter of  the  narrative  is  evident.  In  Genesis  vi.  1-8  there 
is  a  description  of  the  wickedness  of  men  on  earth  and  the 
union  between  the  "sons  of  God"  and  the  daughters  of 
men.  Verse  9  begins  abruptly  with  the  formula,  ''These 
are  the  generations  of  Noah,"  as  though  a  new  subject  were 
being  introduced. 

Contradictions  also  occur.  In  one  place,  for  instance, 
it  is  said  that  all  the  animals  were  to  be  taken  into 
the  ark  for  preservation  in  pairs  (vi.  19,  20;  vii.  8); 
in  another,  Noah  is  commanded  to  choose  the  clean  beasts 
and  fowls  by  sevens  and  the  rest  of  the  beasts  by  twos 
(vii.  2).  The  rain  is  said  in  one  place  to  have  lasted  forty 
days  (vii.  12),  but  a  few  verses  later  one  hundred  and  fifty 
(vii.  24).  ^ 

In  Genesis  xii.  and  Genesis  xx.  there  are  two  accounts 
very  similar  in  character  of  an  imposture  practised  upon 
Pharaoh  in  Egypt  and  Abimelech,  King  of  Gerar,  and  the 
difference  in  phraseology  points  to  variety  of   authorship. 


XVI 


Introduction 


ii 


In  the  latter  chapter  there  is  a  studious  avoidance  of  the 
sacred  name  Jehovah,  which  is  habitually  used  in  the  other 

narrative. 

The  way  in  which  names  are  suddenly  introduced  into 
the  narrative  of  Genesis  without  explanation  favours  the 
view  that  the  book  is  of  composite  authorship.  Anyone 
who  has  tried  to  draw  up  a  statement  from  many  sources 
knows  that  it  is  easy  to  introduce  some  fresh  name  or 
incident  without  giving  the  reader  adequate  information. 
Every  historian  must  experience  the  difficulty  of  avoiding 
obscurity  when  he  has  to  compress  his  facts  into  a  small 
compass.  One  of  the  most  familiar  scriptural  difficulties 
is  to  be  explained  in  this  way.  Since  the  time  of  St 
Augustine  at  least,  the  mention  of  Cain's  wife  (Gen.  iv.  17) 
has  caused  perplexity.  On  the  supposition  that  the  author 
of  Genesis  had  several  documents  treating  of  primitive 
history  before  him,  and  that  in  the  work  of  condensation 
he  omitted  the  mention  of  Cain's  marriage,  the  difficulty 
would  certainly  be  lessened,  though  even  then  it  would 
hardly  disappear.  Later  in  Genesis,  Deborah  the  nurse 
of  Rebekah  is  suddenly  mentioned  by  name  as  dying 
at  Bethel,  but,  save  for  a  passing  allusion  in  Gen. 
xxiv.  59,  nothing  is  said  of  her  in  the  previous  narra- 
tive. She  was  evidently  a  person  of  importance,  and 
played  her  part  in  patriarchal  history,  but  for  some 
reason  the  story  of  what  she  did  was  omitted.  Enough, 
however,  has  been  said  to  shew  that  the  theory  that 
Genesis  has  been  compiled  from  many  sources  is  tenable. 
In  addition  to  this,  the  linguistic  peculiarities  observable 
in  different  passages  throughout  this  book  have  enabled 
critics  to  disintegrate  the  various  strands  with  which  the 
whole  story  has  been  woven. 

The  three  main  strands  are  these : 

I.  Genesis  i.  has  several  distinctive  peculiarities  which, 
stands"  of  ceasing  with  chapter  ii.  3,  reappear  throughout  the  fifth 
itive  In  chapter.  In  the  account  of  the  Flood,  vi. — ix.,  the  same 
features  are  observable,  sometimes  in  passages  several 
verses  in  length,  at  others  in  single  sentences.  They  are 
recognisable,  being  characterised  by  a  preference  for  syste- 
matic  arrangement,  a   love  of  precision,  repetition  of   the 


.-all 


Introduction 


xvn 


?l 


M 


same  phrases,  and  a  tendency  to  supply  dates,  measurements 
and  particular  details.  There  is  further  to  be  noticed  a 
legal  or  sacerdotal  mode  of  thought  as  seen  in  the  laws 
and  "covenants"  in  chapter  ix.  Lastly,  the  sacred  name 
is  avoided  because,  according  to  this  same  document,  it  was 
not  revealed  till  the  days  of  Moses  (Ex.  vi.  3). 

II.  In  the  second  account  of  the  Creation  a  very  different 
character  of  writer  is  revealed.  He  is  in  many  respects 
more  interesting  than  his  predecessor.  His  temper  is 
neither  scientific  nor  legal,  but  it  is  eminently  artistic. 
His  views  of  God,  whom  he  always  names  as  Jehovah, 
are  somewhat  primitive.  But  the  simplicity  of  this  author's 
mind  is  full  of  charm.  It  is  to  him  we  owe  some  of  the  most 
beautiful  parts  of  Genesis,  and  it  may  be  added  glimpses 
of  a  deep  insight  into  such  awful  questions  as  those  of  the 
nature  of  God,  the  heinousness  of  sin,  the  hope  of  redemption. 

III.  In  the  twentieth  chapter  another  writer  makes  his 
appearance.  In  many  respects  he  closely  resembles  the  author 
who  has  just  been  discussed,  but  he  reveals  certain  marks 
of  individuality.  He  does  not  make  use  of  the  sacred 
Name,  and  dwells  much  on  the  appearances  of  angels, 
whom  he  generally  makes  intermediaries  between  God  and 
man.  He  is  particularly  interested  in  the  origin  of  the 
Northern  tribes,  and  is  careful  to  shew  that  Reuben  and 
not  Judah  took  the  lead  among  the  sons  of  Jacob. 

There  are  traces  of  still  earlier  writers  in  Genesis.      It   Traces  of 
incorporates  old  poems,  unintelligible  in  their  present  posi-   ®^iy  ^ocu- 
tion,  Hke  the  song  of  Lamech  (Gen.  iv.  23,  24) ;  fragmentary  ^tf^'f^ 
genealogies,  like  those  of  Lamech's  sons  (ib.  19-22);  ancient 
sayings  and  place-names  round  which  stories  have  gathered  ; 
poems  handed  down  in  Israel  (Gen.  xlix.)  ;  detached  historical 
fragments  (Gen.  xiv.). 

Nor  is  this  all.  The  discoveries  of  the  lofft  civilisations 
of  Chaldea  and  Egypt  prove  that  some  of  the  stories 
enshrined  in  the  first  book  of  the  Bible  belong  to  an 
antiquity  even  more  remote  than  the  first  days  of  Israel ; 
and  it  seems  almost  certain  that  the  writers  used  in  the 
composition  of  Genesis  were  acquainted  with  them. 

In  the  early  days  of  Biblical   criticism  an  attempt  was  Unity  of  plan 
made    to   argue   that    Genesis   was    not   a   composite  work  in  Genesis 


XVlll 


Introduction 


|i 


Inspiration 


because  of  the  unity  of  plan  observable  throughout.  This 
is  undeniable.  The  man  to  whom  we  owe  the  present 
form  of  the  book  undoubtedly  had  a  distinct  object  in  view 
when  he  compressed  the  copious  material  at  his  disposal 
into  the  fifty  chapters  of  Genesis.  In  a  few  pages  he  has 
given  a  survey  of  the  past  of  his  nation  in  such  a  way  that 
to  readers  in  every  age  the  characters  he  depicts  are  more 
familiar  than  those  of  the  greatest  of  their  own  country- 
men. What  a  grand  picture  is  that  of  the  patriarch 
Abraham  !  Where  is  there  a  more  subtle  delineation  of 
character  than  that  of  Jacob  ?  Does  any  story  equal  the 
account  of  Joseph  making  himself  known  to  his  brethren? 
The  fact  that  the  writer  used  many  authorities  should  add 
to,  rather  than  lessen  our  admiration  for  his  work. 

Still  the  question  arises  how  far  the  researches  of  a 
student  are  compatible  with  the  notions  current  concerning 
the  nature  of  inspiration.  What  claim,  it  may  be  asked, 
can  men,  who,  like  other  historians,  have  gathered  together 
their  materials  and  put  them  into  literary  form,  have  to  be 
considered  as  peculiarly  inspired  by  God's  Spirit? 

In  answer  to  this  it  may  be  urged  that  the  greatest  pro- 
ductions of  the  human  mind  have,  as  a  rule,  been  the  result 
of  strenuous  effort  and  careful  preparation.  Yet  the  pro- 
duction of  the  improvisatore  sometimes  excites  more  vulgar 
admiration  than  that  of  one  who  has  "  a  capacity  for  taking 
infinite  pains." 

Creative  genius  may  be  so  far  identified  with  our  concep- 
tion of  "inspiration,"  that  in  both  something  indefinable 
from  without  seems  to  make  a  man  accomplish  more  than 
his  unaided  nature  is  capable  of.  But  just  as  genius  when 
combined  with  strength  of  character  and  determination  pro- 
duces infinitely  better  work  than  when  it  manifests  itself  in 
a  transitory  form,  so  the  highest  form  of  inspiration  may  well 
accompany  earnest  effort  and  firm  purpose  to  declare  the 
truth.  The  compiler  of  such  a  book  as  Genesis  may  have 
been  more  truly  inspired  in  his  labours  than  one  "  falling 
into  a  trance,  yet  having  his  eyes  open."  Why  need  the 
presence  of  God's  Spirit  be  denied  in  assisting  such  a  writer 
to  select,  classify  and  arrange  the  best  information  he  possessed, 
if  the  result  justifies  such  a  claim  ?    The  value  of  the  work 


Introduction 


XIX 


is  not  lessened  because  the  critical  spirit  of  the  present  day 
has  succeeded  in  discovering  its  original  sources.  The  sun 
shines  none  the  less  brightly  because  the  spectroscope  has 
discovered  the  elements  of  which  it  is  composed.  The  history 
of  the  growth  of  the  historical  and  prophetical  literature  is, 
moreover,  not  merely  an  account  of  individuals,  but  of  a 
Church.  The  Bible  grew  with  the  ever-developing  religious 
consciousness  of  Israel.  By  modern  methods  we  are  able  to 
discern  not  only  how  inspired  books  were  composed,  but  how 
the  spiritual  life  in  God's  people  developed  from  its  earliest 
stages. 

It  need  not  be  added  that  the  question  of  the  date  of  the 
compilation  of  a  biblical  work  does  not  affect  its  intrinsic 
worth.  Genesis  is  equally  beautiful  whether  it  issued  from 
the  hands  of  Moses  in  its  present  form,  or  whether  it  was  not 
fully  completed  till  after  the  Captivity. 

The  question  of  the  date  of  the  component  parts  of  Genesis  The  symboto 
cannot  be  raised  without  referring  to  the  rest  of  the  Penta-   ^»  •^'  ^ 
teuch,  and  to  later  history. 

The  symbols  by  which  the  three  main  strands  are  desig- 
nated are  P,  J  and  E. 

The  letter  P  is  applied  to  the  source  of  Genesis  i., 
because  it  is  supposed  to  be  part  of  a  work  embracing  the 
tradition  and  law  of  the  priests  at  Jerusalem. 

J  is  assumed  to  be  part  of  a  historical  work  written  in 
Judah,  and  the  author  is  sometimes  called  the  Jehovist 
from  his  preference  for  the  Sacred  Kame. 

E  is  assigned  to  the  Northern  Kingdom  after  the  division  of 
the  tribes,  and  the  writer  is  styled  "the  Elohist,"  because  he  uses 
the  word  God  (Elohim)  if  possible  instead  of  the  Sacred  Name. 

But  the  two  last-named  documents  cannot  always  be 
separated  from  one  another,  and  the  symbol  JE  is  used  to 
denote  them  as  distinguished  from  P. 

Roughly  speaking,  the  first  four  books  of  the  Bible  are 
made  up  of  J,  E  and  P,  with  a  few  editorial  additions.  In 
the  fifth  a  new  and  most  important  factor  appears. 

The  book  of  Deuteronomy  (in  Hebrew  called  "  These  are  The  Deutero- 
the  Words,"  from  the  opening  words  of  the  first  chapter)  con-  nomiat  (D) 
sists  mainly  of  hortatory  addresses  by  Moses  to  the  Israelites, 
delivered  on  the  eve  of  their  crossing  the  Jordan  to  enter 


XX 


Introduction 


Xzaxnples  of 

oomposite 

narratiTM 


Canaan.  But  these  breathe  the  spirit  of  a  very  different  age, 
and  it  is  now  generally  agreed  that  the  book  was  composed  by 
the  prophetical  party  in  Jerusalem  in  the  seventh  century  B.c. 

Assuming  the  correctness  of  this  classification,  the  question 
of  the  respective  dates  of  J,  E  and  P  has  to  be  approached. 

The  first  thing  to  be  observed  in  the  first  chapters  of 
Deuteronomy  is  that  the  narrative  of  JE  is  known  to  the 
writer,  but  he  betrays  an  ignorance  of  P. 

This  will  be  at  once  evident  when  the  three  narratives 
of  the  spying  out  of  the  land  of  Canaan  are  compared. 

JE. 

Numbers  xiii.,  xiv. 

V.  22.  The  spies  went 
to  Hebron  as  far  as  the 
brook  Eshcol  (23),  and 
cut  a  cluster  of  grapes. 
They  returned  to  Kadesh 
(26)  and  made  their  re- 
port When  the  people 
murmured,  Caleb  tried  to 
still  them  (30),  and  for 
his  fidelity  he  is  promised 
an  inheritance  in  the 
land  which  he  had  spied 
out  (xiv.  24). 

{N.B. — The  inheritance 
of  the  Calebites  was 
afterwards  near  Hebron.) 

It  must  here  be  evident  that  the  original  story  is 
amplified  by  additions  in  P,  and  that  Deuteronomy  shews 
no  acquaintance  with  these  amplifications.  It  might,  how- 
ever, be  maintained,  and  not  without  reason  if  this  were 
but  a  single  instance,  that  P  had  preserved  an  equally 
pure  tradition  and  had  not  deliberately  improved  on  an 
earlier  narrative;  but  the  contrary  seems  to  be  shewn  by 
the  three  following  examples.  In  the  two  first  the  additions 
of  P  are  designed. 

Exodus  vii.— Ths  First  Plague. 


P. 

Numbers  xiii.,  xv. 

The  spies  searched 
the  whole  of  Canaan 
as  far  as  Hamath 
in  the  extreme 
north  (21)  for  forty 
days.  They  came 
to  Moses  in  the 
wilderness  of  Paran 
(26).  Caleb  and 
Joshua  proved 
faithful  (xiv.  6), 
and  were  promised 
inheritances  (xir. 
30). 


D. 

Deuteronomy  i. 

Spies  sent  from 
Kadesh  -  Barnea 
(19).  They  go  to 
the  Valley  of 
Eshcol  (24). 
Caleb  is  the  only 
faithful  spy  (36). 
Joshua  is  to  enter 
the  Promised  Land 
as  leader  (38). 


JE. 
w.  15-18.  Moses  is  ordered  to 
stand  by  the  Nile  with  his  rod,  and 
thewaters  of  the  Nile  are  to  be  turned 
into  blood,  v.  24,  To  get  water  the 
Egyptians  dig  pits  near  the  Nile 
and  obtain  clear  water  by  filtration. 


P. 

V.  19.  Moses  is  ordered  to 
send  Aaron  with  his  rod.  Not 
only  the  waters  of  the  Nile 
become  blood,  but  all  the  water 
in  the  land  of  Egypt— contra- 
dicting V.  24. 


i 


■^ 


Introduction 


XXI 


Exodus  xiv.— Passage  of  the  Red  Sea. 


JE. 

V.  19.  The  Pillar  of  Cloud 
divides  Israel  and  Egypt  all  the 
night.  V.  21b.  The  sea  goes  back 
by  an  east  wind.  v.  24.  In  the 
morning  Jehovah  looks  forth  and 
troubles  the  Egyptians.  They 
flee  from  Israel,  v.  27b.  The  sea 
returns  in  its  strength.  Jehovah 
overthrows  the  Egyptians  in  the 
midst  of  the  sea. 

The  story  of  the  rebellion  of  Korah,  Dathan  and  Abiram 
shews  how  two  distinct  narratives  have  been  fused  into  one. 
The  Psalmist  wrote  before  the  fusion  took  place.  Korah 
is  not  mentioned  in  the  early  narrative. 


P. 

V.  21.  The  sea  is  made  dry 
land  and  the  waters  are  divided 
(22).  The  Israelites  go  through  : 
the  waters  are  as  a  wall.  v.  26. 
When  Israel  has  passed  over, 
Moses  stretches  forth  his  hand. 
V.  28.  The  waters  return  and 
overwhelm  the  Egyptians. 


JE. 


V.  1.  Dathan 
and  Abiram  rebel 
against  Moses,  v. 
12.  Moses  summons 
them  only.  v.  27. 
Dathan  and  Abir- 
am alone  stand  at 
the  tent  door. 


Numbers  xvi.— Korah, 

Psalm  cvi.  17. 
(Based  on  JE.) 

**The  earth 
opened  and 
swallowed  up 
Dathan,  and 
covered  the 
company  of 
Abiram." 


Dathan  and  Abiram. 

P.  N.T. 

Korah  a  Levite  (Knowing 

is     associated  narrative  as  it 

throughout  now  stands.) 

with        Dathan  Only     men- 

and  Abiram,  and  tions       Korah 

rebels      against  (St  Jude  11). 
the  ecclesiastical 
authority    of 
Aaron. 

Thus  we  have  proof  that  JE  is  older  than  Deuteronomy, 
henceforth  called  D,  and  that  P  is  later  than  either. 
Out  of  a  mass  of  arguments  in  favour  of  this  view  two  may 
here  be  introduced. 

That  D  is  later  than  JE  may  be  shewn  from  the  fact 
that  whereas  D  repeatedly  insists  that  there  is  only  ono 
place  where  sacrifices  can  legally  be  ofiered  to  Jehovah,  J 
and  E  betray  no  knowledge  of  such  a  command.  This 
creates  a  presumption  in  favour  of  both  J  and  E  being 
earlier  than  D. 

That  D  is  earlier  than  P  is  shown  by  the  way  in  which 
these  documents  allude  to  the  priesthood.  In  D  all 
Levites  are  apparently  priests,  as  the  constantly  recurring 
phrase  "  the  priests,  the  Levites "  testifies ;  but  in  the 
legislation  of  P  great  care  is  taken   to  draw  a  distinction 


XXll 


Introduction 


literature 


between  the  ti-ibe  of  Levi  and  the  sons  of  Aaron,  who  alone 
are  allowed  to  execute  the  priestly  functions. 

These  are  after  all  but  a  few  instances,  and  the  theory 
of  the  relative  position  of  P,  D,  and  JE  to  one  another 
does  not  simply  depend  on  these  examples.  It  is  rather 
the  result  of  a  large  amount  of  evidence,  much  of  which 
taken  alone  seems  trifling  and  over  ingenious,  but  collectively 
is  almost  overwhelming, 
perloda  Granting,  however,  that  these  three  main  documents  of 
In  Hebrew  the  Hexateuch  (for  as  they  are  continued  in  the  book  of 
Joshua  this  name  has  taken  the  place  of  the  more  familiar 
Pentateuch)  have  been  correctly  arranged,  it  is  permissible 
to  regard  each  as  representing  a  period  in  Hebrew  literature. 

From  the  days  of  the  patriarchs  downwards  there  is  no 
reason  why  the  chosen  people  should  not  have  had  a 
literature  of  their  own.  Long  before  the  accepted  date 
for  the  conquest  of  Palestine  by  Joshua,  its  inhabitants 
were  accustomed  to  correspond  with  their  overlords  the 
Pharaohs  of  Egypt.  The  recent  discoveries  at  Tel-el- 
Amama  have  revealed  a  collection  of  tablets  written  in 
cuneiform  recording  the  diplomatic  relations  between  the 
Egyptian  court  and  the  petty  kings  of  Southern  Canaan. 
A  town  in  this  district  was  actually  called  Kiriath-sepher 
(the  **  city  of  the  book ").  An  Israelite  tribe  is  especially 
mentioned  as  famous  for  its  scribes  in  a  poem  composed 
very  soon  after  the  settlement  in  Palestine. 

But  whilst  there  is  no  presumption  against  the  possibility 
of  an  early  Hebrew  literature,  there  is  no  'proof  of  its 
existence  till  the  eighth  and  ninth  centuries  B.C.  Strangely 
enough,  the  first  specimen  of  Hebrew  of  undoubted 
antiquity  is  Moabite.  The  famous  inscription  of  Mesha 
recording  his  victories  over  Israel,  written  in  Hebrew,  so 
resembles  the  style  of  the  narratives  in  the  book  of  Kings 
as  to  warrant  the  assumption  that  a  prose  literature  existed 
at  this  period  among  the  Hebrew  nations,  including  Israel. 

The  prophecy  of  Amos,  the  earliest  undoubted  literary 
production  of  Israel,  is  about  two  generations  later  than 
the  Moabite  Stone.  Even  if  allowance  is  made  for  inter- 
polations, the  major  portion  of  the  book  bears  upon  it  the 
stamp  of  genuineness,  as  it  refers  to  a  condition  of  things 


Introduction 


xxiu 


only  possible  during  the  first  half  of  the  eighth  century. 
But  Amos  assuredly  does  not  address  an  ignorant  or 
unlettered  people.  His  prophecy  is  carefully  elaborated ; 
it  abounds  in  allusions  presupposing  a  considerable  know- 
ledge of  the  history  and  geography  of  Israel  and  the 
neighbouring  peoples.  He  assumes  that  his  hearers  are 
well  acquainted  with  the  doings  of  their  ancestors,  and 
with  the  ancient  laws  of  Israel.  That  Amos  lived  in  a 
literary  age  there  can  be  no  doubt,  and  everything  points 
to  the  existence  of  earlier  writings  than  this  prophecy. 

"Whether  J  or  E  is  the  elder  document  cannot  be  finally 
decided,  but  neither  is  much  later  than  B.C.  770 ;  possibly 
they  belong  to  the  previous  century,  or  to  an  even  earlier 
period.  Their  writers  naturally  used  even  earlier  material. 
Two  works,  "The  Book  of  the  Wars  of  Jehovah"  and 
"The  Book  of  Jasher,"  are  quoted  by  name.  Poems  like 
part  of  the  Song  of  Moses  and  Miriam  and  the  Song  of 
Deborah  go  back  to  the  primitive  ages,  and  some  of  the 
legislation  of  the  Wanderings  has  survived.  It  is  necessary 
also  to  bear  in  mind  that  in  ancient  times,  especially  in  the 
East,  mental  activity  does  not  begin  with  literature.  Tales 
were  and  are  still  handed  down  from  mouth  to  mouth  with 
almost  verbal  accuracy.  Poems  were  composed,  circulated 
and  preserved  without  ever  being  committed  to  writing. 
Memory  strengthened  by  constant  practice  almost  supplied 
the  place  of  written  documents.  There  is  consequently  little 
reason  to  doubt  that  at  any  rate  from  the  days  of  the 
Exodus,  if  not  earlier,  the  Hebrews  preserved  records  of  their 
race  in  song  and  story. 

This  national  tradition  is  the  source  of  the  narrative  of  JE 
and  other  writers  of  the  same  periods.  To  understand  their 
standpoint  it  is  necessary  to  review  the  condition  of  life,  thought 
and  religion  in  Israel  in  the  eighth  or  ninth  century  B.C. 

The  Hebrews  were  by  this  time  a  warlike,  energetic  First  period 
and  powerful  people,  who,  after  many  vicissitudes,  had  of  surviving 
obtained   the   hegemony    among   the   nations   in    Palestine.      ^  ^^^ 


They  were  divided  into  two  rival  kingdoms,  that  in  the 
north  being  by  far  the  most  powerful.  They  were  mono- 
theists  in  religion — that  is  they  believed  that  they  were 
forbidden   to  worship  any  God  save  their  own  Jahveh  or 


literature 


XXIV 


Introduction 


Introduction 


XXV 


Jihveh,  known  to  us  as  Jehovah.  The  more  enlightened 
Israelites  believed  Him  to  be  the  only  true  God,  but  the 
majority  regarded  Him  as  their  national  Deity,  probably 
as  not  materially  different  from  the  gods  by  whom  other 
nations  were  ruled. 

Jehovah  was  worshipped  in  many  ways.  At  some 
places  His  image  in  the  form  of  a  bull  was  set  up.  At 
others  He  was  adored  on  the  top  of  a  solitary  hill ;  trees, 
wells  and  rocks  were  also  His  sanctuaries.  Possibly  the 
purest  form  of  religion  existed  at  Jerusalem,  where  was 
the  great  Temple  of  the  Southern  Kingdom ;  but  this  is 
by  no  means  certain.  In  Central  and  Northern  Palestine 
many  religious  ordinances  had  been  borrowed  from  the 
customs  of  the  older  Canaanite  inhabitants  of  the  land. 

Still,  despite  the  many  resemblances  with  the  religions 
of  the  neighbouring  nations,  the  worship  of  Jehovah  by 
the  Israelites  had  certain  unique  characteristics.  In  the 
first  place,  it  was  generally  acknowledged  that  Jehovah 
had  brought  the  Israelites  out  of  bondage  in  Egypt,  and 
kept  them  in  the  wilderness  for  forty  years  in  order  that 
they  might  be  His  people.  The  land  they  occupied  was 
His  gift ;  the  laws  they  lived  under  were  His  laws.  As 
Jehovah's  people,  Israel  was  not  allowed  to  consider  itself 
like  other  nations ;  it  had  peculiar  privileges  and  also 
responsibilities.  For  years  prophets  had  been  sent  by 
Jehovah  to  remind  Israel  of  these,  and  to  reprove  the 
people  if  they  were  unfaithful  to  their  God. 

Those  who  recorded  the  history  of  the  past  did  so  with 
the  object  of  shewing  how  the  power  of  Jehovah  had  been 
manifested  in  ancient  days.  They  dwelt  on  the  choice 
of  the  patriarchs  and  on  the  way  they  had  been  protected 
against  all  perils,  on  the  wonderful  deliverance  from  the 
Egyptian  bondage,  and  on  the  Divine  mercies  shewn  in  the 
days  of  the  Kings,  when  Jehovah  vindicated  His  power  in 
Israel  against  Baal.  But  their  method  of  relating  facts  is 
comparatively  simple.  There  is  what  may  be  termed  an 
almost  secular  tone  in  some  of  their  narratives.  The  story 
of  Abimelech  in  the  Judges,  for  example,  is  a  relation 
of  bare  facts.  The  writer  desired  to  inform  rather  than  to 
edify.      The  same    perhaps  is   the  case   with   the  accounts 


of  Jephthah.  The  lament  of  David  over  Saul  and 
Jonathan,  quoted  from  the  book  of  Jasher,  has  provoked 
comment  because  of  its  secular  tone.  A  man  like  David 
might  be  expected  to  "  improve  the  occasion."  Israel's 
defeat  and  the  death  of  its  king  might  well  have  been 
attributed  to  Jehovah's  anger  at  the  sins  of  the  people. 
But  this  is  exactly  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  his  age. 
David  expressed  the  grief  he  felt  so  keenly,  but  neglected 
(and  not  unnaturally)  to  draw  the  expected  moral.  The 
same  is  observable  in  the  Song  of  Deborah.  Jehovah's 
power,  it  is  true,  is  celebrated,  and  the  victory  attributed 
to  Him ;    but  no  word  is  said  of  Israel's  repentance. 

In  the  same  way,  though  idolatry  is  condemned  in  the 
literature  of  this  age,  ritual  offences  are  generally  ignored ; 
for,  to  speak  generally,  the  object  of  the  writers  was  to 
relate  the  story  of  Israel,  dwelling  indeed  on  the  power  of 
Jehovah,  but  not  troubling  to  discuss  whether  either  the 
nation  or  individuals  were  worthy  of  blame  or  not. 

The  Assyrians  came ;  and  the  earthly  glory  of  Israel  Age  of  the 
vanished.  The  Northern  Kingdom  was  annihilated,  and  Deuterono- 
the  Southern  shrunk  to  a  district  containing  a  few  towns  °"^^ 
and  villages  around  Jerusalem.  The  religious  teachers 
of  the  nation  were  increasingly  impressed  with  the  idea 
that  all  the  calamities  of  Israel  were  a  proof  of  the  anger 
of  Jehovah.  They  saw  in  the  past  continued  proofs  of 
His  loving-kindness  and  the  perversity  of  Israel.  History 
became  a  homily  on  this  subject.  The  narratives  and 
legends  preserved  in  earlier  writings  were  made  to  assume 
a  didactic  form.  The  reign  of  Solomon,  which  had  been 
to  earlier  generations  a  dream  of  all  that  was  glorious,  was 
made  to  teach  a  more  sombre  lesson.  The  prayer  put  into 
the  king's  mouth  on  the  occasion  of  the  dedication  of  the 
Temple  is  full  of  gloomy  forebodings;  the  disruption  of 
the  kingdom  of  David  is  attributed  to  Solomon's  apostasy 
in  his  later  years ;  even  the  wild  age  of  the  Judges  is  made 
to  point  its  moral.  The  troubles  which  then  afflicted 
Israel  are  all  traced  to  acts  of  religious  apostasy,  nor 
did  deliverance  come  till  repentance  was  manifested. 
Throughout  the  historical  books  of  Scripture  the  hand 
of  the  moralists  of  this  age  is  traceable.      This  tendency 


XXVI 


Introduction 


II 


received  its  greatest  impulse  by  the  discovery  of  the  "  book 
of  the  law  "  in  the  house  of  Jehovah,  which  produced  such 
an  extraordinary  effect  in  the  reign  of  Josiah.  That  the 
book  of  Deuteronomy  is  meant  no  one  can  doubt,  but 
there  is  a  considerable  variety  of  opinion  as  to  the  date  of 
its  composition.  On  the  one  hand,  it  certainly  bears  on 
its  surface  much  that  can  be  more  easily  explained  by 
being  assigned  to  the  days  of  Manasseh,  than  to  those 
of  Moses.  On  the  other,  there  is  a  most  natural  repug- 
nance to  attribute  one  of  the  most  earnest  and  spiritual 
books  in  Holy  Scripture  to  one  who  used  the  venerable 
name  of  Moses  to  advance  his  own  opinions. 

The  dilemma  is  not  easy  to  escape  from,  and  perhaps  the 
only  way  is  candidly  to  admit  that  such  a  literary  artifice 
is  not  as  abhorrent  to  Orientals  as  it  would  be  to  us. 
For,  whoever  he  was,  the  author  or  authors  of  Deuteronomy 
were  men  of  deep  piety.  In  the  person  of  Moses, 
making  his  farewell  address  to  Israel  on  the  plains  of 
Moab,  he  urges  the  importance  of  the  love  of  Jehovah 
with  evangelical  fervour.  He  preaches  love  by  means 
of  the  law  which  had  been  given  to  Israel,  reminding 
his  readers  constantly  of  Jehovah's  mercies  towards  His 
people. 

But  he  is  deeply  depressed  by  the  ruin  impending  over 
his  people  in  his  old  age.  The  condition  of  the  country, 
with  the  kingdom  of  Israel  destroyed,  and  that  of  Judah 
about  to  fall,  fills  him  with  sorrow.  Like  his  predecessors 
in  the  prophetic  office  (for  he  certainly  possessed  the  gift), 
the  author  of  Deuteronomy  attributed  the  disasters  of  his 
country  to  the  perversion  of  the  Jehovah-worship  at  the 
different  local  sanctuaries.  There  had  for  some  time  been 
a  growing  feeling  that  nothing  could  remedy  the  state  of 
affairs  but  a  return  to  the  condition  of  things  in  the  days 
of  Moses,  when  Israel  had  but  one  tabernacle.  It  was 
assumed  that  Jehovah  had  specially  chosen  Jerusalem  for 
His  worship,  and  that  no  sacrifice  made  elsewhere  could 
be  legal.  Hence  the  insistence  throughout  Deuteronomy 
that  Israel  might  not  offer  a  sacrifice  or  keep  a  feast  save 
at  the  place  which  Jehovah  should  choose. 

This   Deuteronomic  spirit  constantly  appears  throughout 


Introduction 


xxvii 


J, 

■* 


i 


% 

'i 


the  books  from  Joshua  to  Kings,  and  the  extraordinary 
impression  made  by  this  teaching  is  observable  in  the 
books  of  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel.  The  phraseology  of  the 
school  is  quite  unmistakable. 

The  last  school,  the  Priestly,  arose  during  the  Captivity. 
At  this  time  the  nation  was  ruined,  but  the  Church 
remained.  An  ecclesiastical  spirit  began  to  pervade 
Jewish  thought.  Even  the  influence  of  the  house  of 
David  waned  before  that  of  the  High  Priest.  The 
pioneers  of  the  new  movement  were  the  exiled  priests 
of  the  fallen  Temple  of  Jerusalem.  It  was  apparently 
inaugurated  by  Ezekiel,  when,  at  the  conclusion  of  his  book, 
he  described  the  restoration  of  the  city  and  Temple.  One 
of  its  main  features  was  to  be  the  rigid  limitation  of  the 
priestly  office  to  the  sons  of  Zadok,  the  ancient  priesthood 
of  Jerusalem,  and  the  relegation  of  the  Levites,  who  had 
hitherto  acted  as  priests,  to  humbler  duties  at  the  sanctuary. 
The  result  of  this  movement  was  the  Priests'  Code,  which 
was  not  so  much  a  promulgation  of  new  laws  as  the 
publication  of  a  priestly  tradition  preserved  at  Jerusalem 
stretching  back  ultimately  even  to  the  age  of  Moses,  but 
now   adapted  to  the  requirements  of  a  new  age. 

The  tendency  of  the  historians  who  came  under  the 
influence  of  this  movement  was  to  make  events  as  far  as 
possible  square  with  their  ideas  of  how  the  worship  of 
Jehovah  ought  to  have  been  conducted  in  early  days.  The 
most  striking  example  is  found  in  the  book  of  Chronicles. 
The  book  of  Kings,  written  under  the  influence  of  the 
Deuteronomists,  points  out  how  the  sin  of  such  a  king 
as  Solomon  brought  its  punishment,  but  relates  without 
comment  that  the  monarch  himself  officiated  at  the  dedica- 
tion of  the  Temple.  The  priesthood  is  almost  ignored.  In 
the  book  of  Chronicles,  on  the  other  hand,  the  priests  take 
the  lead  at  the  dedication,  and  the  Levites,  in  due  sub- 
ordination, conduct  the  musical  parts  of  the  service  and 
minister  to  the  priests ;  but  nothing  is  said  to  the  discredit 
of  Solomon.  His  munificence  and  scrupulous  fulfilment 
of  the   Law  alone  are  mentioned. 

To  these  priestly  writers  the  latter  part  of  Exodus,  all 
the  purely  legal  matter  in  Numbers,  and  all  the  book  of 


The  PrieBtly 
Scliool 


XXVIU 


Introduction 


Introduction 


XXIX 


Racapltnla- 

tlon 


Leviticus,  are  due.  Their  influence  is  felt  in  Genesis,  and 
parts  of  Joshua  are  attributable  to  them.  Their  earliest 
work  is  the  last  part  of  Leviticus,  xix.-xxvi.,  now  commonly 
called  the  "  Law  of  Holiness,"  which  marks  the  transition 
from  the  Deuteronomic  to  the  priestly  style. 

To  recapitulate :  there  are  three  distinct  strata  in  the 
composition  of  the  historical  books  of  the  Old  Testament, 
which  may  be  here  considered  to  extend  from  Genesis  to 
Chronicles  in  the  English  Bible. 

(1)  The  Jehovist  and  Elohist  writers,  historians  rather 
than  moralists,  but  deeply  impressed  by  the  Majesty  of 
Jehovah.  To  them  are  due  most  of  the  vivid  and  picturesque 
narratives  in  the  Old  Testament.  They  give  us,  for  example, 
the  adventures  of  the  patriarchs,  the  deeds  of  Jehovah 
in  Egypt  and  in  the  wilderness,  the  exploits  of  the  Judges, 
the  wonderfully  frank  delineation  of  David's  character,  the 
missions  of  Elijah  and  Elisha,  the  fall  of  the  Baal  wor- 
shippers. Whether  the  writers  are  the  relaters  of  the 
story  in  the  Hexateuch,  or  the  collectors  of  the  tales  of 
the  Judges,  or  biographers  of  David  or  Elisha,  their  spirit 
is  the  same. 

The  Law  as  known  to  these  writers  is  the  Book  of 
the  Covenant  in  Exodus  xx.-xxiv.  The  prophets  who 
represent  them  are  Amos,  Hosea,   Micah  and  Isaiah. 

(2)  The  Deuteronomistic  writers  are  chiefly  interested 
in  moral  questions.  Their  style  is  hortatory ;  to  them 
history  is  a  text  for  a  discourse.  Their  work  includes  the 
greater  part  of  Deuteronomy  and  most  of  the  exhortations 
in  the  book  of  Joshua,  the  religious  "setting"  of  Judges, 
parts  of  Samuel,  the  view  of  Solomon's  reign  given  in 
Kings,  etc.  The  chibf  prophetic  writings  of  this  school 
are  Jeremiah  and  the  main  part  of  Ezekiel.  Its  Law  is 
found  in  Deuteronomy,  and  its  main  object  is  to  safeguard 
the  purity  of  the  sacrificial  worship  of  Jehovah  by  restricting 
it  to  one  place. 

(3)  The  Priestly  revisers  of  the  laws  of  Israel  paid  most 
attention  to  ritual.  They  intruded  their  views  on  chronO' 
logy,  the  account  of  the  Creation  and  the  Flood,  the 
covenants  of  God  with  the  patriarchs,  etc.,  into  the  book 
of  Genesis.     In  Exodus  their  hand  is  seen  from  the  first 


value  of 
Bible  noordi 


in  the  desire  to  make  Aaron  (the  ancestor  of  the  priests)  the 
equal  of  Moses.  It  is  they  who  have  recorded  the  con- 
struction of  the  Tabernacle,  the  orders  of  the  priestly  and 
Levitical  families,  the  sacrificial  system  of  the  sanctuary, 
the  mode  of  observing  the  festivals.  In  Joshua  they  have 
named  the  districts  assigned  to  the  tribes.  Judges,  Samuel 
and  Kings  have  been  hardly  touched  by  these  revisers,  but 
the  book  of  Chronicles,  an  expurgated  version  of  Samuel 
and  Kings  adapted  to  the  peculiar  views  of  this  school, 
furnishes  the  best  example  of  its  method.  The  prophetic 
writings  are  Ezekiel's  concluding  chapters,  xl.-xlviii.,  Haggai, 
Zechariah  i.-viii.,  and  Malachi. 

One  important  point  remains  to  be  discussed,  namely,  the  Historieal 
historical  value  of  the  Biblical  records. 

It  must  be  evident  to  any  one  who  endeavours  to  construct 
the  story  of  Israel  from  the  Old  Testament  that  the  task  is  a 
hard  one.  The  writers  have  not  merely  collected  a  number 
of  documents ;  they  have  used  them  for  purposes  of  instruc- 
tion. All  the  Israelite  teachers  recognised  that  the  story  of 
their  race  was  of  value  to  reveal  God's  dealing  with  man,  and 
they  made  use  of  it  accordingly.  Much  of  what  seemed  to 
them  not  to  be  profitable  for  edification  they  omitted,  and 
consequently  there  are  gaps  in  the  narrative  most  perplexing 
to  the  historian. 

In  addition  to  this  there  is  very  little  information  outside 
the  Bible  to  be  obtained.  The  Israelites  are  said  by  some 
to  be  mentioned  by  Menephtah  IL,  whom  some  suppose  to 
be  the  Pharaoh  of  the  Exodus,  about  B.C.  1250.  Shishak 
records  an  invasion  of  Palestine  alluded  to  in  1  Kings. 
The  Moabite  Stone  relates  the  victories  of  Moab  over  "the 
son  of  Omri."  An  Assyrian  inscription  mentions  Ahab,  and 
another  Jehu.  Except  the  late  accounts  of  the  Exodus 
given  by  heathen  writers  and  reproduced  by  Josephus 
there  are  no  other  direct  allusions  to  Israel  before  the 
eighth  century,  and  by  that  time  the  Northern  Kingdom, 
the  greater  part  of  the  nation,  was  on  the  verge  oi 
destruction. 

The  Bible  is  therefore  practically  the  sole  source  of  in- 
formation for  most  of  Israel's  history,  and  its  testimony  even 
on  these  grounds  is  of  the  highest  importance.     The  docu- 


XXX 


Introduction 


Miracle  and 
prophecy 


mentary  theory  furnishes  scope  for  a  certain  amount  of  critical 
discernment.  It  continually  suggests  the  question  whether 
the  view  taken  of  certain  events  is  that  of  the  age  in  which 
they  occurred  or  of  some  subsequent  period.  The  narratives 
in  the  Chronicles  are  an  extreme  example  of  this,  as  in  them 
the  characters  give  expression  to  the  feelings  of  the  Judaism 
of  the  fourth  century  B.C.,  and  are  veritably  lay-figures  when 
compared  with  the  vigorous  personalities  portrayed  in  Kings. 
A  less  striking  but  more  suggestive  instance  is  the  story  of 
Jeroboam's  religious  apostasy  related  in  1  Kings  xii.-xiv. 
It  is  pervaded  by  the  idea  that  Jehovah  could  be  rightly 
worshipped  at  but  one  sanctuary,  an  idea  peculiar  to  the 
Deuteronomic  period  after  the  appearance  of  the  Assyrian 
invaders  in  Israel  (that  is  between  738-600  B.C.). 

Under  these  circumstances  a  good  deal  of  conjecture  is 
allowable,  but  its  results  can  never  take  the  place  of  historical 
statements.  Truly  ingenious,  for  instance,  is  Stade's  theory 
that  the  Israelites  settled  at  first  in  the  district  round 
Mahanaim  and  Penuel  to  the  south  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee ; 
that  they  crossed  the  Jordan  in  small  parties  near  Jezreel 
and  acquired  tracts  of  land  by  purchase,  till  they  were  strong 
enough  to  suppress  the  Canaauites.  But  such  a  hypothesis 
rests  on  nothing  but  conjecture  and  the  skilful  manipulation 
of  a  few  scattered  notices,  whereas  the  accepted  account 
of  crossing  the  Jordan  near  Jericho  is  supported  by  the 
traditions  preserved  not  in  one  but  in  several  documents. 
That  there  are  diflSculties  in  the  Biblical  narrative  of  tlie 
event  cannot  be  denied,  but  the  presence  of  contradictions 
real  or  apparent  need  not  make  tradition  valueless,  and  it 
is  frequently  the  case  that  the  discovery  of  fresh  evidence 
has  re-established  a  tradition,  which  had  been  pronounced  by 
experts  to  be  incredible.  Unless  there  is  positive  evidence 
against  any  tradition  it  should  meet  with  respect,  and 
this  rule  applies  with  special  force  to  the  sacred  Scriptures  of 
Israel. 

Miracle  and  prophecy  play  an  important  part  in  the 
history  of  the  Hebrews.  The  whole  question  is  one  of 
extreme  difficulty,  and  perhaps  it  is  enough  here  to  remark 
that  though  the  human  mind  under  the  influence  of  modern 
ideas  has  the  greatest  difficulty  in  believing  in  any  intervention 


Introduction 


XXXI 


in  the  course  of  nature,  no  one  has  ever  been  able  to  prove 
that  it  has  never  been  interrupted.  A  purely  rationalistic 
account  of  such  a  people  as  Israel  is  not  likely  to  give  a 
correct  impression.  As  far  back  as  the  evidence  for  the 
belief  of  the  Israelites  goes,  the  nation  believed  its  existence 
to  be  supernatural.  It  was  convinced  that  it  was  like  no 
other  nation,  but  had  been  specially  chosen  by  an  act  of  the 
Divine  Will.  The  knowledge  of  Jehovah  was  believed  to  be 
due  to  successive  acts  of  self-revelation  on  His  part.  All 
this  is  just  as  supernatural  as  anything  which  the  Hebrews 
recorded  as  evidences  of  God's  power.  It  is  therefore  not  to 
deny  the  miraculous  to  attribute  many  supposed  miracles  to 
natural  causes,  or  to  question  the  credibility  of  others  on  the 
ground  of  the  possibility  of  those  who  saw  or  reported  them 
having  been  mistaken.  It  is  the  same  with  prophecy — to 
use  the  word  in  its  most  restricted  sense  of  foretelling  the 
future.  In  two  particular  cases,  at  least,  the  record  of  a 
prediction  does  seem  to  be  later  than  the  fulfilment,  but  this 
need  not  hinder  the  belief  that  God  did  supernaturally  reveal 
His  will  to  Israel. 

Indeed,  the  wonderful  story  of  the  chosen  people  is  itself  The  greatatl 
a  greater  miracle  than  any  exhibition  of  Divine  power  it  miracle  tlie 
records.  It  is  absolutely  unique  in  the  history  of  humanity,  gliyei^®™" 
No  nation  can  shew  a  record  in  any  way  resembling  it.  That 
a  people  possessing  their  full  share  of  human  frailty,  not 
naturally  given  to  idealism,  nor  easily  touched  by  appeals  to 
their  better  nature,  with  apparently  no  special  aptitude  for 
religion,  but  hard-hearted  and  stiff-necked  as  their  teachers 
describe  them,  should  have  existed  for  ages  without  country, 
or  sanctuary,  or  any  external  coercion,  simply  for  an  idea, 
would  be  incredible  if  it  were  not  a  fact.  That  the  extra- 
ordinary tenacity  with  which  the  Jews  have  clung  to  their 
nationality  and  institutions  was  due  to  a  discipline  which 
probably  began  in  Egypt  in  the  thirteenth  century  B.C.  or 
earlier,  and  ended  not  much  more  than  a  century  after  the 
foundation  of  Rome,  is  almost  beyond  belief  and  yet  is  sober 
truth.  That  the  literature  produced  by  such  a  people  should 
have  had  more  influence  on  the  mind  of  man  than  any  other 
would  not  be  so  strange  but  for  the  fact  that  after  the  close 
of  the  canon  no  Hebrew  literature  has  nossessed  anv  interest 


XXXll 


Introduction 


for  the  mass  of  humanity — a  circumstance  only  explicable  on 
the  assumption  that  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament  contain 
a  Divine  message  to  mankind.  All  these  things  point  to  the 
fact  that  throughout  its  long,  eventful  and  painful  story 
Israel  has  been  upheld  by  some  external  power  not  its  own ; 
and  that  the  Jew  has  outlasted  so  many  proud  empires  and 
ancient  races  is  a  miracle  beside  which  the  mere  drying  up 
of  the  Red  Sea  that  his  ancestors  might  escape  from  Egypt, 
need  hardly  cause  more  than  a  passing  feeling  of  surprise. 


A    Brief  Sketch    of  the   History    of 

Israel 


Based  on  an  Analysis  of  the  Books  of  the 

Hebrew  Canon 


Since  there  is  so  much  dispute  as  to  the  real  significance  of 
the  history  of  Israel  as  related  in  the  canonical  books  of  the 
Hebrew  Scriptures,  and,  alas,  such  wide-spread  ignorance 
as  to  their  contents,  I  think  it  may  be  helpful  to  the  student 
to  add  a  short  summary  of  the  history  of  Israel  as  it  is  related 
in  the  Bible.  For  this  purpose  I  have  taken  the  books  con- 
taining historical  material  mainly  in  the  order  in  which  they 
occur  in  the  Hebrew  (not  the  English)  Bible,  and  have  briefly 
summarised  each,  in  order  to  shew  that,  whatever  may  be  the 
conclusions  at  which  we  are  compelled  to  arrive  regarding  the 
sources  from  which  they  derived  their  information,  those  to 
whom  we  owe  the  Bible  in  its  present  form  had  a  distinct 
conception  of  their  own  of  the  course  of  events,  and  arranged 
the  historical  portions  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  in  such  a  way 
as  to  bring  out  the  lessons  they  desired  to  inculcate. 

The  divisions  into  which  the  sacred  books  of  the  Jews  fall 
are :  I.  The  Law,  consisting  of  the  Pentateuch ;  II.  T?ie 
Prophets,  (a)  "the  earlier"  historical,  (6)  "the later"  hortatory  ; 

III.  The  Writings,  (a)  poetical,  (6)  festal,  (c)  historical,  relating 
to  the  Captivity  and  Return,  including  {d)  a.  revised  summary 
of  history  known  as  the  Chronicles.     To  these  may  be  added  : 

IV.  The  Apocryphal  Writings,  which  are  regarded  canonical 
in  the  older  branches  of  the  Church. 

xxxiii 


» 


Genesis 


XXXV 


I 

THE    LAW 


Hebrew,  Torah 

Genesis 

Hebrew,  "In  the  beginning"  (Bereshith).     Greek,  FcVco-ts. 

I. — XT.  Primitive  History. — The  Creation  of  the  world  and  of  the 
vegetable  and  animal  kingdom  culminating  in  the  creation  of  man 
in  God's  image.  Man  placed  in  the  Garden  of  Eden,  the  Fall  and 
the  Curse  with  the  promise  of  Redemption.  The  death  of  Abel  and 
the  rejection  of  Cain.  Two  antediluvian  pedigrees  :  (1)  of  the  de- 
scendants of  Cain,  the  builders  of  cities  and  inventors  of  the  arts  of 
life  ;  (2)  of  Adam  and  Seth,  a  series  of  ten  patriarchs,  the  chief  of 
whom  are  Adam,  Seth,  Enoch,  and  Noah.  The  wickedness  of  man 
now  becomes  so  great  that  a  Flood  is  threatened  and  Noah  warned 
to  build  the  Ark.  A  twofold  narrative  of  the  Flood.  The  Covenant 
of  God  with  Noah,  and  Noah's  prediction  of  the  fate  of  his  three 
sons,  Shem,  Japheth,  and  Ham  the  father  of  Canaan.  A  survey  of 
the  nations  of  the  world  as  descendants  of  Japheth,  Ham  and  Shem, 
The  presumption  of  man  in  building  Babel  (Babylon)  and  its  tower, 
and  the  confusion  of  tongues.  A  genealogy,  constructed  on  the 
same  plan  as  that  from  Adam  to  Noah,  from  Shem  to  Terah  and  his 
three  sons,  ten  generations. 

XII. — XXV.  10.  Abram  or  Abraham. — Abram,  as  he  is  called 
down  to  the  changing  of  his  name  in  xvii.  5,  with  his  nephew  Lot 
leaves  Haran  owing  to  a  Divine  command  and  enters  "  the  Land," 
halting  by  the  terebinth  of  Moreh  near  Sichera.  He  builds  an  altar 
between  Bethel  and  Ai,  and  advances  southward  to  the  Negeb  or 
desert  country  south  of  Judah.  He  visits  Egypt  (Mizraim)  and 
returns  to  Bethel.  There  ho  gives  Lot  the  choice,  who  selects  the 
plain  or  circuit  of  Jordan  and  dwells  in  Sodom.  Abram  removes 
to  Hebron.  Promises  are  made  to  Abram  by  God  on  entering  the 
Land  and  on  his  return  from  Egypt.     Then  follows  a  supplementary 

xxxiv 


chapter  describing  how  Abram  delivers  Lot  from  Chedorlaomer  and 
his  confederates,  and  is  blessed  by  Melchizedek,  King  of  Salem. 
God  makes  a  covenant  with  Abraham  and  he  receives  the  promise 
of  a  son.     First  a  son  is  bom  by  his  handmaid  Hagar  the  Egyptian 
(Mizrith),  and  when  Ishmael  was  thirteen  years  of  age  the  covenant 
of  circumcision  is  given.     The  three  Heavenly  Visitants  appear  to 
Abraham  and  promise  that  Sarah,  his  true  wife,  shall  have  a  son. 
Abraham  intercedes  for  Sodom,  the  doom  of  which  is  next  described 
together  with  the  deliverance  of  Lot,  who  at  Zoar  begets  two  sons, 
Moab   and   Ammon.     Abraham   visits   Abimelech,   king   of   Grerar, 
after  which  Isaac  is  born  and  Hagar  and  Ishmael  thrust  out  into 
the  wilderness  of  Beersheba,  where  an  angel  succours  them  and  tells 
Hagar  that  Ishmael  will  become  "  a  great  nation. "    The  temptation 
of  Abraham  follows  and  the  supreme  proof  of  his  faith  in  offering 
Isaac  is  rewarded  by  a  great  promise.     Sarah's  death  is  the  occasion 
of  Abraham  buying  the  field  and  cave  of  Machpelah,  the  burying 
place  of  the  patriarchs,  from  Ephron  the  Hittite.     The  servant  of 
Abraham  is  sent  by  his  aged  master  to  Mesopotamia,  the  home  of 
the  family,  to  choose  a  wife  for  Isaac,  and  he  meets  with  Rebekah 
the  granddaughter  of  Abraham's  brother  Nahor.     Abraham  is  next 
described  as  taking  Keturah  to  wife  and  becoming  the  father  of  six 
nations  whose  descendants  were  known  as  the  "Sons  of  the  East." 
He  died  at  the  age  of  175. 

XXV.  11 — XXVIII.  Ishmael  and  Isaac  :  birth  of  Jacob  and 
Esau. — "The  generations  of  Ishmael"  shew  that  this  patriarch 
begat  "twelve  princes"  who  dwelt  "from  Havilah  to  Shur  that 
is  before  Egypt."  The  strife  between  Esau  (Edom)  and  Jacob 
(Israel)  began  in  the  womb  ;  and  Jacob  in  early  life  purchased  the 
birthright  from  his  brother.  We  are  next  told  how  he  obtained 
the  blessing  by  fraud,  and  escaped  from  Esau  to  Bethel,  where  he 
saw  the  vision  of  angels  and  made  a  solemn  vow  to  make  Bethel  his 
sanctuary. 

XXIX. — XXXI.  Jacob  and  Laban. — Jacob  comes  to  Haran,  and 
at  the  well  he  meets  Leah  and  Rachel.  He  serves  Laban  for  his 
daughters,  and  eleven  of  the  patriarchs  and  a  daughter  Dinah  are 
bom  to  him.  Jacob's  skill  as  a  shepherd  makes  him  wealthier 
than  Laban,  and  fearing  his  father-in-law's  jealousy  he  escapes  and 
crosses  the  Euphrates.  Laban  pursues  him  to  Mount  Gilead,  and  a 
covenant  is  made  between  Jacob  and  Laban,  the  Israelites  and 
Aramaeans,  at  Gal-'ed,  or  Jegar-sahadutha. 

XXXII. — XXXVI.  Jacob  in  Palestine  ;  Esau. — This  section  deals 
with  the  third  generation  of  the  chosen  race.  Jacob  on  leaving 
Laban  appears  at  Mahanaim  and  sends  messengers  to  Esau.  At 
Penuel  (or  Peniel)  he  wrestles  with  a  mysterious  Visitant  and 
receives  his  blessing  and  the  name  of  Israel.     After  the  meeting 


XXXV 


Genesis 


with  Esau  Jacob  goes  to  Succoth,  and  afterwards  crosses  the  Jordan 
and  settles  at  Shechem  where  he  purchases  land  from  Hamor  the 
father  of  Shechem.  Shechem  humbles  Dinah,  Jacob's  daughter  ;  a 
treaty  is  made  between  the  Shechemites  and  Jacob  ;  but  Simeon 
and  Levi  avenge  the  insult  to  their  sister.  Jacob  accordingly 
goes  to  Bethel,  and  at  Ephrath  Rachel  dies  in  giving  birth  to 
Benjamin.  Isaac  dies  and  Esau  and  Jacob  bury  him  in  the  cave  of 
Machpelah  near  Hebron.  This  section  concludes  with  the  "genera- 
tions of  Esau, "  a  list  of  the  sons  of  the  patriarchs  and  of  the  "dukes" 
and  kings  of  Edom. 

XXXVII. — XXXVIII.  The  generations  oj  Jacob. — There  is  an 
account  of  two  sons  of  Jacob  :  Joseph,  the  favourite  son,  who  is 
betrayed  and  sold  by  his  brethren  into  Egypt  (Mizraim)  ;  and 
Judah,  whose  sons  Er  and  Onan  are  cut  off  for  their  sins.  The 
story  of  Tamar  the  wife  of  Er  is  then  related,  and  the  birth  of  her 
twin  sons  by  Judah,  Pharez  and  Zarah. 

XXXIX. — L.  The  Israelites  in  Egypt. — Joseph's  fidelity  to 
Potiphar  leads  to  his  being  cast  into  prison,  where  his  tnist worthi- 
ness still  wins  him  favour.  He  interprets  the  chief  butler's  and 
b€fcker's  dreams,  and  when  Pharaoh  hears  of  his  fame  and  receives 
good  advice  he  sets  Joseph  over  Egypt.  The  famine  takes  place  as 
Joseph  had  predicted,  and  his  brethren  come  down  to  Egypt.  Joseph 
by  his  prudent  management  purchases  all  the  land  during  the 
famine  for  Pharaoh.  Jacob  comes  down  with  his  whole  family  and 
is  settled  in  Goshen  "in  the  land  of  Rameses. "  Jacob  falls  sick  in 
Egypt  and  is  visited  by  Joseph,  who  brings  him  his  two  sons, 
Manasseh  the  elder,  and  Ephraim  the  younger.  Jacob  blesses 
them  and  sets  Ephraim  before  Manasseh.  Then  the  patriarch 
assembles  his  twelve  sons  and  declares  what  will  happen  to  them 
"in  the  last  days."  Jacob  dies,  and  Joseph  embalms  the  body 
and  takes  it  to  Hebron  to  bury  in  Machpelah.  When  Joseph  dies 
he  makes  his  brethren  swear  that  they  will  take  his  bones  out  of 
Egypt. 


Exodus 

Hebrew,  "Names"  (Shemoth).     Greek,  "EfoSos. 

I- — II-  The  oppression  0/  Israel  and  Birth  of  Moses. — The 
Israelites  multiply  so  rapidiy  that  the  "new"  king  of  Egypt  who 
knew  not  Joseph  becomes  alarmed.  First  he  oppresses  the  people 
and  makes  them  build  the  cities  Pithom  and  Raamses,  then  he  orders 
the  midwives  to  slay  the  male  children  as  soon  tis  they  are  bora, 
and  finally  he  commtmds  the  Israelites  to  cast  their  sons  into  the 


Exodus 


XXXVll 


river.  Moses,  however,  is  saved  by  Pharaoh's  daughter,  brought 
up  as  her  son,  and  when  he  is  grown  up  defends  the  oppressed 
Israelites,  escapes  to  Midian  and  becomes  the  son-in-law  of 
Jethro. 

III. — XI.  The  revelation  to  Moses  ;  Moses  and  Aaron  in  Egypt. — 
In  the  wilderness  of  Horeb  God  appears  to  Moses  in  the  burning 
bush,  reveals  His  Name  JHVH,  and  promises  deliverance  for  Israel. 
Moses  is  given  signs  and  Aaron  is  to  be  his  spokesman.  The  people 
believe  when  they  hear  the  words  of  God's  messengers.  Pharaoh, 
however,  only  adds  to  the  labours  of  the  people,  and  Moses  remon- 
strates with  God.  Again  the  Name  is  revealed.  Jehovah  declares 
to  Moses  '  See  I  have  made  thee  a  god  to  Pharaoh,  and  Aaron 
thy  brother  shall  be  thy  prophet,'  and  sends  them  again  to 
Pharaoh.  Nine  of  the  ten  plagues  foUow,  but  Pharaoh  remains 
stubborn. 

XII. — XV.  22.  The  Passover  and  the  Exodus. — The  story  of  the 
tenth  plague  is  prefaced  by  the  legislation  for  the  observance  of 
the  feast  of  the  Passover  and  that  of  ^lnleavened  bread.  In  accord- 
ance with  these  laws  Moses  order  the  elders  to  observe  the  feast, 
and  on  the  same  night  the  slaying  of  the  firstborn  compels  Pharaoh 
to  allow  the  Israelites  to  depart.  The  people  journey  from  Rameses 
to  Succoth.  More  paschal  laws  and  the  command  to  sanctify  the 
firstborn  interrupt  the  narrative  of  the  journey  from  Succoth  to 
Etham  on  the  edge  of  the  wilderness.  Pharaoh  regrets  allowing  the 
people  to  depart  and  pursues  them,  with  the  result  that  his  army  is 
lost  in  the  Yam-Suph  (Red  Sea).  The  section  concludes  with  a 
Song  of  Triumph. 

XV.  23 — XIX.  The  Journey  to  Sinai  ;  the  Theophany. — The  Israel- 
ites enter  the  wilderness  of  Shur  and  come  to  Marah  and  Elim.  On 
the  15th  day  of  the  second  month  they  are  in  the  wilderness  of  Sin. 
Here  the  quails  are  sent  and  the  manna  given.  The  rock  in  Horeb 
is  smitten,  and  the  place  is  called  Masaah  and  Meribah.  The 
Amalekites  are  defeated,  and  Moses  visited  by  his  father-in-law, 
Jethro.  In  the  third  month  the  people  encamp  before  Sinai,  and 
prepare  for  the  Theophany. 

XX. — XXIV.  The  Covenant. — The  ten  commandments  (ten  words) 
are  spoken  by  God  Himself,  and  then  the  Israelites  beg  that  the  rest 
of  the  Law  may  be  spoken  to  Moses.  Moses  then  enters  "the  thick 
darkness"  and  receives  the  earliest  legislation,  which  from  its 
solemn  inauguration  with  the  sprinkling  of  blood  is  called  "The 
Book  of  the  Covenant. "  Moses  and  his  minister,  Joshua,  now 
ascend  the  mount. 

XXV. — XXXI.  The  Tabernacle  and  Priesthood. — Instructions  are 
given  for  making  the  Tabernacle  and  for  the  consecration  of  Aaron 
and  his  sons  as  its  priests.     The  law  of  the  Sabbath  is  renewed,  and 


XXXVlll 


Exodus 


Moses  is  given    "the  two  tablets  of  testimony  written  with  the 
finger  of  God. " 

^^  XXXII.— XXXIV.  Moses'  descent  from  the  Mount ;  The  other 
ten  words.  "—Aaron  makes  the  golden  calf,  which  the  people  are 
worshippmg  as  Moses  with  Joshua  descends  the  mountain  The 
*".u  ^!  ^^^'  ^^^®  vengeance  upon  the  people.  God  again  talks 
with  Moses,  who  asks  to  see  His  Glory.  Moses  makes  new  tables 
and  God  writes  on  them  ten  other  conmiandments.  When  Moses 
returns  after  this  vision  with  the  "ten  words"  inscribed  by  God  in 
his  hands  he  has  to  veil  his  face  because  of  its  brightness. 

XXXy.— XL.  The  Making  of  the  Tabernacle.—Uosea  assembles 
the  people  and  enjoins  the  observance  of  the  Sabbath,  and  com- 
mands them  to  make  the  Tabernacle.  When  all  is  prepared  it  is 
commanded  to  be  raised  up  ;  Aaron  and  his  sons  are  consecrated'; 
and  the  "cloud  of  the  Lord"  covers  the  Tabernacle 


Leviticus 

Hebrew,  "And  he  called  "  (VVayyikra).     Greek,  A^vltlk 


ov. 


The  book  is  m  no  sense  historical  but  purely  legislative,  there 
bemg  only  two  historical  portions  :    viz.   the  consecration  of  the 
pnests  and  the  death  of  Aaron's  eldest  sons  Nadab  and  Abihu 
^"^""f  ^',^1,        punishment  of  a  blasphemer  (xxiv.  10-23) 
wft^Lr^'fi  ""^.^  ^""'^  8ections.-(A)  chs.  i.-xvi..  Legal  :  dealing 

with  Sacrifices,  portions  reserved  for  the  priests,  animal  food  clean 
and  unclean,  purification,  leprosy,  the  ceremonies  of  the  Day  t^ 
Atonemen^     (B)  chs.  xvii.-xxvi..  Hortatory  :    called  the  Law  o 
Holiness  (Das  Heihgkeagesetz)  because  of  its  insistence  on  holines^-^ 
partly   ceremomal   and  partly  moral-as  a  quality  demanded  of 
Israel   by  Jehovah.     This  section   treats  of  ^the  legal "er  o 
slaughtermg  anunals  for  food,  unlawful  marriages  and  ^cZtitv 
regulations  mainly  ethical,  laws  for  preserving  the  peclZt^^; 
of  the  priests,  a  calendar  of  sacred  seasons,  the  Sabbatical  yea   and 
the  jubile  :    a  hortatory  conclusion. 

Strange  to  say  the  Levites  are  never  mentioned  in  this  book. 


Numbers 

Hebrew,  "In  the  wilderness"  (Bemidhbar).     Greek,  'Apc^^ot'. 

The  fourth  book  of  Moses  deals  with  a  definite  period  of  historv 

th?den^r""f  "''''t  ^^^^^-g»^*  years.     The  first  WstoricaleTent 
the  departure  from  Smai,  takes  place  on  the  first  day  of  the  second 


Numbers 


XXXIX 


month  of  the  second  year  of  the  Exodus,  Aaron  dies  on  the  first 
day  of  the  fifth  month  of  the  fortieth  year,  after  which  the  Israelites 
encamp  on  the  Plains  of  Moab,  and  the  wanderings  are  ended.  The 
book  opens  with  a  census  of  the  twelve  tribes,  hence  the  Greek  Jews 
gave  it  the  name  of  'ApiO/xoi  Despite  many  legislative  interruptions 
a  distinct  historical  narrative  runs  through  the  book. 

I. — X.  10.  The  Israelites  prepare  to  start  from  Sinai  on  their  march 
to  Kadesh. — The  people  are  numbered,  the  Levites  appointed  their 
stations,  and  the  order  of  march  arranged.  The  chieftains  make 
their  offerings  at  the  Tabernacle,  a  second  passover  is  held,  and 
one  a  month  later  for  those  who  had  been  imable  to  keep  the  feast. 
The  silver  trumpets  are  made  and  directions  given  as  to  how  thev 
are  to  be  blown  on  the  march.  (A  great  deal  of  legislation  is 
introduced  into  this  section.) 

X.  1 1 — XIX.  The  march  to  Kadesh  and  Israel's  failure  to  enter  the 
Land  :  Korah's  rebellion. — The  people  leave  the  wilderness  of  Sinai 
for  that  of  Paran,  where  the  cloud  which  guided  them  rests  once 
more.  Hobab,  the  son  of  Moses'  father-in-law,  Raguel,  becomes 
their  guide.  At  Taberah  the  people  are  coxisumed  by  fire,  and  at 
Kibroth-hattaavah  by  plague.  Aaron  and  Miriam  murmur  against 
Moses  before  the  wilderness  of  Paran  is  reached.  The  spies  arc 
sent,  and  the  people  defeated  in  their  attempt  to  enter  the  land  at 
Hormah.  Korah,  Dathan  and  Abiram  rebel  against  Moses  and  are 
punished. 

XX. — XXI.  The  passing  away  of  the  older  generation  and  the  march 
from  Kadesh  to  Eastern  Palestine. — Miriam  dies  in  Kadesh,  and 
Moses  and  Aaron  give  offence  by  striking  the  rock  at  the  Water  of 
Meribah  (but  see  Ex.  xvii.  7).  The  embassy  to  Edom  and  the 
journey  to.  Mt.  Hor,  where  Aaron  dies,  and  Arad  the  Canaanite 
defeats  the  Israelites.  The  people  march  to  the  Red  Sea  (the  Gulf 
of  *Akabah)  avoiding  the  territory  of  Edom.  On  the  journey  the 
fiery  serpents  are  sent  to  punish  the  murmuring  of  the  people.  The 
itinerary  is  given  till  the  passing  of  the  Amon.  Then  Israel  en- 
camps in  the  valley  of  Moab  and  defeats  Sihon,  the  Amorite  king 
who  had  conquered  much  of  the  Moabite  territory,  and  Og,  king  of 
Bashan. 

XXII. — XXXVI.  Israel  in  the  plains  of  Moab. — Balaam  is  sum- 
moned by  Balak,  King  of  Moab,  to  curse  the  people,  but  fails  ;  the 
people,  however,  join  with  the  Moabites  (xxv.  1)  and  the  Midianites 
{w.  6,  14,  17)  in  idolatry,  and  impurity  at  Baal-peor.  Some  legis- 
lation, a  numbering  of  the  people,  and  the  law  of  female  inheritance, 
as  illustrated  by  the  case  of  the  daughters  of  Zelophehad  (ch.  xxvii.), 
follows  ;  and  the  Midianites  are  punished  for  having  instigated  the 
sin  of  Peor  at  the  suggestion  of  Balaam  (xxxi.  16).  The  Reubenitos 
and  Gadites  are  given  an  inheritance  on  the  east  of  Jordan  on 


xl 


Numbers 


condition  that  they  assist  in  the  conquest  of  Western  Palestine.  The 
stations  of  the  joumeyings  in  the  wilderness  6u:e  given,  and  Eleazar 
the  priest  anrl  Joshua  are  ordered  to  divide  the  Land. 


Deuteronomy 

Hebrew,  "Words'*  (Debharim).     Greek,  Acvrcpovofiiov. 

This  is  not  in  any  sense  an  historical  book  and  it  covers  a  period 
of  at  most  a  few  days  duration.  It  is  really  a  prophetical  rather 
than  a  book  of  laws,  being  the  last  discourses  of  Moses,  in  which  he 
is  represented  as  repeating  some  of  the  legal  enactments,  hence  the 
Greek  translators  happily  named  it  the  second  law  {Sevrepovo/xLov)^ 
The  main  object  of  the  book  is  to  exhort  the  people  to  remain  true  to 
Jehovah.  There  is,  however,  a  short  historical  retrospect  which, 
like  the  laws  differ  somewhat  from  that  in  the  earlier  books. 
In  this  book  Moses  delivers  three  discourses.  ^ 

(o)  I.  6 — rV.  40.  He  describes  the  journeys  in  the  wilderness 
to  their  close  and  exhorts  the  people  not  to  forget  what  they 
had  been  commanded  in  Horeb. 

{b)  V. — XXVI.  Legislation,  beginning  with  a  hortatory 
discourse,  inculcating  the  theocratic  principles  on  which  the 
polity  of  Israel  was  based  (v. — xi.),  and  ending  with  a  code  of 
laws.  These  laws  are  to  be  formally  accepted  in  Palestine 
(xxvii.)  and  dreadful  penalties  will  follow  disobedience  (xxviii.). 

(c)  Moses'  third  discourse  (XXIX. — XXXI.)  his  farewell  to  the 
people  and  the  dehvery  of  the  Law  to  the  priests.  The  book 
concludes  with  Moses'  song  and  blessing  of  the  tribes  and  the 
ascent  of  Pisgah,  the  view  of  Palestine,  and  the  death  of  the 
Lawgiver  (XXXII.— XXXIV.). 

We  now  pass  from  the  Law,  the  first  division  of  the 
Hebrew  Canon,  to  the  Prophetical  Books,  the  four  earlier  of 
which  are  historical. 


^From  Deut.  xvii.  18,  to  ScvTcpovd/xiov  tovto,  the  Hebrew  of  which, 
says  Driver,  signifies  **a  repetition,  i.e.  copy  of  this  law. "  {Intro- 
ductiorii  p.  65  note.) 


II 
THE    PROPHETS 


Hebrew,  Nebi'im 
(the  four  earlier) 

Joshua 

Greek.  'Irjaovs  Nav^. 

This  book  is  so  much  a  continuation  of  the  five  books  of  Moses 
that  modem  scholars  include  it  with  them  and  speak  of  a  Hexateuch 
instead  of  a  Pentateuch.  In  the  Jewish  Canon,  however,  it  is 
regarded  as  a  prophetical  book. 

It  is  evidently  a  continuation  of  the  Law  and  begins  with  a  con- 
junction "now"  or  "and,"  as  do  Judges,  Samuel  and  Kings.  The 
book  falls  into  three  main  divisions.  (1)  I. — XI.  An  account  of  the 
conquest  of  Canaan  ;  (2)  XII.— XXII.  The  division  of  the  Land  ; 
(3)  XXIII. — XXIV.  The  last  discourses  of  Joshua  and  the  deaths  of 
Joshua  and  Eleazar. 

(1)  The  Conquest  of  the  Land  is  related  systematically.  Joshua, 
after  crossing  the  Jordan,  destroys  Jericho  and  endeavours,  at  first 
unsuccessfully  owing  to  the  sin  of  Achan,  to  seize  the  highlands  of 
Benjamin.  After  Ai  is  taken  Joshua  and  the  people  go  to  Ebal  and 
Gerizim  and  read  the  Law  as  Moses  had  commanded  (Deut.  xxvii.). 
The  alliance  with  the  Gibeonites  is  fraudulently  obtained ;  then 
the  five  Kings  of  the  South  are  defeated  and  their  territory  devas- 
tated. Finally  Joshua  takes  Northern  Palestine  from  Jabin, 
King  of  Hazor. 

(2)  Only  two  tribes  are  assigned  inheritances  by  Joshua  himself, 
namely  Judah  and  Joseph,  and,  sis  the  latter  is  reckoned  as  two 
tribes,  Ephraim  and  Manasseh,  the  remaining  seven  tribes  (Reuben 
and  Gad  having  been  already  settled  in  E.  Palestine)  are  allotted 
territories  which  were  yet  to  be  won  from  the  inhabitants  of  Canaan. 
The  Reubenites,  Gadites,  and  the  half  tribe  of  Manasseh  are  repre- 

xli 


xlii 


Joshua 


Samuel 


xliii 


I 


sented  as  returning  to  their  lands,  and  an  altar  made  by  them  is 
shewn  not  to  have  been  schismatic,  but  merely  a  memorial. 

(3)  Joshua  exhorts  the  people  to  remain  faithful  to  Jehovah,  and 
they  promise  to  do  so.  Joshua  dies  at  the  age  of  one  hundred  and 
ten,  and  as  Caleb  says  he  was  forty  when  he  was  faithful  as  one  of 
the  spies,  if  Joshua  was  his  contemporary  he  presumably  survived 
Moses  by  about  thirty  years. 


Judges 

This  is  different  from  any  early  book  of  the  Bible  except  Grenesis, 
being  an  historical  survey  of  a  long  period  extending,  if  its  system  of 
chronology  is  accepted,  over  more  than  three  centuries. 

Chs.  I. — II.  The  book  opens  with  a  summary  account  of  the  con- 
quest of  the  Land  after  the  death  of  Joshua,  differing  in  many  respects 
from  the  circumstances  related  in  the  previous  book,  especially  in 
the  Land  being  subdued,  not  by  a  general  national  effort,  but  by 
individual  tribes,  acting  sometimes  in  concert  as  Judah  and  Simeon, 
but  often  independently.  It  impresses  the  reader  with  the  idea  that 
the  conquest  was  extremely  partial,  and  that  the  old  inhabitants 
were  still  powerful.  The  generation  which  had  known  Joshua  re- 
mained faithful  to  Jehovah  ;  but  then  Israel  forsook  Him  and  served 
Baalim  and  Ashtaroth. 

Chs.  III. — XVI.  Then  follows  the  history  of  the  nation  imder 
twelve  Judges,  six  of  whom  are  the  subject  of  special  memoirs  : 
Othniel,  Ehud,  Deborah  with  Barak,  Gideon,  Jephthah,  and  Samson. 
The  six  minor  Judges  were  Shamgar  the  successor  of  Ehud,  Tola  and 
Jair,  who  followed  the  supremacy  of  the  family  of  Gideon,  and  Ibzan, 
Elon  and  Abdon,  who  succeeded  Jephthah.  The  stories  of  four  of 
the  great  Judges  are  told  each  on  the  same  plan — an  apostasy,  an 
oppression,  deliverEince,  and  a  period  of  rest :  see  iii.  8-11  (Othniel)  ; 
iii.  12-30  (Ehud)  ;  iv. — v.  (Deborah  and  Barak)  ;  vi. — viii.  (Gideon 
— see  vi.  1,  and  viii.  28.  The  curious  episode  of  Abimelech  and  the 
Shechemites  (ix.)  follows  :  and  the  judgeship  of  Jephthah  is  then 
related  (x. — xii.),  though  the  periods  of  oppression  and  rest  are  here 
not  distinctly  specified.  Chapters  xiii. — xvi.  relate  the  Philistine 
oppression  of  forty  years  and  the  personal  adventures  of  Samson, 
who  was  Judge  for  twenty. 

Chs.  XVII. — XXI.  The  book  concludes  with  two  supplementary 
narratives,  told  for  the  purpose  of  shewing  the  stat-e  of  Israel  when 
there  was  no  king,  and  thus  leading  up  to  the  establishment  of  the 
monarchy,  xvii. — xviii.  relate  the  adventures  of  the  Danites,  who 
made  a  new  settlement  and  carried  away  Micedi's  sacra  ;  and  xix. — 
xxi.  the  outrage  at  Gibeah,  the  Benjamite  war,  and  the  subsequent 


restoration  of  the  tribe.     The  book  concludes  with  a  remark  on  the 
lawlessness  of  the  coxintry  when  there  was  no  king  in  Israel. 

We  now  come  to  two  books,  those  of  Samuel  and  Kings, 
which  are  divided  into  four  in  the  Hebrew  canon,  and  in  the 
LXX.  are  considered  as  four  parts  of  one  book,  that  of  the 
'kingdoms,'  BacrtAcioiv.  The  periods  covered  by  them  are 
very  uneven.  I.  Samuel  gives  the  history  of  Samuel,  Saul, 
and  David,  who  were  all  alive  at  the  same  time,  so  that  the 
narrative  covers  at  most  four  generations.  II.  Samuel  deals 
with  the  greater  part  of  the  forty  years  reign  of  David  :  I. 
Kings  takes  us  from  Solomon  to  Ahab,  about  150  years  ;  and 
II.  Kings  from  Ahab  to  the  thirty-seventh  year  of  the  Cap- 
tivity of  Judah,  or  roughly,  three  centuries.  In  these  books 
therefore  short  periods  are  treated  with  much  detail,  whilst 
generations  are  passed  over  in  a  few  verses. 


I.    Samuel 

Greek,  BacrtXctwi/  a. 

The  main  divisions  of  this  book  are  : — 

(a)  I. — VI.  The  priestly  judgeship  of  Eli  at  Shiloh,  the  birth  of 
Samuel,  the  utter  degradation  of  the  priesthood,  and  the  loss  of  the 
Ark.  The  Philistine  yoke  is  now  firmly  planted  on  the  neck  of 
Israel ;  and  though  Jehovah  saves  His  Ark  from  the  indignity  of 
remaining  in  a  Philistine  city  and  temple,  it  is  not  restored  to 
Israel ;   but  it  remains  in  seclusion  at  Kirjath-jearim. 

(h)  VII. — VIII.  The  judgeship  of  Samuel  and  the  demand  of  the 
people  for  a  king.  Samuel  exhorts  the  people  to  repent  and,  after  a 
solemn  national  assent,  the  Philistines  are  attacked  and  defeated  at 
Ebenezer.  Then  follows  a  period  of  peace,  during  which  Samuel 
exercises  his  office  as  a  judge.  His  two  sons  are  unsatisfactory  as 
judges  in  Beersheba;  and  the  people  ask  for  a  king.  This 
Samuel  regards  as  a  sign  of  national  apostasy,  and  tells  the  people 
what  a  kingly  rule  actually  means. 

(c)^IX. — XV.  The  appointment,  reign  and  rejection  of  Saul  the 
Benjamite.  Saul  is  privately  anointed  by  Samuel,  designated  by 
Jehovah  and  acknowledged  by  the  people.  He  defeats  Nahash  the 
Ammonite,  and  with  the  aid  of  his  son  Jonathan  gains  a  great  victory 
over  the  Philistines,  who  had  become  complete  masters  of  the  terri- 
tory of  Isreiel.      Saul,  however,  offends  Samuel  by  not  awaiting  his 


xliv 


Samuel 


coming  at  Gilgal,  and  by  sparing  Agag,  the  king  of  the  Amalekites. 
For  this  he  is  told  that  Jehovah  will  deprive  him  of  his  kingdom. 

(d)  XVI. — XXXI.  The  adventures  of  David  to  the  death  of  Saul. — 
From  his  anointing  by  Samuel  David  becomes  the  leading  character. 
He  is  sent  to  play  to  relieve  Saul's  melancholy,  he  slays  Goliath, 
becomes  the  friend  and  companion  in  arms  of  Jonathan  and  the  son- 
in-law  of  Saul.  His  fame  as  a  warrior  makes  Sa\il  jealous  and 
David  becomes  a  fugitive.  His  adventures  in  Southern  Judah,  his 
hairbreadth  escapes,  his  acts  of  generosity,  and  his  rise  from  the 
position  of  an  outlaw  to  that  of  the  leader  of  a  band  of  warriors 
under  Philistine  protection,  are  related  with  some  detail.  Finally 
Saul  is  defeated  and  killed  with  four  of  his  sons  on  Mount  Gilboa. 


II.    Samuel 


Greek,  Ba(rtA.€ta>v  )8'. 

The  forty  years  reign  of  David  occupies  this  book,  though  a  great 
part  is  devoted  to  several  isolated  instances.  David  prospers  till  his 
sin  with  Bathsheba,  and  then  "the  sword  never  departs  from  his 
house. " 

I. — rV.  The  joint  rule  of  David  at  Hebron  and  Ishbosheth  son 
of  Saul  at  Mahanaim. — Israel  is  divided  into  two  kingdoms  con- 
stantly at  war,  the  larger  part  imder  Ishbosheth  and  his  able  kins- 
man and  general  Abner.  David,  assisted  by  Joab,  increases  in 
power,  and  Joab  coromences  a  blood -feud  with  Abner,  who  had  killed 
his  brother  Asahel  in  battle.  Abner  renounces  his  allegiance  to 
Ishbosheth,  and  makes  terms  with  David  ;  but  he  is  slain  by  Joab. 
Ishbosheth  is  murdered  and  David  is  left  the  only  king  in  Israel. 

V. — X.  The  prosperous  period  of  the  reign  of  David. — David's  first 
act  as  king  of  all  Israel  is  to  capture  Jerusalem  and  to  build  a 
pal6ice  there  with  the  aid  of  Hiram,  King  of  Tyre  ;  he  conquers 
the  Philistines  6ind  restores  the  Ark  to  Israel,  placing  it  in  his  new 
capital.  He  desires  to  build  a  temple,  but  is  forbidden  by  Jehovah 
through  the  prophet  Nathan.  His  wars  are  then  recounted  :  Moab, 
Edom,  Anunon,  the  Philistines  and  the  Syrians  are  conquered  and 
acknowledge  him  as  suzerain.  A  chapter  is  devoted  to  the  war 
with  the  Ammonites  and  their  allies. 

XI. — XX.  David's  sin  and  its  punishment. — During  the  Ammonite 
war  David  sees  and  loves  Bathsheba  and  procures  her  husband's 
death.  As  a  punishment  the  sword  is  never  to  depart  from  his 
house  ;  and  the  fulfilment  of  the  prophecy  is  related  at  length. 
His  favourite  son  Absalom  murders  his  brother  Amnon  in  revenge 
for  his  conduct  to  Tamar.      Restored  to  favour,  Absalom  rebels 


Kings 


xlv 


against  David,  and  almost  succeeds  in  dethroning  him.  He  ia  in 
the  end  defeated  and  slain  by  Joab,  who  suppresses  another  re- 
bellion led  by  the  Benjamite,  Sheba  the  son  of  Bichri. 

XXI. — XXIV.  Detached  supplementary  chapters. — The  slaughter 
of  Saul's  sons  to  appease  the  injured  Gibeonites  is  related,  together 
with  the  exploits  of  some  of  David's  warriors  in  the  Philistine  war. 
Two  poems  of  David  follow  this  chapter,  and  next  comes  an 
enumeration  of  the  chief  champions  of  Israel.  The  book  concludes 
with  the  numbering  of  the  people  and  the  purchase  of  the  threshing 
floor  of  Araunah. 


I.    Kings 

Greek,  BacriA-ctwi/  y. 

The  history  of  David  is  continued  without  any  break,  and  we 
find  him  an  aged  man  awaiting  his  death  and  prepared  to  nominate 
his  successor.     The  chief  periods  treated  of  in  the  book  are  : — 

I. — III.  The  death  of  David  and  the  accession  of  Solomon. — 
In  David's  extreme  old  age  the  succession  became  the  subject  of 
palace  intrigue  :  Joab,  the  veteran  commander  of  the  army,  and 
Abiathar  the  priest  supporting  Adonijah  ;  and  Benaiah,  Nathan,  and 
Zadok  supporting  Bathsheba's  son  Solomon.  Solomon  becomes  king 
not  without  the  bloodshed  consequent  upon  a  disputed  succession  : 
but  soon  shews  himself  a  devout  and  wise  prince. 

IV. — X.  The  glories  of  Solomon's  reign  ;  The  Temple. — David's 
successful  wars  had  made  his  son  a  wealthy  and  powerful  monarch, 
and  Solomon  organised  his  kingdom  so  as  to  make  it  the  centre  of  an 
extensive  commerce.  With  the  aid  of  Hiram,  King  of  Tyre,  he 
builds  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  together  with  several  royal  palaces 
and  castles.  His  wealth  and  wisdom  induce  various  monarchs  to 
visit  his  court,  among  them  the  Queen  of  Sheba. 

XI. — XII.  25.  The  sin  of  Solomon  and  the  disruption. — Amid  all 
his  prosperity  Solomon  was  sowing  the  seeds  of  calamity.  His 
reckless  expenditure  had  already  caused  him  to  cede  twenty  cities 
to  Hiram  (ix.  11-13),  and  his  foreign  wives  led  him  to  sanction 
idolatry.  His  subjected  countries  Edom  and  Syria  revolted,  and 
the  Ephraimites  imder  Jeroboam  manifested  discontent  at  the  forced 
labour  exacted  from  them.  The  kingdom  was  only  held  together 
by  Solomon's  personal  influence,  and  at  his  death  the  folly  of  his 
successor  Rehoboam  caused  the  northern  tribes  under  Jeroboam  to 
declare  their  independence  of  the  house  of  David. 

XII.  26 — XVI.  Th^  religious  Schism,  and  the  divided  Kingdoms. — 
Policy  induced  Jeroboam  to  erect  sanctuaries  in  Bethel  and  Dan  and 
to  consecrate  priests  to  minister  at  them.  This  is  the  "Sin  of  Jero- 
boam, the  son  of  Nebat"  which  ultimately  caused  the  ruin  of  Israel. 


xlvi 


Kings 


11 


!i  i 


Jeroboam's  sin  is  denounced  by  the  disobedient  prophet  and  Ahijah 
of  Shiloh,  and  his  family  is  destroyed  by  Baasha,  whose  dynasty  in 
turn  is  annihilated  by  Zimri.  Israel  and  Judah  are  continually  at 
war  and  Syria  is  called  in  to  assist  Asa  king  of  Judah.  At  the 
accession  of  Zimri  a  civil  war  breaks  out  in  Israel  which  only  ends 
with  the  accession  of  Omri,  a  powerful  prince,  founder  of  Samaria 
and  the  first  of  an  energetic  dynasty.  In  Judah,  Asa  reigns  well 
and  begins  a  religious  reformation,  whilst  the  Northern  Kingdom 
falls  into  idolatry. 

XVII. XXII.       The  strife  between  the  worshippers  of  Baal  and 

Jehovah  ;  Elijah.— Ahah  son  of  Omri  marries  Jezebel,  a  Zidonian 
princess,  and  sets  up  the  worship  of  the  Tyrian  Baal.  For  this 
Elijah  the  Tishbite  foretells  a  drought  and  famine,  and  after  the  land 
had  suffered  grievously  demands  to  be  confronted  with  the  priests 
of  Baal  on  Mount  Carmel.  Jehovah  vindicates  His  honour  by  send- 
ing fire  from  heaven  ;  the  rain  comes,  and  the  priests  of  Baal  are 
massacred.  Jezebel  drives  Elijah  from  the  kingdom,  and  at  Horeb 
he  is  told  by  God  to  anoint  Ehsha  as  prophet,  Jehu  as  king  of  Israel, 
and  Hazael  as  king  of  Syria.  Ahab  sins  in  the  matter  of  Naboth 
and  his  doom  is  foretold.  The  Syrian  war  between  Benhadad  and 
Ahab  occupies  much  of  this  portion  of  the  book,  in  which  the  king 
of  Israel  appears  in  the  light  of  a  braVe  and  successful  warrior  ;  but 
he  is  finally  killed  in  battle  at  Ramoth-Gilead.  The  affairs  of  Judah 
under  the  good  king  Jehoshaphat  are  only  alluded  to  as  affecting 
Israel ;  Jehoshaphat  being  in  the  position  of  a  vassal  of  the  powerful 
Ahab. 


II.    Kings 

Greek,  /SacrLXetCjv  8'. 

I. XIII.       The  destruction  of  the  Baal  worship  in  Israel. — This 

long  section  is  a  continuation  of  I.  Kings  and  is  occuped  with  the 
last  scenes  of  the  life  of  Elijah  and  the  ministry  of  Elisha.  The 
affairs  of  the  Northern  Kingdom  are  still  of  all-absorbing  interest. 
Elijah  predicts  the  death  of  Ahab's  son  Ahaziah  and  calls  down  fire 
from  heaven  on  the  men  sent  to  take  him.  Accompanied  by  Elisha 
he  crosses  the  Jordan  and  ascends  to  heaven.  Elisha  then  continues 
his  master's  work  ;  and  long  and  interesting  stories  are  related  of  him. 
He  saves  the  allied  armies  of  Israel,  Judah,  and  Edom  in  the 
Moabite  war,  works  many  miracles  including  the  healing  of  Naaman 
and  the  raising  of  the  son  of  the  woman  of  Shunem,  and  is  the  life 
and  soul  of  the  nation  in  its  struggle  with  Syria.  By  his  command 
a  prophet  anoints  Jehu,  and  the  house  of  Ahab  and  the  Baal  wor- 
shippers are  slain.     He  also  foretells  to  Hazael  that  he  will  be 


Kings 


xlvii 


n 


king  of  Syria.  At  the  same  time  as  Jehu  extirpates  the  house  of 
Ahab,  that  king's  daughter  Athaliah  kills  all  the  royal  family  at 
Jerusalem  except  the  young  Joash,  who  finally  becomes  king  in  the 
revolution  which  overthrew  Athaliah.  Under  the  dynasty  of  Jehu, 
Israel  is  sorely  harassed  by  Syria,  but  Elisha  on  his  death -bed 
foretells  to  Jehoash,  the  grandson  of  Jehu,  that  he  will  be  success- 
ful against  Syria. 

XIV. — XVII.  The  last  days  of  the  Northern  Kingdom. — The 
history  now  becomes  more  of  the  nature  of  a  chronicle.  Except  the 
war  between  Jehoash  of  Israel  and  Amaziah  of  Judah,  nothing  is 
related  with  any  detail.  The  length  of  the  reign  of  each  king  of 
Israel  and  Judah  is  given  and  a  few  particulars.  Under  Jeroboam  II., 
the  fourth  king  of  the  house  of  Jehu,  Israel  became  very  powerful, 
and  Judah  floiu-ished  at  the  same  time  under  Uzziah.  One  of  the 
many  revolutions  in  Israel  overthrew  the  house  of  Jehu  ;  then 
king  follows  king  in  rapid  succession,  the  Assyrians  appear  on  the 
scene  and  Samaria  is  taken  B.C.  722.  A  chapter  (xvii.)  is  devoted  to 
an  account  of  the  origin  of  the  heretical  Samaritan  nation. 

XVIII. — XX.  The  reign  of  Hezekiah  of  Judnh. — The  early  victories 
and  reforms  of  Hezekiah  are  briefly  epitomised,  but  the  invasion  of 
Judah  by  Sennacherib  and  the  destruction  of  the  army  which 
threatened  Jerusalem,  is  related  in  a  very  graphic  and  spirited 
manner  ;  as  is  also  Hezekiah's  sickness  and  the  embassy  of  Merodach 
Baladan,  King  of  Babylon.  The  general  impression  left  is  that 
Hezekiah  was  a  pious  and  able  king  who,  assisted  by  Isaiah,  had 
brought  his  kingdom  safely  through  a  very  critical  situation. 

XXI. — XXV.  The  apostasy  of  Manasseh,  the  reform  of  Josiah,  and 
the  fall  of  Jerusalem. — The  important  events  of  this  period,  with 
the  exception  of  the  finding  of  the  Book  of  the  Law  and  its  results, 
are  passed  over  with  provoking  brevity.  Under  Hezekiah's  son 
Manasseh,  a  violent  reaction  against  the  reforms  of  the  late  king 
and  in  favour  of  the  "high  places"  set  in  and  continued  for  more 
than  half  a  century.  Then  Josiah  favours  a  purer  worship  of 
Jehovah  and,  assisted  by  the  discovery  of  the  "book  of  the  law," 
Jerusalem  and  even  Bethel  is  purified  of  every  trace  of  idolatry. 
In  spite  of  his  pious  zeal  Josiah  is  defeated  by  Pharaoh  Necho  at 
Megiddo,  and  under  his  degenerate  sons  things  go  from  bad  to  worse. 
Josiah's  grandson  Jehoiachin  is  taken  captive  by  Nebuchadnezzar  to 
Babylon,  and  imder  his  uncle  Zedekiah,  the  last  king  of  Judah, 
Jerusalem  is  taken  and  the  Temple  burned.  The  miserable  remnant 
left  in  Judah  are  committed  to  the  care  of  Gedaliah,  who  is 
murdered,  and  the  rest  of  the  people  escape  into  Egypt.  The  last 
verses  of  the  book  relate  how  Nebuchadnezzar's  son  Evil-Merodach 
shewed  favour  to  Jehoiachin  the  captive  king  of  Judah  in  Babylon. 


xlviii 


Prophetical  Books 


Isaiah 


xHx 


1 1 


I     : 


I    t 

i 


tl 


li 


E  i  < 

I    ' 
f    . 

I  i 

I  ; 

I 


Thus  in  the  four  earher  so-called  prophetical  books  a  con- 
tinuous history  of  the  Israelites  is  presented  to  us.  We  now 
tiuTi  to  the  four  later  prophetical  books  :  Isaiah,  Jeremiah, 
Ezekiel  and  "the  Twelve"  (known  as  the  Minor  Prophets). 
These  are  not  historical  books ;  but  they  may  be  aptly 
described  as  a  collection  of  pamphlets,  mostlj^  hortatory,  but 
often  historical,  and  from  these  we  may  supplement  the  story 
as  we  have  it  in  the  earlier  books.  In  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  and 
"the  Twelve,"  these  pamphlets  are  loosely  strung  together, 
and  to  use  them  as  historical  documents  is  an  excellent  in- 
troduction to  the  study  of  detached  contemporary  fragments. 
Parts  of  Isaiah  and  of  "the  Twelve"  and  most  of  Ezekiel  are  a 
little  outside  the  period  included  in  the  Books  of  Kings. 


The    Four    'Later   Prophets' 

Isaiah 


Hebrew,  Yesha'yahu.     Greek,  'Hcraias. 

It  is  almost  certain  that  this  collection  of  prophecies  is  not  the 
work  of  a  single  individual.  It  begins  in  the  last  year  of  King 
Uzziah  (vi.)  B.C.  740  (Driver),  and  contains  allusions  to  Cyrus  B.C. 
538.  Parts  (i. — xii.,  xiv.  24 — xx.,  xxi.  11  ff. — xxiii.,  xxviii. — xxxiii.) 
are  generally  admitted  to  be  the  utterances  of  Isaiah  the  son  of 
Amoz  ;  but  xiii. — xiv.  23  and  xl. — Ixvi.  refer  to  the  time  when 
Babylon,  not  Assyria,  was  the  enemy  of  Israel,  whilst  xxiv. — xxvii. 
are  very  different  in  style  to  the  Isaianic  passages.  Without,  how- 
ever, entering  into  a  discussion  of  the  unity  of  the  authorship,  it  may 
be  said  that  it  possesses  a  certain  unity  of  purpose  in  shewing  that 
however  Jehovah  may  punish  His  people  He  provides  deliverance 
for  the  faithful  remnant.  Roughly  speaking,  Isaiah  i. — xxxix.  deals 
with  the  days  of  Uzziah,  Jotham,  Ahaz,  and  Hezekiah  from  B.C.  740 
to  690,  and  Isaiah  xl. — Ixvi.  with  the  last  days  of  the  Captivity. 
B.C.  538-535,  and  the  issuing  of  the  decree  of  Cyrus  permitting  the 
Jews  to  rebuild  Jerusalem.  The  chief  historical  events  alluded  to 
in  the  first  section  are  (1)  the  alliance  of  Syria  and  Israel  against 
Judah  in  the  reign  of  Ahaz  and  his  submission  to  Assyria  (vii.), 


the  fall  of  Samaria  (xviii.),  the  invasion  of  Judah  by  Sargon  (xx.), 
an  Assyrian  advance  (?)  from  the  north  on  Jerusalem  (x.),  the  pro- 
jected alliance  of  Judah  with  Egypt  against  the  Assyrieuis, 
denounced  by  the  prophet  (xxx.  ff.),  and  Sennacherib's  invasion, 
Hezekiah's  sickness  and  the  embassy  of  Merodach  Baladan  (xxxvi. — 
xxxix.).  See  the  parallel  chapters  in  2  Kings  xviii.  13 — xx.  The 
second  part  (xl. — Ixvi.)  is  a  series  of  prophecies  dealing  with  the 
decree  of  Cyrus,  the  most  important  being  those  dealing  with  the 
work  of  the  Servant  of  Jehovah  (xlix. — liii.). 


Jeremiah 

Hebrew,  YTrmiyahu.     Greek,  'Ic/ac/xta?. 

This  book  contains  a  very  large  proportion  of  history  mingled 
with  prophecy  and  covers  a  period  of  forty  or  more  years  :  Jeremiah 
being  called  to  the  prophetic  office  in  the  13th  year  of  Josiah, 
B.C.  626,  and  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  the  Chaldeans  taking 
place  in  B.C.  586.  The  historical  portions  of  this  book  supplement 
the  extremely  meagre  notices  of  the  last  four  kings  of  Judah, 
Jehoahaz,  Jehoiakim,  Jehoiachin  and  Zedekiah,  given  in  2  Kings 
xxiii.  30 — XXV.  30  (fifty-eight  verses)  and  2  Chron.  xxxvi.  The 
last  siege  of  Jerusalem  and  the  vacillations  of  the  unfortunate 
Zedekiah  and  the  fate  of  the  remnant  left  in  Judah  under  Gedaliah 
which  finally  took  refuge  in  Egypt  are  related  in  some  detail.  But 
for  Jeremiah,  Jehoiakim,  Zedekiah  and  Gedaliah  would  be  mere 
names  to  us.  The  historical  parts  of  Jeremiah  will  be  best  under- 
stood if  arranged  under  the  different  kings,  as  in  the  early  chapters 
the  book  is  far  from  being  chronological. 

Josiah,  B.C.  639-609.  Jeremiah  was  called  in  the  13th  year 
of  this  king,  and  in  his  18th  year  (2  Kings  xxii.  3)  there  was  the 
finding  of  the  Law  and  the  great  reformation.  No  particulars  of 
this  reign  are  given  in  the  book  of  Jeremiah  ;  but  Jeremiah  evidently 
approved  of  Josiah  (xxii.  15). 

Jehoahaz,  B.C.  609.  Made  king,  but  taken  into  captivity  to  Egypt 
(xxii.  10). 

Jehoiakim,  B.C.  608-596.  A  dependent  of  Pharaoh  Necho  and  an 
oppressor  of  the  people  (xxii.  13-19),  he  became  a  subject  of  Nebu- 
chadrezzar after  the  defeat  of  the  Egyptians  at  Carchemish 
(xlvi.  2)  in  the  fourth  year  of  his  reign.  Jeremiah  instantly 
advised  submission  to  Babylon  (xxv.),  foreseeing  Nebuchadrezzar's 
success.  He  also  wrote  his  prophecies  in  a  book  which  Baruch  read 
to  the  princes  of  Judah  in  the  following  year.     Jehoiakim,  when  he 


[   I 


1 


Jeremiah 


Ezekiel 


li 


1  i 


heard  the  contents  of  the  roll,  destroyed  it  (xxxvi.).  The  im- 
pressive contrast  between  the  Rechabites'  obedience  to  Jehonadab 
and  Israel's  disregard  of  Jehovah  was  made  in  the  same  reign, 
(xxxv.)  This  king  killed  several  prophets  and  sought  Jeremiah's 
life  (xxvi.).  Jehoiakim  rebelled  eigainst  Nebuchadnezzar  at  the 
end  of  his  reign,  but  how  he  died  is  uncertain  (cf.  Jer.  xxii.  18,  19, 
xxxvi.  30,  with  2  Kings  xxiv.  6). 

Jehoiachin,  called  Coniah  by  Jeremiah  (xxii.  24),  only  reigned 
three  months  and  was  taken  captive  to  Babylon  (xxix.  1-2). 

Zedekiah,  the  last  king  of  Judah,  was  a  son  of  Josiah,  and  was 
appointed  by  Nebuchadrezzar,  and  the  events  of  the  ten  years  of 
his  reign  (b.c.  596-586),  especially  the  last  year  of  the  siege  of 
Jerusalem,  are  related  in  the  book  of  Jeremiah.  Zedekiah  was 
apparently  a  well-mecming  but  weak  king  placed  in  an  almost  im- 
possible position.  False  prophets  of  the  so-called  patriotic  party 
were  foretelling  the  overthrow  of  Babylon  and  the  restoration  of 
Jehoiachin  (Jer.  xxviii.  2-4),  and  he  was  induced  to  break  his  oath  to 
Nebuchadrezzar  and  accept  support  from  Egypt.  (Ez.  xvii.)  At  last 
Nebuchadrezzar  sent  an  army  to  besiege  Jerusalem,  which  resisted 
for  three  years,  during  which  time  Jeremiah  was  persecuted  by  the 
nobles  opposed  to  Babylon  and  protected  where  possible  by  the 
King.  When  the  city  was  taken  Zedekiah  tried  to  escape  but  was 
taken  prisoner  and  blinded  ;  Jerusalem  and  the  temple  were  de- 
stroyed. The  following  chapters  of  Jeremiah  refer  to  this  king  : 
xxi.,  xxiv.,  xxvii. — xxix.,  xxxii. — xxxiv.,  xxxvii.,  xxxviii.,  xxxix., 
lii.  1-11. 

The  Remnant  in  Judah  and  in  Egypt.  Chs.  xl. — xlv.  relate  that 
Jeremiah  elected  to  stay  with  the  remnant  left  by  the  Chaldteans 
in  Judah  in  charge  of  Gedaliah.  Gedaliah  was  murdered  by  a 
certain  Ishmael,  a  scion  of  the  royal  family  of  Judah.  The  rest  of 
the  people,  under  Johanan  the  son  of  Kareah,  fearing  the  wrath  of 
Nebuchach-ezzar  escaped  to  Egypt,  taking  Jeremiah  with  them. 

[The  text  and  arrangement  of  this  book  in  the  LXX.  differs 
materially  from  that  in  the  Hebrew.] 


Ezekiel 

Hebrew,  Yihizqiel.     Greek,  'Ic^ckltjX. 

This  book  is  in  some  respects  unique,  especially  owing  to  what 
Dr.  Driver  {Introduction,  2nd  ed.,  p.  261)  is  able  to  say  of  it :  "The 
dates  of  the  several  prophecies  are  in  many  cases  stated  with  pre- 
cision.    No  critical  question  arises  in  connection  with  the  author- 


ship of  the  book,  the  whole  from  beginmng  to  end  bearing  unmis- 
takeably  the  stamp  of  a  single  mind"  ;  and  again,  "The  volume  of 
his  prophecies  is  methodically  arranged,  evidently  by  his  own  hand  : 
his  book  in  this  respect  forms  a  striking  contrast  with  those  of 
Isaiah  or  Jeremiah." 

Ezekiel  was  a  priest  carried  captive  to  Tel-abib  by  the  river 
Chebar.  He  received  his  call  in  the  5th  year  of  the  captivity  of 
Jehoiachin  (b.c.  592),  and  the  latest  date  in  his  book  is  B.C.  570. 
There  is  no  distinctly  historical  matter  in  Ezekiel,  whose  utterances 
are  divided  into  three  heads  :  (a)  I.— XXIV.,  The  approaching  fall 
of  Jerusalem  ;  (6)  XXV.— XXXII.,  Prophecies  on  foreign  nations  ; 
(c)  XXXIII.— XLIV.,  The  future  restoration  of  Israel  and  the 
Theocracy.  Form  the  standpoint  of  the  historian  Ezekiel  is  chiefly 
valuable  for  the  light  thrown  on  the  thoughts  and  feelings  of  a  com- 
munity of  exiled  Israelites  during  the  eventful  years  which  inter- 
vened between  the  deportation  of  Jehoiachin  (b.c.  596)  and  the  fall 
of  the  City  and  Temple  in  b.c.  586.  But  Ezekiel's  ministry  as  a 
prophet  had  a  far-reaching  influence  upon  the  subsequent  destinies 
of  Judaism.  In  the  darkest  days  of  the  Exile  he  devoted  his  energies 
to  planning  a  constitution,  civil  and  religious,  for  the  restored  com- 
munity which  materially  affected  the  development  of  religion  at 
Jerusalem  after  the  Retiu-n. 


The  Minor  Prophets 

{Considered  by  the  Jews  as  a  single  book  called  ''The  Twelve.  " ) 

Instead  of  adhering  to  the  order  observed  in  the  Bible  an  attempt 
will  be  made  to  place  these  writings  in  chronological  order,  distm 
guishing  between  dated  and  undated  prophecies. 


Dated  Prophecies 


Amos. 
Hosea. 

Micah. 

Zephaniah. 

Haggai. 

Zechariah. 


In  the  days  of  Uzziah,  King  of  Judah  and 
of  Jeroboam  II.,  King  of  Israel. 

In  the  days  of  Uzziah,  Jotham,  Ahaz,  and 
Hezekiah,  Kings  of  Judah,  and  in  the 
days  of  Jeroboam  II.,  King  of  Israel. 

In  the  days  of  Jotham,  Ahaz,  and  Hezekiah, 
Kings  of  Judah. 

In  the  days  of  Josiah. 

In  the  second  year  of  Darius  the  King. 

In  the  second  year  of  Darius. 


lii 


Minor   Prophets 


Minor  Prophets 


liu 


.  \ 


t  i 

I    I 


Undated  Prophets 

Joel,  Obadiah,  Jonah,  Nahum,  Habakkuk.  Malachi. 

Amos 

Amos  was  a  native  of  Tekoa  in  Judah,  his  occupation  was  that  of  a 
herdsman,  and  he  declined  the  name  of  a  prophet.  He  was,  how- 
ever, specially  commissioned  by  Jehovah  to  denounce  the  sins  of 
Israel  at  the  Royal  Sanctuary  at  Bethel  (vii.)  some  time  about 
B.C.  760  to  746.  His  prophecies  throw  a  light  on  the  state  of 
Israel  under  Jeroboam  II.,  whose  long  and  successful  reign  is  briefly 
alluded  to  in  2  Kings  xiv.  23-29.  After  a  survey  of  the  surround- 
ing nations — Damascus,  Gaza,  Tyre,  Edom,  Anrnaon,  Moab,  and 
Judah — Amos  denounces  the  sins  of  Israel,  which  are  chiefly  those 
of  a  nation  in  an  age  of  great  prosperity,  punctilious  in  religious 
observances,  but  regardless  of  the  sufferings  of  the  poor  and 
supremely  self-indulgent.  Amos's  utterances  reveal  the  religious 
belief  of  Israel,  and  he  insists  strongly  on  the  fact  that  the  God 
of  Israel  is  the  Supreme  Moral  Governor  of  the  world  and  will 
punish  every  guilty  nation,  not  sparing  His  own  people. 


Hosea 

Although  Hosea  is  said  to  have  prophtjsifcd  under  Jeroboam  II.  he 
waa  evidently  not  a  contemporary  of  Amos,  as  he  seems  to  allude 
mainly  to  the  disastrous  period  which  followed  the  death  of  Jero- 
boam (2  Kings  XV.  8-31)  between  B.C.  746-722.  The  first  section 
(I. — III.)  appears  to  belong  to  the  closing  years  of  Jeroboam  ;  and  the 
rest  of  the  book  to  the  days  of  his  successors  Shallum,  Menahem, 
Pekahiah,  Pekah  and  Hoshea.  The  scene  has  materially  changed 
since  the  prophecies  of  Amos.  The  Assyrians,  never  mentioned  by 
the  eeurlier  prophet,  now  appear,  and  Israel,  no  longer  prosperous,  is 
passing  through  a  period  of  anarchy,  crime,  and  civil  war  prior  to 
the  final  ruin  of  the  nation. 


Mlcah 

Micah  was  a  younger  contemporary  of  Isaiah,  but,  unlike  him, 
dwelt  not  in  Jerusalem  but  in  the  maritime  plain  at  Moresheth,  a 
dependency  of  Gath.  He  depicts  the  Assyrian  invasion  and  the 
sufEerings  of  the  district  in  which  he  dwells,  and  foretells  the  rise  of  a 


deliverer  when  Judah  returns  to  the  simplicity  of  ancient  times  when 
a  shepherd-king  like  David  of  Bethlehem  was  its  ruler.  The  last 
two  chapters  (vi.-vii.),  cast  in  dramatic  form,  shewing  how  Jehovah 
pleads  with  His  people,  are  by  many  critics  assigned  to  a  later 
prophet,  belonging  perhaps  to  the  post-exilic  period. 


Zephaniah 

Zephaniah  is  said  to  be  descended  from  Hezekiah,  presumably 
the  king.  He  predicts  the  fall  of  Nineveh  6uid  possibly  alludes  to 
the  Scythian  invasion  (see  p.  301). 


Haggal   and  Zechariah 

These  two  prophets  encouraged  the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple  in 
the  days  of  Darius  and  they  supplement  Ezra  iv.  The  prophecy  of 
Haggai  consists  of  four  addresses  to  Zerubbabel  the  prince  and 
Joshua  the  high  priest,  in  the  second  year  of  Darius,  B.C.  520.  There 
is  no  allusion  to  a  return  in  the  days  of  Cyrus,  nor  to  the  second 
Temple  having  been  begun  in  that  king's  reign.  Zechariah  i. — viii. 
consists  mainly  of  visions  extending  over  the  2nd  to  the  4th  years  of 
Darius,  B.C.  620-518,  and  assuring  the  people  that  Zerubbabel  shall 
successfully  accomplish  the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple. 

The  last  chapters  of  Zechariah  (ix. — xiv.)  are  not  an  integral  part 
of  the  book,  and  may  be  regarded  as  an  undated  prophecy. 


Joel 

Joel  is  described  as  the  son  of  Pethuel,  but  no  date  is  given.  It 
was  formerly  generally  considered  that  the  prophecy  belonged  to 
the  9th  century  and  the  reign  of  Joash.  There  are  in  it  some 
affinities  with  Amos,  but  the  modem  view  is  that  Joel  is  the  later 
prophecy.  The  occasion  of  it  was  an  appalling  plague  of  locusts 
which  called  for  a  national  repentance.  The  prophecy  concludes 
with  foretelling  the  restoration  of  the  captivity  of  Judah  and 
Jerusalem,  and  a  gathering  of  all  nations  for  judgment  at  Jerusalem 
in  the  valley  of  Jehoshaphat  {Jehovah  judges). 


Obadiah 

A  vision  of  judgment  on  Edom,  reminding  us  forcibly  of  Jeremiah's 
prophecy,  Jer.  xlix.  7  S. 


I 


^^ 


liv 


Minor  Prophets 


Minor  Prophets 


Iv 


In 


Jonah 

In  2  Kings  xiv.  25,  Jeroboam  II.  is  said  to  have  gained  his 
victories  over  the  Syrians  in  consequence  of  the  prophecies  of  Jonah 
the  son  of  Amittai  of  Gath-hepher  in  Zebulon.  The  story  of  Jonah's 
disobedience,  his  punishment,  deliverance,  and  preaching  to  Nineveh, 
the  repentance  of  the  city  and  its  pardon,  the  remonstrance  of  the 
prophet,  and  Jehovah's  answer,  are  familiar  to  all.  Whether  the 
story  is  fact  or  not  does  not  affect  its  importance  to  the  historian,  as 
it  does  not  in  any  way  bear  on  national  development.  But  the 
value  of  the  book  is  very  great  as  revealing  a  design  to  teach  that 
God's  purposes  are  not  limited  to  Israel  but  that  the  repentance 
even  of  the  heathen  is  accepted  by  Him.  It  is  assigned  by  modem 
critics  to  the  5th  century  B.C.  or  later. 

Nahuni 

From  iii.  10  we  get  a  clue  to  the  date  of  this  prophecy,  since  the 
Assyrian  king  Asshur-bani-pal  captured  Thebes  in  Egypt  in  B.C.  664, 
and  it  evidently  preceded  the  fall  of  Nineveh  in  607.  It  is  a 
vigorous  and  lively  denunciation  of  the  Assyrian  power,  describing 
the  fall  of  Nineveh,  the  oppressor  of  the  people  of  Jehovah. 
"Nahum"  says  Dr.  Driver  "is  the  only  one  who  in  dignity  and 
force  approaches  Isaiah."  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  prophecy 
was  immediatelj'^  occasioned  by  the  attack  on  Nineveh  in  B.C.  623  by 
Cyaxares  the  Mede. 

Habakkuk 

This  prophecy  alludes  to  the  rise  of  the  Chaldean  power,  con- 
sequently Habakkuk  was  contemporary  with  the  early  years  of 
Jeremiah.  Unlike  Jeremiah,  Habakkuk  bitterly  denounces  the 
cruelty  of  the  Babylonian  power,  but  though  the  idols  are  powerless 
"Jehovah  is  in  his  holy  temple  ;  let  all  the  earth  keep  silence  before 
him."  The  third  and  last  chapter  is  a  lyric  ode,  "which,  for  sub- 
limity of  poetic  conception  and  splendour  of  diction,  ranks  with  the 
finest  efforts  which  Hebrew  poetry  heis  produced."     (Driver.) 


Zechariah  II.     (Chs.   ix.— xiv.) 

This  is  divided  into  two  sections  :  (a)  ix. — xi.  Here  Israel  and 
Judah  are  both  kingdoms  and  their  enemies  are  Hamath,  Damascus, 
and  Tyre  and  Zidon.  The  people  suffer  from  unworthy  rulers,  and 
an  allegory  follows  shewing  how  when   Jehovah    offered   to  take 


I 


charge  of  His  people  instead  of  the  false  shepherds  He  was  offered  as 
hire  the  price  of  a  slave.  The  two  staves  "Beauty"  and  "Bands" 
are  broken  by  the  prophet,  and  the  brotherhood  between  Israel  and 
Judah  said  to  be  at  an  end.  This  prophecy  must  date  before  the 
fall  of  Samaria  in  B.C.  722.  In  (6)  xii.— xiv.  the  nations  are 
assembled  against  Jerusalem,  a  fountain  is  opened  to  the  house  of 
David  for  sin  and  uncleanness,  Jehovah  will  fight  for  Jerusalem  and 
a  mighty  earthquake  shall  alter  the  valleys  and  mountains  around. 
Judah  fights  against  Jerusalem  :  but  in  the  end  all  that  is  in  the 
city  shall  be  holy  and  the  nations  that  come  not  up  "  to  keep  the 
feast  of  Tabernacles"  shaU  be  smitten.  This  fragment  is  probably 
post -exilic. 


my 
The 


Malachi 

The  name  Malachi  des  not  occur  elsewhere  and  means 
messenger,"  see  iii.  1,  "Behold  I  will  send  my  messenger^ 
prophecy  evidently  belongs  to  a  period  after  the  exile,  and  from  the 
allusion  to  "the  governor"  to  a  later  date  than  the  administration 
of  Nehemiah.  "Malachi"  denounces  the  priests'  neglect  of  their 
duties,  the  meanness  of  the  people  to  the  sanctuary,  and  the  practice 
of  divorcing  Jewish  wives  in  order  to  marry  foreigners. 


Poetical   Books 


Ivii 


If 


) 


t  i 


I 
I 


I  f 


III 

THE     WRITINGS 

Hebrew,  K'thubhim.     Greek,  *Aytoypa<^a. 

These  fall  into  three  divisions.  ( 1 )  Three  poetical  books  : 
Psalms,  Proverbs,  Job.  (2)  Five  rolls  :  Song  of  Songs,  Ruth, 
Lamentations,  Ecclesiastes,  and  Esther.  (3)  Daniel,  Ezra- 
Nehemiah,  and  Chronicles.  Only  the  three  last  of  these  books 
with  Ruth  and  Esther  can  be  considered  historical. 


(i)     Poetical   Books 
Psalms 

Hebrew,   Tehillim.     Greek,   ^aX/xoi. 

The  Psalter  is  a  collection  of  devotional  songs  in  five  books, 
corresponding  to  the  books  of  the  Law.  Bk.  1.  Pss.  i. — xli.  Bk.  II. 
Pss.  xlii.— Ixxii.  Bk.  HI.  Pss.  Ixxiii.— Ixxxix.  Bk.  IV.  Pss.  xc. — cvi. 
Bk.  V.  Pss.  cvii. — cl. 

The  Psalms  are  naturally  invaluable  as  indicating  the  spiritual 
feelings,  hopes,  and  experiences  of  ancient  Israel,  but  for  our  purpose 
only  (1)  the  historical  psalms,  (2)  the  headings  and  ascriptions  to 
the  psalms,  need  be  considered. 

(1)  The  historical  psalms  recite  the  experiences  of  Israel  in  the 
past  and  are  retrospects  of  national  history  with  lessons  deducible 
from  it.  They  are  Ixxviii.,  Ixxxi.,  cv.,  cvi.,  cxiv.  These  all  deal 
with  the  early  history  of  the  nation,  especially  with  the  deliverance 
from  Egypt  and  the  righteous  acts  of  Jehovah  in  the  Wilderness. 
In  no  case  do  they  allude  to  anything  later  than  the  days  of  David. 

(2)  The  origin  of  the  titles  of  the  Psalms  is  very  obscure,  but  they 
were  certainly  in  existence  before  the  LXX.  version  was  made,  i.e. 

Ivi 


before  B.C.  200.  Except  Ps.  vii.  "Concerning  the  words  of  Gush  a 
Benjamite,"  all  those  ascribed  to  David  with  mention  of  the  occasion 
of  the  Psalm  refer  to  some  incident  in  his  life,  as  recorded  in  the 
books  of  Samuel,  though  with  variations. 

Allusions  to  many  events  and  persons  in  the  Old  Test,  are  to  be 
found  in  the  Psalms  ;  though  those  omitted — e.g.  Elijah,  the  reign  of 
Solomon  (except  the  heading  to  Ps.  Ixxii.),  etc.— are  equally  remark- 
able. 

Proverbs 

Hebrew,  Meshalim.     Greek,  Ha/aoi/xiat. 

In  this  book  there  are  naturally  no  historical  allusions,  if  we 
except  the  notice  in  ch.  xxv.  that  "the  men  of  Hezekiah"  copied 
out  certain  proverbs  of  Solomon,  confirming  the  tradition  of  the 
piety  of  that  monarch. 

Job 

The  book  of  Job  deals  with  nothing  bearing  on  the  history  of  the 
Hebrews,  even  if  the  chief  character,  who  is  mentioned  by  Ezekiel 
as  one  of  the  holy  men  of  old  (Ez.  xiv.  14),  experienced  all  that  is 
described  in  it.  It  deals  with  the  problem  of  the  suffering  of  the 
righteous,  and  consists  of  dialogues  between  Job,  who  is  afflicted  in 
every  possible  way,  and  his  friends.  The  scene  is  laid  in  the  north  or 
north-east  of  Edom,  in  the  land  of  Uz.  The  poem  consists  of  (o)  A 
Prologue.  (6)  A  speech  of  Job  cursing  the  day  on  which  he  was  bom. 
(c)  Three  groups  of  speeches  in  which  each  of  Job's  friends  address 
the  sufferer,  Eliphaz  and  Bildad  thrice  and  Zophar  twice,  and  are 
answered  by  Job  on  each  occasion,  (d)  Job's  "parables"  or  dis 
courses  after  the  controversy,  (e)  An  interruption  by  a  young  man 
named  Elihu,  who  is  angry  that  neither  Job  nor  his  friends  have 
spoken  well — this  is  usually  considered  an  interpolation.  (/)  God's 
answers  to  Job  out  of  the  whirlwind,  vindicating  His  Providence. 

(g)  An  epilogue. 

Modem  critics  are  inclined  to  assign  the  book  of  Job  to  a  date 

posterior  to  the  Captivity. 

(2)     The  Five  Megilloth 

These  books  are  read  publicly  at  certain  sacred  seasons. 
The  Song  of  Songs  at  Passover,  Ruth  at  Pentecost,  Lamenta- 
tions on  the  9th  Ab  (destruction  of  Jerusalem),  Ecclesiastes 
at  Tabernacles,  Esther  at  Purim. 


i 


Iviii 


The   Megilloth 


The  Megilloth 


lix 


The   Song  of  Songs 

Hebrew,  Shir  Hashshir'im.     Greek,  *Aa-/xa  al(r/xdTo)v. 

This  poem  has  been  the  subject  of  much  dispute.  Is  it  to  be 
imderstood  literally  or  allegorically  ?  Is  it  a  dialogue  between 
Solomon  and  the  fair  Shulamite,  or  are  there  three  speakers,  the 
third  being  the  Shulamite's  shepherd  lover,  or  is  it  a  monologue  ?  Is 
it  a  secular  poem,  a  Syrian  wedding  song  regarded  as  a  religious  ode, 
or  is  it  the  work  of  a  devout  poet  ?  All  that  is  undeniable  is  its 
beauty  as  a  poem. 

Ruth 

This  touching  story  is  a  sort  of  supplement  to  the  book  of  Judges, 
relating  how  Elimelech  took  refuge  in  Moab  and  died  with  his  two 
sons,  the  widow  of  one  of  them  returning  to  Bethlehem  with  her 
mother-in-law  Naomi  and  becoming  the  wife  of  Boaz,  the  great-grand- 
father of  David.  The  story  is  in  marked  contrast  with  the  narratives 
at  the  end  of  Judges,  being  distinguished  by  its  delicate  refinement. 
Some  critics  assign  it  to  the  period  after  the  Exile,  and  consider 
that  it  was  an  apology  for  the  foreign  marriages  so  loudly  con- 
demned by  the  zealots  for  Jewish  separation.  There  is,  however, 
much  to  be  said  for  its  belonging  to  the  best  period  of  Hebrew 
literature  before  the  Exile. 


* 


i 


Esther 

This  book,  in  which  the  name  of  God  is  not  sc'rauch  as  mentioned, 
relates  the  deliverance  of  the  Jews  in  the  days  of  Xerxes.  Owing  to 
Haman  the  Agagite's  enmity  to  Mordecai  the  Jew,  a  decree  was 
extorted  from  King  Ahasuerus,  i.e.  Xerxes,  B.C.  485-465,  ordering  all 
the  Jews  in  the  Empire  to  be  massacred  on  the  13th  day  of  Adar, 
eleven  months  later  than  the  passing  of  the  law.  Mordecai  per- 
suaded Esther,  the  Jewish  queen  who  had  displaced  the  proud 
Vashti,  to  intercede  for  her  people.  The  queen  entered  the  presence, 
and  merely  requested  the  king  to  honour  a  banquet  to  which  Haman 
was  invited.  That  night  the  archives  were  read  to  the  king  and  he 
heard  how  Mordecai  had  saved  his  life.  At  the  banquet  Esther 
revealed  that  Haman  had  obtained  the  decree  against  the  Jews,  and 
when  he  fled  to  her  couch  for  protection  the  king  commanded  him  to 
be  hanged  on  the  gallows  prepared  for  Mordecai.  As  the  edict  could 
not  be  changed  the  Jews  were  allowed  to  defend  themselves,  and 
slew  their  enemies.  In  memory  of  their  deliverance  they  observed 
the  14th  and  15th  of  Adar  as  the  festival  of  Purim  (lots). 

The  last  three  books  of  the  Canon,  Daniel,  Ezra-Nehemiah 
(considered  as  a  single  book)  and  Chronicles,  are  of  importance 
to  the  historian.  Daniel,  though  not  a  historical  book, 
presents  problems  of  considerable  interest. 


Lamentations 


Hebrew,   'eykhah.     Greek,   ©prjvoi. 

The  book  consists  of  five  distinct  poems,  four  of  which  are  alpha- 
betically arranged,  like  some  of  the  Psalms.  The  fifth,  though  it 
contains  22  verses,  the  number  of  letters  in  the  Hebrew  alphabet,  is 
not  alphabetically  arranged.  Tradition  as  early  as  the  LXX. 
attributes  these  poems  to  Jeremiah  on  the  occasion  of  the  fall  of 
Jerusalem. 

Ecclesiastes 

Hebrew,  Qoheleth.     Greek.    'EkkA-i^o-tiJ^. 

Ecclesiastes  professes  to  be  by  Solomon,  but  it  reflects  the  opinions 
of  a  far  later  age,  and  can  hardly  be  said  to  bear  even  on  the  thought 
of  the  period  with  which  this  book  deals.  It  represents  Solomon, 
having  experienced  all  the  pleasures  and  acquired  all  the  wisdom  of 
the  world,  decliuring  all  to  be  vanity  and  vexation  of  spirit. 


(3)    The   Three   Writings 
Daniel 

Though  ranked  as  one  of  the  four  greater  prophets  according  to  th© 
arrangement  of  the  LXX.,  the  book  of  Daniel  in  the  Hebrew  is  not 
included  in  the  prophetic  canon.  It  falls  into  two  main  sections  : 
(o)  I. — VI.,  The  history  of  Daniel  and  his  companions ;  {b)  VII. — XII., 
The  visions  of  Daniel  concerning  the  empires  of  antiquity  and  the 
coming  kingdom  of  Messiah.  Professedly  the  book  is  the  work  of 
Daniel,  who  was  taken  captive  at  Jerusalem  in  B.C.  605  (the  third 
year  of  Jehoiakim)  by  Nebuchadrezzar  and  brought  to  Babylon 
where  he  became  a  leader  of  the  Magi  and  a  favoured  counsellor  of 
that  king,  his  son  Belshazzar,  and  of  "Darius  the  Mede,"  who 
captured  Babylon  and  reigned  with  Cyrus  the  Persian  (cf.  vi.  28, 
"Now  this  Daniel  prospered  in  the  reign  of  Darius  and  in  the  reign 
of  Cyrus  the  Persian. ")     The  facts  related  in  Daniel  are  :    Ch.  I. 


If^ 


Ix 


The   Writings 


The  Writings 


Ixi 


m 


if! 

-  -■  ( 

{ 

■  i 
I 


I*  * 

t  * 

[J  ^ 
•  *  % 


.    ; 
I 


■ 


1 1 

I  ^ 

i  » 

i 


I 

i 


Daniel  and  his  companions  refuse  to  eat  unclean  food  in  Babylon 
and  thrive  on  pulse,  they  become  more  expert  than  any  of  the  Magi. 
Ch.  II.  Daniel  interprets  Nebuchadrezzar's  dream  of  the  image. 
Ch.  III.  Shadrach,  Meshach,  and  Abednego  refuse  to  worship  Nebu- 
chadzezzar's  image.  Ch.  IV.  Nebuchadrezzar's  madness.  Ch.  V. 
Belshazzar's  feast  and  the  capture  of  Babylon.  Ch,  VI.  The  Decree 
of  Dtirius  ;  Daniel  delivered  from  the  lions.  The  rest  of  the  book  is  a 
series  of  visions  ;  tmd,  whatever  the  date  of  "Daniel"  may  be,  they 
refer  mainly  to  the  times  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  B.C.  176-165, 
and  especially  to  his  cruel  persecution  of  the  Jews  in  B.C.  169-8. 
This  book  is  written  in  two  languages.  It  begins  in  Hebrew  ;  but 
at  ii.  4  the  narrative  is  abruptly  continued  in  Western  Aramaic. 
Hebrew  is  resumed  in  the  portions  relating  to  Daniel's  Visions, 
vii. — xii.  The  stories  in  Daniel  are  told  with  great  effect,  and,  as 
English,  the  translation  in  this  book  in  the  Authorised  Version  is 
unequalled.  The  Revised  Version  has  endeavoured  to  render  the 
sense  simpler  to  the  unlearned  by  such  happy  expedients  as  the 
substitution  of  "satraps"  for  "princes." 


Ezra-Nehemiah 

This  work,  reckoned  as  a  single  book  in  the  Hebrew  canon,  is 
properly  a  continuation  of  the  book  of  Chronicles,  and  the  compiler 
of  both  is  probably  the  same  ;  nevertheless  it  possesses  a  peculiar 
feature  in  consisting  of  the  personal  memoirs  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah. 
Ezra  i. — vi.  contains  an  account  of  the  return  from  captivity,  the 
setting  up  of  the  altar,  the  commencement  of  the  work  of  rebuilding 
the  Temple,  the  hindrance  of  the  work  due  to  the  intolerance  of 
the  Jews  and  the  enmity  of  the  Samaritans,  and  the  completion  of 
the  building  in  the  sixth  year  of  the  reign  of  Darius,     (b.c.  636-516.) 

Sixty  years  elapse  of  which  there  is  no  record,  and  the  narrative 
is  resumed  in  the  7th  year  of  Artaxerxes,  b.c.  458,  when  Ezra,  a 
priest  and  scribe,  receives  permission  to  take  a  colony  of  Jews  to 
Jerusalem  and  to  beautify  the  Temple,  (ch.  vii.)  Ezra  now  (ch.  viii. 
speaks  in  propria  persona^  and  tells  of  his  arrival  at  Jerusalem  and 
the  committal  of  the  offerings  to  the  treasury  of  the  Temple.  He 
learns  that  the  people  have  intermarried  with  the  heathen,  and 
addresses  God  in  a  fervent  prayer,  in  which  he  confesses  the  great- 
ness of  the  national  sin.  (Qi.  ix.)  In  chapter  x.  the  third  person  is 
employed,  and  we  are  told  how  at  Ezra's  conmiand  the  foreign 
women  are  put  away. 

Nehemiah's  story  now  commences  in  the  twentieth  year  of 
Artaxerxes,  b.c.  446.  At  Shushan  Nehemiah  hears  that  the  wall 
of  Jerusalem  h6is  been  broken  down  and  the  gates  burned.     At 


a 


ii 


his  petition  Artaxerxes  appoints  him  Tirshatha  or  governor,  and 
he  visits  Jerusalem  :  he  surveys  the  walls  and  rebuilds  them, 
despite  the  opposition  of  the  enemies  of  the  Jews  led  by  Sanballat 
and  Tobiah,  and  suppresses  the  usurious  practices  which  were 
ruining  the  poorer  Jews  (i. — ^vii.).  Thus  far  the  narrative  is  in  the 
first  person,  in  chapter  viii.  we  hear  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah.  The 
Law  is  read  to  the  people  by  Ezra,  and  after  celebrating  the  Feast 
of  Tabernacles  the  people  enter  into  a  solemn  covenant  to  serve 
Jehovah  and  obey  His  Law  (viii. — x.).  The  rest  of  the  contents  of 
the  book  are  miscellaneous,  dealing  (xi.-xii.)  with  the  priests  and 
Levites  and  offering  to  the  Sanctuary,  and  ending  (xiii.)  with  a 
personal  memoir  of  Nehemiah's  second  governorship  in  B.C.  432. 

Chronicles 

Hebrew,   Dibhere  hayyimim. 

Greek,  UapaXcnrofJievoyv  /JacrtXctoDV  *Iov8a,   a    kol  ^. 

In  Hebrew  this  book  is  called  Dibhere  hayyamim  "words  (or 
acts)  of  days"  ;  and  Jerome  describes  it  as  Chronicon  totius  divinoe 
historicB.  The  LXX.  name  is  TrapaXeiTro/Jicva,  and  although  the 
present  participle  is  strange  here,  this  title  apparently  implies  that 
it  contains  things  left  out  of  Kings  and  Samuel.  Chronicles  is 
a  revised  history  of  Israel,  written  when  the  books  of  Samuel 
and  Kings  were,  if  not  textually  at  least  substantially,  in  their 
present  form.  By  no  possibility  can  Chronicles  be  earlier  than 
B.C.  330,  and  the  latest  date  assigned  to  it  is  about  B.C.  200.  His- 
torically the  book  is  of  the  utmost  importance  for  the  days  of  the 
second  Temple,  throwing,  as  it  does,  a  flood  of  light  on  the  condi- 
tion of  Judaism  under  Persian  and  Greek  influences,  whilst  as 
regards  the  earlier  history  of  Israel  its  genealogies  are  receiving 
special  attention  as  furnishing  clues  to  explain  various  episodes  and 
the  origin  of  families,  tribes  and  nations,  nor  can  the  traditions  it 
preserves  concerning  early  tribal  history  be  neglected.  The  writer 
of  Chronicles  is  impregnated  with  the  orthodoxy  of  the  third  century 
B.C.,  his  norm  and  standard  is  the  priestly  code  (P),  and  any  viola- 
tions of  this  are  explained  away  or  expunged,  and  occasionally 
visited  with  severe  punishment.  All  that  seems  unedifying,  Uke 
the  failings  of  a  David  or  Solomon,  is  omitted.  Numerous  works  are 
quoted,  but  as  references  to  facts  which  the  author  has  not  men- 
tioned, not  as  his  authorities.  The  contents  of  the  book  are  briefly 
as  follows  : — 

(a)  1  Chr.  I. — X,  Pedigrees  from  Adam  to  Saul,  taken  mainly 
from  Grenesis  and  Numb,  xxvi.,  ending  with  an  account  of  the  death 
of  Saul  from  1  Sam.  xxxi. 


Ixii 


The   Writings 


!l 


(6)  I  Chr.  XT. — XXIX.  Reign  of  David  from  his  election  at 
Hebron  to  his  edifying  end  after  the  appointment  of  Solomon  his 
successor.  Of  these  chapters  xxi. — xxix.  are  devoted  to  the  prepara- 
tion for  the  Temple  from  the  purcha-se  of  the  threshing-floor  of 
Oman  to  the  arrangements  of  the  ministers  of  the  sanctuary,  and 
to  David's  discourses  to  the  p)eople.  None  of  David's  sins,  trials,  or 
his  son's  rebellion,  are  alluded  to  by  the  Chronicler. 

(c)  II  Chr.  I. — IX.  The  reign  of  Solomon.  The  king  is  regarded 
almost  exclusively  as  the  builder  of  the  Temple — even  his  secular 
buildings  and  the  disposition  of  the  kingdom  are  passed  over  in 
silence,  chs.  ii. — vii.  being  entirely  devoted  to  the  Temple.  The 
visit  of  the  Queen  of  Sheba  (ix.),  with  Solomon's  choice  of  wisdom 
(i.),  are  the  only  incidents  in  his  reign  mentioned  by  the  Chronicler 
if  we  except  the  cities  built  by  him  (viii.) ;  his  sins  £uid  troubles  are 
ignored. 

(d)  II  Chr.  X. — XXXVI.  An  account  of  the  kings  of  Judah  from 
the  accession  of  Rehoboam  to  the  proclamation  of  Cyrus.  The 
remarkable  feature  in  this  long  section  is  that  the  existence  of  the 
northern  kingdom  to  which  so  much  importance  is  attached  in  Kings 
is  entirely  ignored,  and  Ehjah  is  only  mentioned  as  writing  a  letter 
denouncing  Jehoram  king  of  Judah  (II.  Chr.  xxi.  12). 

In  a  sense  the  Chronicler  is  the  first  Biblical  historian  who,  with 
something  at  any  rate  closely  resembling  the  canonical  books  before 
him,  endeavours  to  toll  the  story  of  Judah.  If  his  strong  legalistic 
prepossessions  obscure  his  judgment  at  times,  the  importance  of 
his  work  is  far  greater  than  is  usually  assumed,  and  I.  and  II. 
Chronicles  deserve  careful  and  attentive  study. 


IV 
THE    APOCRYPHA 


The  order  of  the  books  called  Apocrypha  in  our  Bible 
ir< :  1  Esdras,  2  Esdras,  Tobit,  Judith,  the  Rest  of  Esther, 
the  Wisdom  of  Solomon,  Ecclesiasticus,  Baruch  with  the 
Epistle  of  Jeremiah,  The  Song  of  the  Three  Holy  Children, 
the  History  of  Susanna,  Bel  and  the  Dragon,  the  Prayer  of 
Manasses,  1  Maccabees,  2  INIaccabees.  They  fall,  however, 
into  the  following  categories  :  (A)  Additions  to  the  Hebrew 
Canonical  books — 1  Esdras,  The  Rest  of  Esther,  the  Greek 
additions  to  the  Book  of  Daniel — ( 1 )  the  Song  of  the  Three 
Children,  (2)  Susanna,  (3)  Bel  and  the  Dragon;  and  the 
Prayer  of  Manasses  in  LXX  of  2  Chronicles.  To  these 
Baruch  and  the  Epistle  of  Jeremy  may  be  added. 
{B)  Popular  Jewish  Romances — Tobit  and  Judith. 
(C)  Books  of  Wisdom — Wisdoin  of  Solomon  and  Ecclesi- 
asticus. (D)  Apocalypse — 2  Esdras.  {E)  Histories — 1-2 
Maccabees. 


I  i  I 


I 
i 


{A)  Additions  to  the  Canonical  Hebrew  Boohs 

The  first  book  of  Esdras,  so  called,  is  the  ancient  Greek  version 
of  the  book  of  Ezra,  the  Greek  translation  of  the  Hebrew  text 
as  we  now  have  it  being  that  of  Theodotion  (a.d.  100  ?).  It  is 
considered  by  some  scholars,  notably  Professor  Torrey,  to  re- 
present an  earlier  Hebrew  exemplar  than  that  which  appears  in 
the  Bible. 

It  begins  with  2  Chron.  xxxv.  1,  "  Moreover  Josiah  (Josias) 
kept  a  passover,"  and  gives  the  substance  of  the  last  two  chapters 
of  the  book.  The  story  in  the  present  Hebrew  Ezra  is  continued 
with  certain  modifications  ;  and  in  chapter  iii.  there  is  the  story 
of  Darius  and  the  three  youths,  which  does  not  appear  at  all  in 
the  Hebrew  Bible.  Three  of  the  bodyguard  of  Darius  Hystaspes 
challenged  each  other  to  say  what  was  the  strongest  thing  in  the 

Ixiii 


\ 


Ixiv 


The  Apocrypha 


world,  and  agreed  that  the  victor  should  have  great  rewards 
from  Darius.  One  said  Wine,  a  second  The  King,  the  third 
Truth.  The  last  was  acclaimed  victor,  and  proved  to  be  Zoro- 
babel.  He  reminded  the  king  of  his  promise  to  rebuild  Jerusalem 
and  the  temple,  and  he  was  sent  thither  for  that  purpose.  The 
rest  of  the  book  resembles  our  Ezra,  except  that  it  concludes 
with  the  reading  of  the  Law  to  the  people,  which  is  found  in 
Nehemiah  viii. 

The  Rest  oj  the  Book  oj  Esther  consists  of  seven  chapters  num- 
bered X.,  a  continuation  of  Esther  x. — xvii.  They  are  part  of 
the  Greek  Esther;  and  when  Jerome  translated  the  Hebrew  book, 
he  placed  these  chapters  as  a  supplement  at  the  end.  They  are 
arranged  in  the  order  Jerome  left  them,  with  the  conclusion  of 
chapter  x.  to  xii.,  which  really  ends  the  book,  at  the  beginning 
of  the  extracts.  The  Greek  book  of  Esther  begins  with  xi.  2, 
*'  In  the  second  year  of  Artaxerxes,"  &c.,  and  goes  on  to  xii.  6  ; 
then  follows  the  Hebrew.  The  next  section,  Rest  xiii.  1-7, 
comes  between  Esther  iii.  13-14;  another  Rest  xiv.  8-xv.  16, 
follow  iv.  17  ;  and  Rest  xvi.  comes  between  vtii.  12  and  13. 
The  book  ends  with  a  notice  that  "  In  the  days  of  Ptolemeus  and 
Cleopatra  (c.  B.C.  114),  Dosistheus,  who  said  he  was  a  priest  and 
Levite,  .  .  .  brought  this  epistle  of  Phrurai  (A. V.  Purim)."  The 
additions  are  of  little  value,  and  are  evidently  intended  to  give 
an  air  of  specious  piety  to  Esther,  which  is  absent  from  the 
Hebrew  version  in  which  there  is  no  allusion  to  the  Deity. 

The  Song  oJ  the  Three  Children  (Oh  all  ye  works  of  the  Lord) 
is  in  the  Greek  of  Daniel  after  v.  24,  put  into  the  mouth  of 
Shadrach,  Meshach  and  Abednego  when  in  the  fiery  furnace. 

The  History  of  Susanna  relates  how  Susanna,  a  virtuous  and 
beautiful  woman  rejected  the  advances  of  two  elders,  who 
accused  her  of  misconduct  with  a  young  man.  The  charge  was 
considered  proved,  and  she  was  condemned  to  death,  when  the 
youthful  Daniel  appeared,  and  by  examining  the  Elders  separately 
convinced  the  people  of  Susanna's  innocence.  The  popularity 
of  this  story  is  seen  in  the  frequent  pictures  of  Susanna  in 
Christian  art,  and  also  in  Shakespeare's  allusion  "  A  Daniel 
come  to  judgment." 

Bel  and  The  Dragon.  Daniel  exposes  the  fraud  of  the  Baby- 
lonian idol  called  Bel,  who  was  said  to  consume  a  vast  meal  every 
night.  By  sprinkling  ashes  on  the  floor  of  the  temple  the  prophet 
proved  that  the  priests  and  their  families  had  entered  by  private 
doors  and  eaten  the  food.  Thereupon  King  Cyrus  gave  the 
temple  to  Daniel,  and  he  overthrew  it. 

The  king  ordered  Daniel  to  worship  a  great  dragon,  but 
Daniel  declared  he  would  slay  it  "  without  sword  or  staff."  He 
gave  the  dragon  lumps  of  fat,  pitch  and  hair,  and  it  burst  asunder. 


The  Apocrypha 


Ixv 


The  people  revolted,  and  the  king  delivered  Daniel  to  them, 
and  they  cast  him  into  a  den  of  lions.  The  Angel  of  the  Lord 
transported  the  prophet  Habakkuk  by  the  hair  of  his  head,  and 
bade  him  bear  food  to  Daniel.  On  the  seventh  day  Daniel  was 
delivered. 

The  Prayer  of  Manasses.  This  is  the  prayer  put  into  the 
mouth  of  Manasseh,  the  king  of  Judah,  who,  according  to 
Chronicles,  but  not  Kings,  was  taken  to  Babylon  by  the  King  of 
Assyria,  repented  of  his  sins  and  was  restored. 

The  Book  of  Baruch  was  supposed  to  have  been  written  by 
the  companion  of  Jeremiah  when  he  was  in  Babylon,  and  read  to 
the  Jews  there.  It  was  then  sent  in  the  form  of  a  letter  to- 
Jerusalem  with  offerings  for  the  Temple.  It  is  a  cento  of 
prophetic  phrases  of  confession,  penitence  and  hope,  with  as- 
surances that  mercy  will  once  more  be  shown  to  Israel. 

The  Epistle  of  Jeremy,  appended  to  Baruch,  is  a  long  warning 
against  the  folly  of  idolatry,  supposed  to  have  been  addressed  to 
the  captives  who  were  about  to  be  sent  from  Jerusalem  to 
Babylon. 

(B)    Popular  Jewish  Romances 

The  Book  of  Tohit  begins  with  the  personal  story  of  Tobit, 
a  pious  native  of  Thisbe,  in  the  tribe  of  Naphtali,  who  had  been 
carried  captive  to  Nineveh  by  Enemessar,  king  of  the  Assyrians. 
Tobit  had  refused  to  worship  the  calves  with  his  countr>Tnen, 
and  had  persistently  gone  to  Jerusalem,  and  had  paid  tithe 
regularly  to  the  Levites.  He  married  his  kinswoman,  Anna, 
and  had  a  son  named  Tobias.  In  his  captivity  he  became 
purveyor  to  the  king.  In  the  days  of  Sennacherib,  Tobit  in- 
curred enmity  for  the  mercy  he  showed  to  Jews  who  had  offended 
the  king,  and  was  deprived  of  his  property  ;  but  the  next  king, 
Sarchedonus,  made  Tobit's  nephew  Achiacharus,  chief  minister! 
At  the  feast  of  Pentecost  Tobit  by  an  accident  lost  his  sight. 
Achiacharus  supported  him  till  he  went  to  Elymais,  where  he 
fell  into  poverty  and  prayed  for  death  (ch.  i.  1-iii.  6). 

The  narrative  now  continues  in  the  third  person.  In  Ecbatana 
in  Media  lived  a  damsel  Sara,  the  daughter  of  Raguel.  She  was 
beloved  by  the  demon  Asmodeus,  who  on  their  marriage  night  had 
killed  seven  men  who  had  wedded  her.  Like  Tobit,  Sara  prayed 
that  she  might  die ;  but  God  was  providing  that  both  of  them 
might  be  delivered  by  means  of  the  Angel  Raphael  (iii.  7-17). 

Tobit  next  desires  to  send  his  son  Tobias  for  money  due  to  him 
from  Gabiel  in  Rages  of  Media.  After  much  good  advice,  the 
old  man  tells  his  son  to  procure  a  companion.  Tobias  finds 
Raphael,  not  suspecting  that  he  is  an  angel,  and  knowing  him 


Ixvi 


The  Apocrypha 


The  Apocrypha 


Ixvii 


only  as  a  Israelite,  named  Azarias  (iv,-v).  On  their  journey, 
accompanied  by  Tobias'  dog,  the  young  man  bathes  and  is 
attacked  by  a  great  fish.  At  the  angel's  bidding  he  draws  the 
fish  out  of  the  river  Tigris,  and  takes  the  liver  and  the 
gall  with  him  ;  the  liver,  it  is  explained,  being  good  to  drive 
away  demons,  and  the  gall  a  remedy  for  blindness.  As  they 
near  Ecbatene  the  angel  tells  Tobias  about  Sara,  and  says  that 
if  he  will  follow  his  advice  he  may  marry  her  in  safety,  for  the 
heart  and  hver  of  the  fish  will,  if  burned,  drive  the  evil  spirit 
out  of  the  marriage  chamber  (vi.). 

They  come  to  the  house  of  Raguel  and  Edna  his  wife,  Tobias 
«ksks  Sara  in  marriage  :  the  recipe  of  the  angel  is  a  complete  success, 
the  devil  flees  to  the  "  utmost  parts  of  Egypt,"  and  the  angel 
binds  him.  The  money  is  sought  from  Gabael  and  paid,  and 
Tobias,  his  wife  and  the  angel  prepare  to  return  home.  Tobit 
and  his  wife  begin  to  mourn  for  the  loss  of  their  son  (vii.-x.). 
The  rest  of  the  book  relates  the  homecoming  of  Tobias,  and  the 
healing  of  Tobit's  blindness.  The  supposed  Azarias  reveals  him- 
self as  Raphael,  one  of  the  seven  holy  angels,  and  the  book 
concludes  with  the  notice  that  Tobit  and  Tobias  both  attained 
to  a  good  age. 

Fantastic  as  is  the  simple  plot  of  the  story,  abounding  in  im- 
possible incidents,  it  is  hardly  too  much  to  say  that  Tobit  in  other 
respects  ranks  eunong  the  most  edifying  of  the  Scriptures  of  the 
Old  Covenant.  It  presents  a  beautiful  picture  of  homely  piety, 
and  has  many  sayings  worthy  of  remembrance.  It  is  quoted  in 
the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  in  the  OSertory  at  Communion. 

Judith 

The  Book  of  Judith  is  a  somewhat  ferocious  tale,  reccdling 
Esther. 

The  Jews  and  other  neighbouring  nations  refuse  to  aid  Na- 
buchodnosor  (Nebuchadnezzar)  against  his  enemy  Arphaxad. 
After  conquering  his  rival  the  king  returns  to  Nineveh, 
makes  Holophemes  his  general,  and  sends  him  to  the  "  West 
country  "  to  punish  those  who  refused  assistance,  (chs.  i.-ii.) 
All  those  of  the  sea  coast  sought  peace.  But  the  High  Priest 
Joacim  fortified  all  the  passes  leading  to  Judaea.  Holophemes 
aska  who  the  Jews  are,  and  Achior,  the  prince  of  Ammon,  gave 
their  story.  He  warned  Holophemes  that  if  the  Jews  had 
offended  their  God  they  would  be  an  easy  prey  ;  but  if  not  no 
one  could  overcome  them  (ch.  iii.-v.). 

Holophemes  sends  Achior  with  contumely  to  the  Jews  in 
Bethulia,  who  receive  him  and  cry  to  God  for  help.     By  tho 


advice  of  the  Edomites,  Bethulia  is  strictly  besieged  (chs.  vi.-vii.). 
So  closely  was  the  city  invested  that  Ozias  the  governor  promised 
to  surrender  if  in  five  days  no  help  arrived.  There  was,  however, 
a  pious,  wealthy  and  beautiful  widow  named  Judith,  of  the  tribe 
of  Simeon,  who  declared  that  through  her  God  would  deliver 
the  city.  Though  she  had  spent  her  widowhood  in  fasting, 
Judith,  now  arrayed  magnificently  and  attended  by  her  maid, 
went  to  Holophemes.  She  charmed  the  general,  and  promised  to 
show  him  how  to  overcome  Israel.  For  three  days  she  communed 
with  Holophemes  and  went  out  by  night  into  the  mountains. 
Then  on  the  fourth  night,  at  the  invitation  of  Bagoas  the  Eunuch, 
she  was  present  at  a  great  feast,  at  which  Holophemes  drank 
himself  into  slumber.  Bagoas  then  left  Judith  and  Holo- 
phemes alone.  After  praying  she  took  Holophemes  by  his  hair 
and  cut  off  his  head.  She  gave  it  to  her  maid  and  returned  to 
Bethulia.  A  great  victory  over  the  Assyrians  follows,  Judith 
sings  a  song  of  victory,  and  for  the  rest  of  her  long  life  she  lives 
in  honourable  widowhood.     (Chs.  viii.-xvi.) 

(C)    Books    of  Wisdom 

The  Wisdom  of  Solomon.  This  book  is  Alexandrian  in  origin, 
and  to  the  "  Wisdom  "  it  contains  is  opposed  to  the  Epi- 
cureanism of  those  who  say  "  By  mere  chance  were  we  bom  '* 
(ii.  2).  It  is  of  special  interest  because  it  teaches  (1)  the  immor- 
tality of  the  righteous  (iii.  4);  (2)  describes  Wisdom's  natuie 
and  relation  to  God  (vii.  22-viii.  21);  (3)  maintains  that  man 
could  have  known  God  from  His  creation,  but  preferred  idolatry 
(xiii.,  cf.  Rom.  i.  20);  (4)  affirms  that  the  fall  of  man  and  the 
entry  into  the  world  of  sin  by  "  the  envy  of  the  devil." 

This  book  is  of  historical  interest  because  its  theology  and 
philosophy  of  life  forms  a  bridge  leading  from  the  teaching  of  the 
Old  Testament  to  that  of  the  New. 

The  Wisdom  of  Jesus  the  Son  of  Sirach  or  Ecclesiasticus  is 
prefaced  by  an  interesting  statement  by  the  translator,  the 
grandson  and  namesake  of  the  author.  It  contains  the  first 
reference  to  any  distinction  between  canonical  scripture  and 
other  books,  and  the  earliest  allusion  to  the  threefold  division  of 
the  Hebrew  books  into  Law,  Prophets,  and  remaining  books.  The 
object  of  the  translator  is  to  give  those  in  a  strange  country 
(Egypt)  the  opportunity  of  learning  how  to  live  according  to  the 
Law.  The  book  contains  fifty-one  chapters,  of  which  the  first 
forty-three  are  full  of  proverbial  sayings,  chapters  xliv.  1.  is  in 
praise  of  "  famous  men,"  and  there  is  an  enumeration  of  the 
heroes  of  Israel,  concluding  with  a  chapter  (1.)  in  praise  of  Simon 
the  High  Priest,  the  son  of  Onias.  Most  of  the  Hebrew  of  this 
book  has  now  been  recovered. 


Ixviii 


The  Apocrypha 


(D)    Apocalypse 
II    Esdras 


Ch.  i. — ii.  A  prophecy  delivered  by  Ezra  with  the  biblical 
preface  "  And  the  word  of  the  Lord  came  imto  me,  saying,"   &c. 

iii.  Salatathiel  ("the  same  is  Esdras''  -  R.V.  not  A.V.)  was 
in  Babylon  in  the  thirtieth  year  of  the  Captivity.  This  is  followed 
by  a  complaint  to  God  of  the  aiTliction  of  Israel. 

iv. — xiv.  Uriel,  the  angel,  was  sent  to  Esdras,  and  answers  a 
number  of  questions  put  to  him  concerning  the  fall  of  Adam, 
why  God  permits  evil,  the  Judgment,  who  are  the  saved,  and  the 
like.  Then  follow  a  series  of  visions,  notably  that  of  the  Eagle 
and  the  Lion  (chs.  xi.-xii.).  The  whole  section  concludes  with 
Ezra's  being  commanded  to  write  ninety-four  books,  twenty-four 
of  which  were  to  be  published,  and  seventy  to  be  delivered  to  the 
wise  among  the  people. 

XV. — xvi.  The  last  section  is  a  prophecy  of  the  woes  coming 
on  the  earth  in  the  last  days,  from  which  the  righteous  will  bo 
delivered. 

The  most  remarkable  passage  (vii.  28-33)  refers  to  the  reign  of 
Messiah,  "  ?»Iy  son  [Jesus]"  and  His  followers  shall  remain  four 
Hundred  years  after  which  "  My  son  Messiah  "  shall  die,  and  for 
seven  days  there  shall  be  the  old  silence  as  at  the  first  beginning 
Then  will  there  be  resurrection  and  judgment. 


^'^' 


(E)    History 


The  First  Book  of  Maccabees  begins  with  a  notice  of  Alexander 
the  Great  and  those  who  divided  his  kingdoms  after  his  death. 
The  story  opens  with  Antiochus  Epiphanes  in  "  the  hundred 
and  thirty-seventh  year  of  the  Greeks,"  or  about  B.C.  176,  and 
the  last  event  recorded  is  the  murder  of  Simon  in  "  the  hundred 
and  seventy-seventh  year,"  B.C.  136.  The  events  are  dated 
throughout  the  book. 

The  most  interesting  section  is  i.  41-ix.  22.  The  persecution 
by  Antiochus,  the  rising  imder  Mattathiaa,  the  priest  of  Modin, 
and  the  successes  of  his  son  Judas  the  Maccabee  till  his  defeat 
and  death  at  the  battle  of  Elasa,  B.C.  161. 

ix.  23  xii.  53.  An  account  of  the  doings  of  Jonathan  the 
brother  of  Judas,  who  was  the  first  of  his  family  to  assume  the 
office  of  High  Priest.  He  was  enticed  into  Ptolemais  by  the 
usurper  Tryphon  and  murdered. 


The  Apocrypha 


Ixix 


xiii. — xvi.  The  conclusion  of  the  book  describes  the  way  in 
which  the  Jews  obtained  independence  under  the  third  brother 
Simon,  who  was  also  treacherously  murdered,  and  was  succeeded 
by  his  son  John  Hyrcanus. 

Th£  Second  Book  of  Maccabees  is  prefaced  by  i.  l-lOo,  a  letter 
to  the  Jews  of  Egypt  from  their  brethren  in  Judah  exhorting 
them  to  keep  the  feast  of  Tabernacles  [a-KrjvoirrjyLa)  in  the 
month  Chislev. 

i.  106  —  ii.  18.  A  second  letter  to  "  Aristobulus,  king  Ptolemy's 
te€W}her,"  saying  that  the  feast  of  the  purification  of  the  Temple 
will  be  kept  on  the  twenty -fifth  day  of  Chislev.  The  story  is 
told  how  the  priests,  when  the  Temple  was  destroyed,  hid  the  holy 
fire  in  a  well,  and  Nehemiah  discovered  the  place  full  of  thick, 
water.  When  this  was  sprinkled  on  the  altar  and  the  sun  shone 
on  it,  it  took  fire.  Nehemiah  called  it  naphthar,  but  many  call  it 
Nephi. 

ii.  19 — vi.  42  relates  the  persecution  of  the  Jews  from  the  five 
books  of  Jason  of  Cyrene.  Here  is  found  the  story  of  Heliodorus, 
who  tried  to  rob  the  Temple,  and  was  driven  forth  by  a  terrible 
rider  on  horseback  and  scourged  by  two  young  men ;  the  intrigues 
of  the  apostate  priests  ;  and  the  sufferings  of  the  martyrs. 

viii.  1 — XV.  36.  Contains  the  story  of  the  exploits  of  Judas 
the  Maccabee,  the  conclusion  being  the  victory  over  Nicanor 
and  the  bringing  of  his  head  in  triumph  to  Jerusalem  by  Judas. 


Books    Recommended 


The  following  books  are  recommended  to  students  who  desire  to 
give  special  attention  to  the  study  of  Old  Testament  History. 
The  list  does  not  pretend  to  be  exhaustive,  being  intended 
principally  for  beginners  who  may  be  interested  in  the  subject. 

The  best  History  is  Ewald's  History  oj  the  Hebrew  People,  in  5 
volumes  (6s.  each),  translated  into  English  1869-1880.  Though 
the  criticism  is  out  of  date,  the  treatment  of  the  subject  must 
always  be  of  permanent  value.  Stanley's  Jewish  Church,  3  vols., 
2s.  6d.  net  each  (Murray),  based  on  Ewald,  is  eminently  readable 
and  a  finished  literary  production.  The  best  recent  works  in 
English  are  Wade's  Old  Testament  History  (6s.),  Kent's  A  History 
oj  the  Hebrew  People,  2  vols.,  6s.  each  (Smith,  Elder),  and  H.  P. 
Smith's  Old  Testament  History  (12s.). 

The  best  Introduction  to  the  study  of  the  Higher  Criticism  is 
Robertson-Smith's  The  Old  Testament  in  the  Jewish  Church  (6s. 
net).  Driver's  Introduction  to  the  Literature  oj  the  Old  Testament 
(12s.)  is  an  invaluable  storehouse  of  information;  and  Well- 
hausen's  Prolegomena  to  the  History  oj  Israel,  Eng.  Transl.,  must 
not  be  neglected.  On  the  conservative  side  Orr,  Problem  oj  the 
Old  Testament  (2s.  6d.  net). 

Robertson-Smith  Prophets  oj  Israel  (6s.  net)  ;  Kirkpatrick, 
Doctrine  oj  the  Prophets  (6s.) ;  Ottley,  Religion  oj  Israel  (4s.)  ; 
Davidson,  The  Theology  oj  the  Old  Testament  (12s.) ;  Oesterley, 
Evolution  oj  the  Messianic  Idea  (3s.  6d.  net)  ;  Kennett,  In  our 
Tongues  (3s.  6d.  net). 

Kirkpatrick,  Divine  Library  oj  the  Old  Testament  (3s.  net). 
Ryle,  Canon  oj  the  Old  Testament  (6s.)  ;  Geden,  Introduction  to 
the  Hebrew  Bible  (T.  and  T.  Clark,  8s.  6d.  net). 

McCurdy,  History,  Prophecy,  and  the  Monuments,  3  vols. 
(14s.  net  each)  ;  Hommel,  Ancient  Hebrew  Tradition  Illustrated 
by  the  Monuments  (5s.) ;  Sayce,  Higher  Criticism  and  the  Verdict 
oj  the  Monuments  (Vs.  6d.) ;  Schrader,  The  Cuneijorm  Inscrip- 
tions oj  the  Old  Testament,  2  vols.  (6s.  each) ;  Zmmiem,  Baby- 
lonian and  Hebrew  Genesis  (Is.) ;  Niebuhr  (Carl),  The  Tell-el- 
Amama  Penod  (Is.),  [The  Ancient  East  Series] ;    Paton,  Syria 

Ixxi 


Histories 


Critical 
Introduc- 
tions 


Religion  of 
the  Hebrews 


General  In- 
troductions 


Archaeology 


Ixxii 


Books   recommended 


Geography 


Hebrew  and 
Oreek  Text 


Dictionaries 


and  Palestine  (58.)  ;  Johns,  The  Oldest  Code  of  Laws  in  the 
World  ( Is.  6d.  net)  ;  Driver,  Modem  Research  as  Illustrating  the 
Bible  (3s.  net)  ;   Ball,  Light  from  the  East  (los.). 

Bartholomew,  Topographical  and  Physical  Map  of  Palestine 
(10s.  6d.)  ;  G.  A.  Smith,  Historical  Geography  of  the  Holy  Land  ; 
G.  A.  Smith,  Jerusalem  from  the  Earliest  Times  to  a.d.  70  (15s.). 

BibUca  Hebraica,  ed.  Kittel,  2  vols.  (5s.  3d.  each) ;  Swete,  The 
Old  TestamerU  in  Oreek,  3  vols.  (7s.  6d.  each),  Introduction  to  the 
Old  Testament  in  Greek. 

Hastings'  Dictionary  of  the  Bible  (moderate  criticism),  5  vols. 
(28s.  each) ;  one-volume  edition  (20s.  net) ;  Encyclopcedia 
Biblica,  ed.  Cheyne  (advanced  criticism  ;  excellent  maps), 
4  vols.  (20s.  net  each)  ;  Murray's  Illustrated  Bible  Dictionary 
(conservative),  (21s.). 


Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Chapter  I 

The  Ancient  World 

The  Hebrew  nation  is  not  of  extreme  antiquity.  Compared 
with  that  of  Egypt  or  Babylonia  its  history  is  almost  modem. 
It  cannot  be  traced  with  any  certainty  to  an  earlier  date  than 
the  thirteenth  century  B.C.  ;  and  its  authentic  documents 
do  not  carry  us  back  further  than  the  ninth  century  before 
our  era.  No  really  venerable  monuments  survive  to  connect 
the  Israelites  with  the  remote  past ;  no  hint  of  the  exist- 
ence of  the  nation  having  been  discovered  earlier  than  the 
inscription  on  a  stele  of  Menephtah  II.,  a  monarch  of  the 
nineteenth  dynasty  of  Egyptian  kings  (b.c  1275).^ 

But  when  the  Israelites  emerge  into  the  full  light  of  israeUte 
history,  we  find  them  possessed  of  a  series  of  remarkable  tiraditiom 
traditions  extending  back  to  the  Creation  of  the  world. 
Between  900  and  800  years  before  Christ  a  part  of  these 
traditions  may  have  existed  in  written  form  much  as  we  now 
have  them  ;  and  it  is  safe  to  assume  that  even  then  they 
were  of  venerable  antic^uity.^  They  agree  in  stating  that 
the  original  home  of  the  human  race  was  somewhere  near 
the  banks  of  the  rivers  Tigris  and  Euphrates,  and  that  the 
Hebrews  were  an  offshoot  of  the  nation  which  made  its 
first  home  in  Babylonia.  In  this  country  therefore  the 
scene  of  the  first  eleven  chaptei-s  of  Genesis  is  laid. 

But   though   much   of    the   introductory  portion   of    the  The  twofold 

Book  of  Genesis  is  ancient,   it  contains  some  comparatively   ^^^^^^^ 

modern  elements.    When  the  Jews  were  led  captive  to  Babylon  tradition 

by  Nebuchadnezzar  they  were  brought  back   to  the   cradle 

of  their  race  ;   and  their  learned  men  naturally  revised  the 

traditions   their   ancestors   had   brought   from  their   ancient 

bome.^     For  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  civilisation 

1 


Proem  to 
Grenesia 


2  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

of  Israel,  and  indeed  that  of  all  Palestine,  came  originally 
from  Babylonia  ;  and  consequently  the  views  held  concerning 
the  origin  of  the  world,  its  geographical  divisions  and  the 
history  of  nations,  are  traceable  to  this  land.  The  two 
opening  chapters  of  Genesis  furnish  an  excellent  example 
of  the  way  in  which  earlier  and  later  elements  are  combined 
together  in  our  Bible.  There  are  evidently  two  accounts  of 
the  Creation,  very  different  from  one  another  in  language, 
thought,  and  conception.  The  writers  occupy  different  stand- 
points, and  it  may  perhaps  be  said  of  them,  that  whilst  he 
to  whom  the  first  chapter  of  Genesis  may  be  attributed 
presents  his  view  of  Creation  with  the  thoughtfulness  of  a 
full  grown  man,  the  writer  from  whose  work  Gen.  ii.  4  if. 
is  taken  displays  the  simplicity  of  a  pure-hearted  child. 

The  proem  to  the  book  of  Genesis  (ch.  i.  1 — ii.  3)  was 
perhaps  added  afc  a  comparatively  late  date ;  but  at  whatever 
time  it  was  brought  into  its  present  form,  it  is  the  work  of  a 
true  poet.  The  structure  of  the  chapter  is  such  as  to  bring 
out  the  orderly  development  of  a  great  thought,  that  all 
things  have  come  into  being  by  the  will  of  God.  Stage  by 
stage,  day  by  day  the  work  of  Creation  goes  forward  till  we 
are  brought  to  the  conclusion  of  the  whole  with  the  words, 
*'Thus  the  heavens  and  the  earth  were  finished  and  all 
the  host  of  them.  And  on  the  seventh  day  God  finished  the 
work  which  he  had  made  ;  and  he  rested  on  the  seventh  day 
from  all  the  work  which  he  had  made"*  (Gen.  ii.  1,  2). 

It  has  been  reserved  for  modern  times  to  discover  an 
account  of  the  Creation  similar  to  the  one  in  the  opening 
chapter  of  the  Hebrew  Bible.  In  the  seventh  century  before 
Christ  Assur-bani-pal,  King  of  Assyria,  formed  a  vast  li})rary 
of  clay  tablets  at  Nineveh.  These  have  been  recently  un- 
earthed and  deciphered,  and  from  duplicates  discovered  else- 
where it  has  been  inferred  that  the  originals  are  at  least  as 
old  as  B.C.  2200-1800.  These  Creation  tablets  are  full  of 
polytheistic  ideas,  as  opposed  to  the  rigid  monotheism  of 
Genesis  i.,  but  at  the  same  time  there  are  coincidences  of 
language  too  remarkable  to  be  accidental.^  \^ 

Second  and  If  the  first  account  of  Creation  in  the  book  of  Genesis  is 

arlier  Crea-     admirable  for  its  dignified  reserve  and  for  the  orderly  course 
of  its  narrative,  the  second  (and  presumably  earlier  one)  is  no 


tion 

'tS 


The  Ancient  World 


"less  worthy  of  attention.  The  childlike  simplicity  of  the 
writer's  thoughts  about  the  origin  of  the  world  is  in  strong 
contrast  with  the  profundity  of  the  insight  displayed  by  him 
on  the  moral  relationship  of  God  and  man. 

The  author  of  Gen.  ii.  4  flf.  describes  the  earth  as  hard  and 
dry  because  no  rain  had  as  yet  fallen,  and  there  was  no  on© 
to  till  it.     First  a  mist  used  to  rise  from  the  earth,  and  water 
it ;  *  then  man  was  formed  out  of  the  dust  of  the  ground,  and 
a  garden  planted   in   Eden   for   his  habitation.      From   this 
delightful  spot  issued  a  stream  from  which  flowed  the  four 
great  rivers  of  the  world.     There  stood  the  tree  of  the  know- 
ledge of  good  and  evil,  and  the  tree  of  life.     As  man  was 
alone  the  beasts  were  formed  to  be  his  companions,  but  none 
of  them  were  fitted  for  this  part.     So  a  deep  sleep  fell  upon 
the  man,  and  woman  was  taken  from  his  side.     The  serpent, 
the  craftiest  of  all  beasts,  persuaded  the  woman  to  eat  of  the 
forbidden  tree  of  the  knowledge  of  good  and  evil.     Thus  did 
man  fall,  and  was  cast  out  of  Eden  to  till  the  ground,  which 
for  his  sake  was  cursed.      He  was  not  however  bereft  of  all 
hope ;  for  an  assurance  was  given  that  the  seed  of  the  woman 
tvould  at  last  Ijruise  the  serpent's  head. 

Throughout  this  narrative  the  Maker  of  all  is  called 
Jehovah-God,  whereas  in  the  first  chapter  God  is  spoken 
of.  This  serves  to  distinguish  the  two  accounts,  and  this 
change  of  designation  supplied  the  clue  to  the  modern 
theory  that  the  Book  of  Genesis  is  a  composite  work.^ 

A  small  tablet  of  terra-cotta  was  discovered  in  1882 
written  in  Sumerian,  the  primitive  speech  of  Sumer  (Shinar), 
or  Southern  Babylonia,  with  a  translation  into  Semitic  Baby- 
lonian. It  contains  a  sort  of  hymn  written  probably  for  the 
ritual  of  one  of  the  temi)les,  the  words  of  which  recall  ex- 
pressions in  the  second  Biblical  account  of  Creation.'^ 

Nearly  all  the  traditions  of  the  primitive  world  preserved  ^^^^^^ 
by  the  Hebrews  find  their  counterparts  in  the  beliefs  of 
ancient  Babylonia.  Thus  the  garden  in  Eden  is  represented 
in  Sumerian  by  the  word  edin,  the  plain.  The  tree  of  life  is 
suggested  by  the  sacred  tree  near  Eridu,  the  most  ancient 
city  and  temple  in  that  part  of  the  world.  Trees  are  repre- 
sented guarded  by  winged  monsters,  the  cherubim  of  Scripture 
♦  Gen.  ii.  6,  a  '  mist '  or  '  tide.'     The  text  is  possibly  corrupt. 


Hebrew  view 
of  the 
UnlTerse 


Twofoid 
story  of  the 
Flood 


4  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

which  "  kept  the  way  of  the  tree  of  life."  A  hymn  has  been 
discovered  which  may,  if  rightly  translated,  refer  to  a  Fall  of 
man  due  to  eatinj];  forl)id(len  fruit.  Allusions  to  woman  being 
taken  out  of  the  side  of  man  have  been  perhaps  recognised. 
If,  however,  due  allowance  be  made  for  the  uncertainty  of 
some  of  the  supposed  identifications,  there  remains  so  much 
similarity  between  the  beliefs  of  early  Babylonia  and  those 
revealed  in  the  first  three  chapters  of  Genesis,  that  it  cannot 
be  altogether  accidental.® 

By  the  ancient  Hebrew  this  world  was  probably  imagined 
as  a  mountain  rising  out  of  the  abyss  of  waters,  which  encom- 
passed and  underlay  it.  The  Deep  (Tehom),  as  it  was  called, 
had  a  terrible  fascination  to  the  mind  of  the  Israelite.  It  was 
sometimes  conceived  of  as  a  mighty  serpent  coiled  round  the 
world,  and  called  Rahah  or  Leviathan.  Above  the  fir  id  anient 
— for  the  sky  was  believed  to  be  solid  ("  strong  as  a  molten 
mirror,"  Job  xxxvii.  18)  —  were  the  upper  deeps,  which 
would  descend  upon  the  earth  if  "  the  windows  of  heaven 
were  opened."  The  sun  rejoiced  as  a  giant  to  run  his  daily 
course  across  the  expanse  of  heaven  (Ps.  xix.  5),  and  the  moon 
and  stars  marked  the  seasons  and  religious  festivals  (Gen.  i.  1 4). 
Above  the  water-flood  God  was  enthroned  surrounded  by  the 
host  of  heaven,  who  attended  to  do  Him  service  (Ps.  xxix. 
10,  Jobi.  6). 

This  differed  but  little  from  the  view  of  the  Universe 
held  by  most  nations  of  antiquity  :  hardly  in  any  respect 
from  the  theory  of  the  world  current  among  the  Babylonians, 
by  whom  the  mysterious  Deep,  sometimes  represented  as  a 
serpent,  was  called  Tiamat,  a  name  almost  identical  with 
the  Hebrew  Tehom.  The  earth  was  regarded  as  a  mountain 
rising  out  of  the  sea  which  encompassed  it.  Maps  have  even 
been  discovered  displaying  ideas  concerning  geography  as 
crude  as  those  descriptive  of  the  situation  of  Eden  in  Genesis.® 

When  we  pass  from  the  story  of  the  Creation  to  that  of 
the  Flood  we  notice  precisely  the  same  analogy  to  Baby- 
lonian thought.  Here  we  have  again  a  double  tradition, 
like  the  twofold  account  in  Scripture. 

The  early  Hebrew  narrative  is  marked  by  the  samfe 
simplicity  of  ideas  as  the  primitive  Creation  story.  As 
man  multiplies  he  becomes  sinful.     The  sons  of  God  (elohim) 


The  Ancient  World 


5 


seeing  that  the  daughters  of  men  are  fair,  take  them  to  wife, 
and  a  race  of  famous  men  are  born  who  have  the  presump- 
tion to  defy  Jehovah  (Gen.  vi.  1  ff ).     At  last  the  wicked- 
ness   of   mankind    arrives    at    such    a    pitch   that  Jehovah 
determines  to  destroy  the  world.     One  pious  man,  Noah, 
finds  grace  in  the  eyes  of  Jehovah.     He  was  commanded 
to  take   the  clean  animals  by  sevens   and  the   others  by 
pairs  and  to  enter   an    ark   with  his  wife,   his  sons,   and 
their  wives.     Jehovah  shut  the  door  of  the  Ark,   and  a 
flood  ensued  lasting  forty  days.     At  the  end  of  this  time 
Noah    sent   forth    a   raven,    and    a    dove;    the    latter   r^ 
turned,  and  seven  days  later  Noah  sent  her  out  again  and 
she  came  back  with  an   olive  leaf.     Again   Noah  waited 
seven  days  before  he  released  the  dove,  and  this  time  he 
saw  her   no   more.     Noah  then   removed  the   covering  of 
the  Ark  and  found  that  the  ground  was  dry.     He  came 
forth  from  the  Ark  and  offered  sacrifice.     Jehovah  "  smelled 
the  savour,"  and  said  in  His  heart,  "  I  will  not  curse  the 
ground  any  more  for  man's  sake,  for  that  the  imagination 
of  man's  heart  is  evil  from  his  youth "  (Gen.  vi.   1-7 ;  vii. 
1-4,  7-10,  17,  22,23  ;  viii.  6-12,  13^  20-22  J). 

The  parallels  in  the  Babylonian  story  of  the  Deluge  with  |to^^ 
the  foregoing  are  most  striking.     The  gods  were  offended  ^«^^ 
by  the  sins  of  the  men  of  the  city  of  Shurippak.      One 
pious   man  called   Hasisadra  (Greek,  Xisuthrus)   was  com- 
manded to  build  a  vessel  and  to  put  on  board  his  friends, 
his  treasure,   and   the   animals.      The  flood  came  "like  a 
battle  charge"  upon  mankind,  and  when  it  subsided  the 
vessel  rested  on  the  ''mountain  of  the  country  of  Nizir. 
A  dove,  a  swalloio  and  a  raven  were  sent  forth.      When 
the    flood    ceased    Hasisadra    and   his    companions   offered 
sacrifice,  and  the  savour  of  it  pleased  the  gods.     The  god 
Bel    promised    that    a    flood    should    not    again    destroy 

mankind. ^^  .      .      .     _.., .      ,  ^     «  v    - 

When  we  turn  to  the  second  flood-narrative  m  the  Bible,  Later  Hebraif 
which  is  unmistakably  a  continuation  of  the  Creation  story  acc^^^^o  ^^^ 
in  Genesis  i.,  we  find  a  detailed  account  of  the  building  of 
the  Ark,  and  its  measurements.     A  covenant  is  promised ; 
Noah  is  ordered  to  take  two  of   each  sort  of  animal  (no 
distinction  being  made  between  clean  and  unclean),  and  to 

F 


6  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

provide  food.  His  age  is  given,  as  is  also  the  exact  day 
of  the  month  on  which  the  Flood  began,  as  well  as  the  fact 
that  it  lasted  a  year.  The  cause  of  the  Flood  is  said  to 
have  been  the  opening  of  "  the  windows  of  heaven,"  and 
*'  the  breaking  up  of  the  foundations  of  the  Great  Deep." 
Dates  are  given  for  the  day  on  which  the  watera  were 
dried  up,  and  the  depth  of  the  water  when  at  its  height  is 
stated.  A  covenant  is  given  to  Noah,  and  the  bow  is  placed 
in  the  cloud  as  a  sign  that  there  shall  not  again  be  a  uni- 
versal flood  (parts  Gen.  vi.-ix.  not  assigned  to  J,  see  p.  5). 

Verv  remarkable  are  the  coincidences  found  in  the  Chaldean 
Genesis,  the  chief  difference  being  that  the  Ark  is  described 
as  a  ship — a  circumstance  not  unnatural  in  the  case  of  a 
people  accustomed  to  navigation.  ^^ 
Traditiong  The   stories    of   Creation  and   the   Flood   find  undoubted 

Sn'^h^^h^*^     parallels  in  the  Babylonian  records ;  but  there  are  others  of 
Ionia  which  the  origin  is  uncertain,  though  possibly  traceable  to 

the  same  source.  As  we  have  seen,  the  Garden  of  Eden 
and  the  Fall  are  foreshadowed  in  the  mythology  of  the  ancient 
Sumerians,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  more  light  may  be 
thrown  on  the  origin  of  such  narratives  as  those  of  Cain 
and  Abel ;  Lamech  and  his  three  sons  Jabal,  Jubal,  and 
Tubal-Cain ;  the  Sons  of  God  and  the  Daughters  of  Men ; 
the  curse  of  Canaan ;  and  the  Confusion  of  Tongues. 
Cain  and  Abel  A  short  examination  of  each  of  these  may  not  be  out 
of  place.  Adam's  two  sons  represent  the  two  primitive 
occupations  of  mankind.  Cain  tills  the  ground,  whilst 
Abel  keeps  sheep.  The  cause  of  their  dispute  is  a  sacrifice 
to  Jehovah.  Each  brings  of  the  fruit  of  his  toil,  and  Abel's 
offering  is  accepted.  Thus  sacrifice  is  assumed  to  be  a 
necessary  part  of  human  worship;  no  account  of  its  origin 
being  given.  Jehovah  remonstrates  with  Cain  and  explains 
that  the  acceptance  of  sacrifice  is  dependent  upon  right 
action,  and  that  it  is  in  man's  power  to  resist  sin,  which 
like  a  savage  beast  is  ever  ready  to  spring  upon  its  victim. 
Cain,  according  to  nearly  all  the  ancient  versions,  entices 
Abel  into  the  field  and  slays  him.  Again  Jehovah  appears 
and  tells  the  murderer  "The  voice  of  thy  brother's  blood 
crieth  unto  me  from  the  ground."  Cain  fears  that  men 
will  avenge   his  brother's  death,  but  Jehovah  sets  a  mark 


The  Ancient  World 


upon  him   "lest  any   finding   him   should   kill   him"  (Gen. 

iv.   15). 

After  this  Cain  is  said  to  have  had  a  son  called  Enoch, 
and  to  have  founded  a  city  called  after  his  son  in  the  land 
of  Nod,  east  of  Eden  (Gen.  iv.  16,  17). 

In  this  as  in  the  other  early  narrative  in  Genesis  we  must 
draw  a  distinction  between  the  original  story  and  the 
purpose  of  the  man  who  has  recorded  it.  It  is  legitimate 
to  conjecture  that  it  was  a  primitive  attempt  to  account  for 
the  hostility  of  the  pastoral  and  agricultui-al  nations,  possibly 
also  for  the  totem-mark,  which  protected  a  man  even  in  the 
desert.  The  narrative  is  certainly  detached  from  its  original 
context.  It  presupposes  a  state  of  things  quite  different 
from  that  described  in  Gen.  i.-iii.  There  are  other  people 
on  earth  besides  Adam  and  Eve,  Cain  and  Abel ;  for  the 
last  named  has  friends  to  avenge  his  death,  and  Cain  is 
represented  as  a  city -build  er.^^ 

But  the  writer  of  this  part  of  the  book  of  Genesis  has  ^^^P^^^®j^°J  ^^ 
an  evident  purpose  in  introducing  the  story.  He  connects  ^^^^g^Jg 
Cain's  murder  with  the  Fall  of  Man.  He  makes  it  an 
occasion  for  showing  Jehovah's  horror  of  the  crime  of  blood- 
shedding.  He  shows  primitive  law  to  be  Jehovah's  ordinance. 
He  inculcates  the  lessons  of  personal  responsibility,  the  duty 
of  resisting  sin,  the  character  of  true  sacrifice.  In  fact  he 
takes  the  old  legend  and  makes  it  teach  important  lessons  in 

morality  and  duty.^^ 

A  descendant  of  Cain  named  Lamech  had  two  wives  and  j^^^J^^^^*^ 
three  sons,  besides  a  daughter  of  whom  nothing  is  recorded 
save  her  name,  Naamah.  The  sons  were  the  inventors  of 
the  arts  of  life,  or,  as  they  are  styled,  the  "  fathers  "  of  the 
various  callings  of  mankind.  Jabal  was  the  "  father"  of  those 
who  dwell  in  tents  and  have  cattle,  and  Jubal  of  musicians. 
Tubal-Cain  instructed  the  workers  in  brass  and  iron. 

A  song  of  Lamech  to  his  wives  is  also  preserved  (Gen.  vi. 

23,24):— 

"Adah  and  Zillah,  Hear  my  voice  ; 
Ye  wives  of  Lamech,  hearken  unto  my  speech  : 
For  I  have  slain  a  man  for  wounding  me, 
And  a  young  man  for  bruising  me  : 
If  Cain  shall  be  avenged  sevenfold, 
Truly  Lamech  seventy  and  sevenfold  " 


■^■aittr"-'  ---^jhiiiiiTgiiaibiairtft'friBl 


8  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


There  is  no  attempt  to  draw  a  moral  from,  this  narrative, 
and  its  meaning  can  be  only  conjectured.  Perhaps  the  song 
of  Laraech  celebrates  the  invention  of  the  sword  by  Tubal- 
Cain.^*  It  is  remarkable  that  the  Flood  seems  to  be  ignored, 
as  these  antediluvian  patriarchs  are  said  to  be  the  "  fathers  " 
of  the  different  classes  of  mankind.  Perhaps  they  belong 
to  some  tradition  from  which  the  story  of  the  Deluge  was 
absent^  (Gen.  iv.  19-24). 
The  wicked-  More   mysterious   is   the   description   of   the  wicked   race 

neisofman      ^^^^^^.^    ^^^    p^^^^        urj^^^^    ^^^^    of   the   Elohim    saw    the 

daughters  of  Adam  that  they  were  fair,  and  took  them 
wives  of  all  which  they  chose."  Who  these  sons  of  gods 
were  it  is  impossible  to  say  ;  but  it  looks  as  though  the 
writer  was  acquainted  with  traditions,  like  those  so  common 
in  antiquity,  of  heroic  men,  the  sons  of  divine  fathers  and 
human  mothers.  Equally  vague  is  our  knowledge  concern- 
ing the  Nephilim  or  giants  mentioned  afterwards.  But  we 
are  irresistibly  reminded  of  the  Titans  who  defied  the 
heavenly  powers  and  were  destroyed  by  thunderbolts.  The 
beliefs  embodied  in  these  obscure  verses  evidently  resemble 
those  of  other  ancient  nations  ^^  (Gen.  vi.  1-4). 
The  OuTM  of  The  names  of  Noah's  three  sons,  Shem,  Ham,  and  Japheth, 
C'uuan  and  the  curse  of  Canaan  the  son  of  Ham  are  traceable  to  no 

known  source.^*^  Noah  is  said  to  have  planted  the  vine  and 
to  have  been  uncovered  in  his  drunkenness.  Ham  treated 
his  aged  father  with  contumely,  Shem  and  Japheth  showed 
him  a  more  becoming  reverence.  When  the  patriarch  awoke 
from  his  wine,  he  blessed  Shem  and  Japheth,  but  cursed 
Canaan  the  son  of  Ham  in  the  following  words  : — 

"  Cursed  be  Canaan  ;  a  servant  of  servants  shall  he  be 
nnto  his  brethren.  Blessed  be  the  Lord  God  of  Shem ;  and 
Canaan  shall  be  his  servant.  God  shall  enlarge  Japheth, 
and  he  shall  dwell  in  the  tents  of  Shem  ;  and  Canaan  shall 
be  his  servant"  (Gen.  ix.  25-27). 

The  curse  appears  to  be  taken  from  a  story  in  which 
Japheth,  Shem  and  Canaan  figured  as  Noah's  sons.^^ 
Tlie  building  The  great  event  in  antiquity  which  appealed  to  the  Hebrew 
imagination  was  the  building  of  Babel  or  Babylon.  This  is 
in  one  place  attributed  to  Nimrod,  "  the  mighty  hunter  before 
Jehovah,"  the  beginning  of  whose  kingdom  was  "  Babel,  Accad, 


of  BjiDel 


The  Ancient  World 


and  Calneh  in  the  land  of  Shinar"  (Gen.  x.  8-12)  But  of 
Nimrod  no  particulars  are  related,  and  we  can  only  look  to 
le<^end  for  information  concerning  him. 

''The  well-known  story  of  Babel  occurs  in  the  following 
chapter.  The  children  of  men  are  all  of  one  language  and  go 
together  to  the  plain  of  Shinar,  where  they  learn  to  use  bricks 
instead  of  stone.  They  decide  to  build  a  city  and  a  tower 
in  order  that  they  may  never  be  scattered  abroad.  ±Jut 
Jehovah  comes  down  to  see  the  city  and  the  tower,  and 
declares  that  there  is  no  end  to  human  presumption,  lo 
prevent  the  completion  of  the  city  He  confounds  mens 
language  so  that  they  can  no  more  understand  one  another. 
So  mankind  was  dispersed,  and  the  city  was  called  Babel 

^""such'th'efwere   the   traditions   which    the   Hebrews  of  Ba^^^^^a  t.^ 

the  ninth  century  B.c.  had  received  concerning  the  origin  ot  Israel's  early 

mankind.     They  are  evidently  of  much   earlier  date,  espe-  traditiom 

cially   when  we   recollect  that  at  the  time  of  their  being 

written  down  the  Israelites  had  been  at  least  four  centuries 

in  Canaan,  and  had  previously  been  in  Egypt.     Yet  J»any  of 

these  fragmentary  legends  have  nothing  to  do  with  either 

Palestine  or  Egypt.     The  scene  is  Babylonian,  and  several 

of  the  names  are  non-Hebraic.     Though  there  is  hardly  any 

allusion  to  intercourse  with  countries  east  of  the  Euphrates 

from  the  age  of  the  Exodus  to  Solomon,  it  is  evident  that 

the  Hebrews    had    cherished    the    idea    that    their   ancient 

home    was    there,    and    the    discoveries    at    Tel-el-Amarna 

confirm  the   impression    given    in    the  Bible   that  relations 

between  Palestme  and  Babylonia  were  long  maintained. 

Even  when  Palestine  was  tributary  to  Egypt  in  the 
fifteenth  century  B.C.  the  medium  of  communication  between 
the  vassal  nations  and  their  suzerain  the  King  of  Egypt  was 
the  cuneiform  writing  of  Babylonia.  An  extensive  corre- 
spondence on  clay  tablets  has  been  discovered  in  Egypt,  show- 
ing the  diplomatic  relations  between  a  king  of  the  eighteenth 
dynasty  and  his  Palestinian  subjects,  and  this  conclusively 
proves  that  the  latter  had  borrowed  their  civilisation  from 
beyond  the  Euphrates,  thus  showing  the  correctness  of  the 
impression  left  by  the  perusal  of  the  early  chapters  of 
Genesis.2i     it  ^as  also  been  shown  by  the  Assyrian  monu- 


TO  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


ments  that  long  before  the  patriarchal  period  of  Hebrew 
history  Canaan  had  been  reduced  to  subjection  by  Babylonian 
conquerors. 22  A  brief  description  of  the  scene  of  the 
opening  records  in  the  Bible  story,  which  for  want  of  a 
better  name  we  have  styled  Babylonia,  may  not  be  out  of  place. 
Early  history  At  the  remote  period  of  which  we  are  speaking  it  seems 
Of  Babylonia  probable  that  the  Persian  Gulf  extended  more  than  a  hundred 
miles  to  the  north  of  its  present  limits,  and  that  the  Tigris 
and  Euphrates  entered  it  by  different  mouths.  The  southern 
district  between  the  two  rivers  was  called  Sumer,  to  the 
north  of  which  was  the  land  of  Akkad.  The  whole,  a 
territory  in  shape  like  a  bottle,  the  neck  of  which  is  formed 
by  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates  flowing  in  comparative 
proximity  at  Bagdad,  is  known  as  Shinar  or  Babylonia. 
The  early  kings  who  claimed  lordship  over  the  whole 
called  themselves  ''Kings  of  Sumer  and  Akkad."  23 

It  was  a  land  of  great  cities.  The  southermost  and 
probably  the  most  ancient  was  Eridu  (Tel-Abu-Sharein)  on 
the  Euphrates ;  further  up  the  river  were  Ur  and  Erech,  and 
more  than  a  hundred  miles  higher  was  Babel,  or  Babylon. 
Just  at  the  point  where  the  rivers  approach  one  another 
were  Agade  (Akkad),  and  Sippara.  In  the  plain  of  Shinar 
were  Cutha,  Nippur,  and  EUasar  or  Larsa.  Far  to  the  north 
of  Babylonia  on  the  Tigris  was  the  land  of  Asshur,  where 
Nimrod  went  to  build  Nineveh,  Rehoboth-Ir  and  Calah 
(Gen.  X.  8-12). 

The  civilisation   of  Babylonia   was    probably    due   to  its 
original  settlers,   the    Sumerians   and    Akkadians,  but   at   a 

very  early  period  people  of  the  same  race  as  the  Hebrews 

Arabs  of  Semitic  stock — occupied  the  country  and  adopted 
tbe  arts  and  learning  of  its  earlier  inhabitants. 2*1 
Bab^o^a  .  T^^  religion  of  Babylonia  was  polytheistic,  and  there  are 
indications  that  some  of  the  stories  embodied  in  Genesis  were 
originally  current  among  people  who  worshipped  many  gods. 
But  the  writer,  to  whom  we  owe  their  preservation  in 
Scnpture,  worshipped  but  one  God,  and  attributed  all  things 
to  Jehovah,  the  God  of  Israel.  It  is  instructive,  fn 
comparing  the  Babylonian  narratives  and  those  of  Scripture 
which  they  resemble,  to  notice  how  the  belief  in  many  gods 
prevalent  in  the  one  is  supplanted  by  the  knowledge  that 


The  Ancient  World 


II 


there  is  no  God  but  Jehovah,  which  is  so  marked  a  feature 
in  the  Biblical  story.  Yet  even  there  the  polytheism  of 
the  ancient  legends  occasionally  asserts  itself  :  in  the  use  of 
the  plural  Elohim  for  God ;  the  adoption  of  the  first  person 
plural  in  the  account  of  the  Creation  of  man ;  and  in  that 
of  the  building  of  Babel  Jehovah  is  represented  with  as  it 
were  gods  in  council  debating  what  was  to  be  done  2^  (Gen. 
i.  26,  xi.  7).  The  Israelites  admitted  that  their  ancestors 
worshipped  many  gods,  and  the  fact  survived  in  their 
language  long  after  the  practice  had  been  discontinued. 2^ 

But  it  may  well  be  asked,  Wherein  lies  the  importance  of  Wherein  Ilea 
the  early  stories  of  Genesis  from  a  religious  standpoint  ?  Is  *^®  import- 
the  interest  in  them  solely  due  to  their  significance  as  i..xi.? 
survivals  of  a  remote  past,  or  as  studies  in  comparative 
religion  'i  The  answer  seems  to  be  that  it  is  not  so  much 
the  character  of  the  stories,  as  the  purpose  with  which  the 
author  employs  them,  that  is  of  importance ;  nor  does  the  real 
value  of  what  is  related  depend  so  much  upon  the  literal 
accuracy  of  its  historical  facts,  as  upon  the  lessons  drawn  from 
them.  To  one  who  studies  Genesis  from  a  purely  historical 
standpoint  the  early  narratives  are  distinctly  disappointing. 
There  has  evidently  been  an  almost  remorseless  excision 
of  what  the  writers  deemed  unnecessary.  This  seems  to  be 
accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  the  author's  attention  was  so 
concentrated  on  one  object  that  he  had  little  interest  for  that 
which  did  not  point  directly  to  it.  27 

In  the  chapters  before  us  the  design  seems  to  be  to  show  Moral  pur- 
that  Jehovah  is  the  one  true  God,  and  that  mankind  His  pose  of  writer 
creature  has  been  from  of  old  in  rebellion  against  Him. 
Jehovah  made  man  innocent  and  gave  him  the  opportunity 
of  living  a  harmless  and  simple  life  in  Eden;  but  man, 
tempted  by  the  prospect  of  being  "as  God  knowing  good 
and  evil"  {i.e.  all  things),  sought  by  eating  of  the  tree  of 
knowledge,  to  anticipate  Jehovah's  purpose  of  revealing 
knowledge  to  him,  and  so  fell  from  his  state  of  purity.  The 
consequences  of  the  Fall  appeared  in  the  death  of  Abel; 
and  Cain  the  murderer  became  the  first  city  builder — for  in 
these  chapters  the  city  is  the  home  of  human  pride  and  self- 
sufficiency.  In  the  progeny  of  Lamech  we  see  how  the 
discovery  of  the  arts  and  luxuries  of  life  led   to  war  and 


12  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


•nsa  of  the 
mousnesa 


rapine :  the  sword  being  one  of  the  first  products  of  man's 
ingenuity.  As  men  multiply  they  become  more  and  more 
arrogant,  the  heroes  born  of  human  mothers  by  divine 
fathers,  and  the  Fephilim  or  giants,  become  intolerable 
in  their  presumption  j  so  the  Flood  is  sent  and  destroys 
them  all.  The  one  family  saved,  that  of  Noah,  the  man  of 
peace  or  comfort,  again  replenishes  the  earth,  but  there  is  no 
improvement.  Nimrod  the  ** mighty  hunter"  before  Jehovah 
founds  an  empire  and  builds  great  cities,  and  the  erection  of 
Babel  is  the  crowning  act  of  defiance  to  heaven.  To 
prevent  the  success  of  such  an  enterprise  the  language  of 
men  is  confused  and  the  nations  are  scattered. 

This  seems  to  be  the  leading  idea  of  the  old  narrator  of 
primitive  history,  and  it  is  in  accordance  with  the  teach- 
ing of  the  prophets  of  Israel.  Like  other  peoples,  the 
Hebrews  imagined  that  the  age  of  innocence  was  the  age 
of  simplicity,  and  that  man  was  most  virtuous  when  he  was 
most  ignorant.  If  experience  has  not  confirmed  us  in  this 
notion,  we  can  still  sympathise  with  it  so  far  as  to  appreciate 
the  view  that  the  happiest  life  is  the  one  which  is  the  most 
natural,  as  most  independent  of  luxury  and  extravagance. 
But  the  Israelite  teacher  was  so  impressed  by  the  unique 
majesty  of  God,  that  he  regarded  human  pride  and  restless- 
ness as  an  insult  to  the  Creator,  and  preferred  the  simple  and 
humble  existence  of  the  nomad  shepherd,  in  which  a  man 
could  spend  much  time  in  solitary  communion  with  God,  to  the 
turmoil  of  city  life.  The  great  brick  walls  which  encom- 
passed the  cities  of  Babylonia,  the  palaces  and  temples, 
which  seemed  to  reach  the  sky,  appeared  to  this  writer  as 
insults  to  the  supreme  power  of  Jehovah,  the  God  of  Israel. 

Even  if  we  consider  these  conceptions  of  human  life  to 
be  somewhat  crude,  we  cannot  deny  that  a  very  profound 
knowledge  of  the  human  heart  is  displayed.  Look  at  the 
account  of  the  Temptation,  the  suggestions  of  the  Serpent, 
the  doubts  he  instils  into  the  woman's  heart,  her  own  com- 
munings as  to  the  desirability  of  transgressing  the  Divine 
Command  and  eating  of  the  fruit  of  the  tree.  Or  take  the 
account  of  Cain's  jealousy  at  the  acceptance  of  his  brother's 
sacrifice,  and  of  God's  warning  as  to  the  danger  of  not 
guarding  against  sin.     In  both  instances  it  is  evident  that 


The  Ancient  World 


13 


of  the 

"Priestlj'' 

WTittr 


there  is  a  very  clearly  defined  conception  of  sin  and  its 
consequences.  It  is  this  which  depresses  the  soul  of  the 
writer  and  makes  his  language  sad.  He  feels  keenly  that 
man  is  alienated  from  God,  and  that  reconciliation  is  the 
supreme  need  of  our  race.  Yet,  but  for  the  promise  to  the 
woman  that  her  seed  shall  bruise  the  serpent's  head,  he 
gives  no  indication  how  this  is  to  be  brought  about. 

But  we  must  not  forget  that  we  have  a  twofold  narrative,  The  object 
and  that  the  author  of  Genesis  i.-ii.  3  has  also  made  re- 
searches  into    the    primitive    history    of    the    world.       His 
account  may   be   less  vivid   and  picturesque   than   that    of 
his  predecessor,  but  it  is  equally  instructive.^^ 

The  hand  of  this  writer  reappears  in  chapter  v.  with  the 
"  Book  of  the  Generations  of  Adam,"  in  which  the  descent 
of  man  through  Seth  *  is  given  in  a  style  characteristic  of  the 
author.  The  extreme  limit  of  human  life  is  apparently 
fixed  at  a  thousand  years;  and  two  dates  are  given — (1)  the 
age  at  which  each  patriarch's  eldest  son  was  born  and  the 
time  he  survived  him  and  (2)  his  age  at  death.  Some  of  the 
names  bear  a  strong  resemblance  to  those  in  the  pedigree  of 
Cain,  and  in  both  many  occur  which  are  non-Hebraic.  Only 
one  fact  is  related  concerning  any  of  the  patriarchs  in  this 
list.  Enoch,  it  is  said,  *'  walked  with  God ;  and  he  was  not, 
for  God  took  him"  (Gen.  v.  24).  To  this  unexplained 
remark  are  due  the  many  Jewish  traditions  concerning  the 
one  blameless  man  before  the  Flood  who  did  not  taste  of 
death.2» 

After  giving  the  story  of  the  building  of  the  Ark  and  the 
Flood  this  writer  adds  in  the  ninth  chapter  an  account  of  the 
covenant  made  between  God  and  Noah,  containing  a  prohibi- 
tion against  eating  the  blood  of  animals,  the  law  that  a  man's 
brother  must  avenge  his  murder,  and  the  setting  of  the  bow  in 
the  cloud  in  token  that  a  flood  shall  not  again  destroy  all  flesh. 

This  writer  concludes  his  researches  into  primitive  antiquity 
with  a  pedigree  of  Abraham  showing  his  descent  from  Shem. 
This  is  constructed  on  a  principle  analogous  with  that  in 
Genesis  v.,  only  instead  of  giving  the  sum  total  of  years  of  the 
patriarchs,  the  time  each  one  lived  after  the  birth  of  his  son 
is  stated.  The  limit  of  human  life  begins  by  being  six  hundred 
*  Seth  is  also  mentioned  by  Balaam  (Numb.  ▼xiv.  17). 


Division  of 
the  world, 
Qen.  X. 


14  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

years,  but  to  Terali  the  father  of  Abram  less  than  two 
centuries  of  life  are  assigned. ^^ 

One  chapter  alone  of  primitive  history  remains — Genesis 
X. — the  joint  work  of  the  two  narrators,  embodying  the 
geographical  ideas  of  the  Hebrews  in  the  ninth  and  fiftli 
centuries  B.C.  The  idea  is  that  there  were  three  divisions  of 
the  world,  each  peopled  by  the  descendants  of  a  son  of  Noah. 
It  is  evident  that  when  in  this  chapter  "  sons  "  are  mentioned 
nations  and  not  individuals  are  meant.  Some  "  sons  "  are 
cities,  others  are  peoples,  the  plural  being  freely  employed. 

Under  the  sons  of  Japheth  we  find  the  northern  nations 
and  those  who  lived  in  the  coasts  or  "  isles  "  west  of  Palestine. 
Seven  names  are  given,  among  them  Gomer  the  ancestor  of 
the  Cimmerians,  and  Javan,  the  Ionian  or  Greek  of  Asia 
Minor.  Javan's  sons  are  Elishah  (perhaps  Hellas),  Tarshish, 
the  Phoenician  settlement,  Kittim  (Cyprus)  and  the  Rodanim 
(Rhodians  X).^^ 

Ham  is  the  ancestor  of  the  greatest  and  most  powerful 
nations  known  to  the  ancient  Hebrews.  Cush  (Ethiopia), 
Mizraim  (Egypt),  Put  (Libya?)  and  Canaan  (Phoenicia). 
The  sons  of  Canaan  are  Zidon,  his  first  born,  and  the  nations 
inhabiting  Palestine.^^ 

Shem  is  the  ancestor  of  the  nations  akin  to  the  Hebrews, 
the  Assyrians,  the  Persians,  the  Lydians  (Lud),  and  the 
Aramaeans.  The  Hebrews  themselves  claimed  to  spring 
from  Shem's  third  son  Arphacshad.^^  * 

This  system  of  classification  of  the  nations  would  not 
satisfy  any  modern  views  of  ethnology ;  and  the  method  of 
arrangement  seems  to  be  geographical  rather  than  racial. 
The  importance  of  the  chapter  is  that  we  are  enabled  to  see 
the  view  of  the  world  taken  by  the  men  who  wrote  the  Old 
Testament. 

They  had  no  more  conception  than  had  our  ancestors  that 
^^^  ^  the  world  in  which  we  live  was  not  the  centre  of  the  uni- 
verse. They  regarded  it  as  a  round  disk  encompassed  by 
the  Deep,  with  the  Under  World  beneath,  and  the  Heaven 
with  the  luminaries  above.  As  they  looked  from  the  hills 
of   Palestine   seawards  they  peopled   the  remote   isles  with 

*  Sheba  (Arabia)  according  to  T  is  a  son  of  Shem  (Gen.  x.  28)  and 
according  to  P  a  son  of  Ham  (Gen.  x.  7). 


The  Ancient  World 


15 


Hebrew  idea 


nations  whose  names  alone  seem  to  have  been  known  to 
them.  To  the  south  spread  the  great  nations  of  the  race  of 
Ham,  the  Egyptians,  whose  kinsmen  the  Canaanites  had 
occupied  Palestine,  and  perhaps  were  regarded  as  allied  by 
race  to  the  great  nations  in  Babylonia.  Between  the 
Japhethites,  occupiers  of  the  isles  and  the  unknown  North, 
and  the  Hamites  in  the  South,  were  the  men  of  Shemitic 
stock  who  had  obtained  a  footing  in  the  cities  of  Babylonia 
and  had  peopled  Assyria  and  Northern  Mesopotamia.  These 
were  the  nations  to  whom  the  future  seemed  in  the  ninth 
century  B.C.  to  belong.  They  were  establishing  themselves 
everywhere:  in  ancient  Sumer  and  Akkad  as  well  as  in 
Canaan.  From  this  stock  the  Hebrew  peoples  had  sprung, 
and  among  these  were  the  Israelites,  the  worshippers  of  the 
only  true  God. 

We    may   perhaps   be   inclined    to   undervalue    the    early   value  of  early 
chapters  of  Genesis  because  of  the  ignorance  of  the  writers  chapters  of 
as  compared  with  our  own  knowledge.     It  is  possible  that  ^®^^*^ 
we  may  ask  whether  this  relation  possesses  any  religious  in- 
terest whatever,  or  whether  it  is  not  merely  a  curious  record 
of  the  erroneous  views  of  antiquity.     But  before  relegating 
these  chapters  to  the  sphere  of  myth  and  fable,  it  is  desirable 
to  consider  a  few  points  in  connection  with  them,  which  may 
materially  affect  our  judgment. 

The  question  naturally  arises,  Whence  did  the  author  or 
authors  derive  their  information  ?  Waiving  for  the  moment 
any  discussion  as  to  the  date  of  Genesis  i.-xi.,  we  may 
affirm  that  there  are  three  possible  ways  in  which  the  know- 
ledge of  what  is  recorded  was  attained.  By  revelation,  by 
conjecture,  and  by  investigation.  It  is  conceivable  and  by 
no  means  impossible  that  Moses,  or  whoever  wrote  this 
account  of  primitive  antiquity,  received  a  direct  revelation 
from  God.  This  was  long  the  accepted  view,  and  it  is  one 
which  ought  not  to  be  set  aside  without  due  consideration. 
Two  things  prevent  our  unqualified  adherence  to  this  opinion. 
The  accounts  of  the  Creation  and  of  the  Deluge  are  not  only 
in  conflict  with  modern  theories  of  the  Universe — for  this 
would  be  but  a  secondary  consideration — but  with  ascertained 
facts  ;  and  we  cannot  imagine  that  God  would  have  revealed 
aught  but  truth.     In  addition  to  this  the  fragmentary  nature 


41 


lo 


Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


of  the  narratives  precludes  tlie  idea  of  the  whole  having  been 
communicated  as  a  direct  revelation  from  Heaven. 

This  latter  objection  also  disposes  of  the  notion  that  the 
writer  is  giving  his  own  theory  of  the  origin  of  the  world 
and  of  man,  as  in  this  case  his  story  would  be  more  connected 
in  form.  There  remains  the  view  that  Genesis  i.-xi.  is,  as 
we  have  previously  maintained,  the  result  of  investi- 
gation assisted  by  the  Holy  Spirit— a  theory  completely  in 
accordance  with  our  modern  notions.  That  the  records 
of  antiquity  should  have  been  carefully  searched,  that  the 
results  arrived  at  should  have  been  revised  and  corrected  as 
time  went  on,  appears  to  us  to  be  the  m©st  fitting  method ; 
and  this  seems  to  have  been  the  one  employed.  The  Israelite 
writers  gave  of  their  best,  they  spared  no  pains  to  collect 
their  facts,  their  work  is  the  result  of  careful  and  laborious 

study. 

Though  to  the  modern  mind  the  results  appear  entirely 
inadequate,  yet  they  are  worthy  of  respect,  nor  can  their 
claim  to  inspiration  be  set  aside.  Of  natural  science  a  child- 
like ignorance  is  displayed,  but  many  all  important  moral 
truths  are  firmly  grasped.  The  unity  of  God,  the  fact 
that  all  things  proceed  from  His  will,  man's  relation  to  Him, 
are  all  understood  and  appreciated.  How  fully  is  it  recognised 
that  the  misery  of  mankind  is  due  not  to  the  will  of  God, 
but  to  man's  refusal  to  obey  it !  How  completely  has  the 
writer  realised  that  sin  is  the  cause  of  all  unhappiness! 
How  vividly  has  he  depicted  God's  hatred  of  iniquity,  and 
man's  need  of  Divine  grace  and  pardon 

And  these,  after  all,  are  the  principles  of  all  true  religion. 
With  some  the  ancient  Babylonians,  from  whom  the 
Israelites  borrowed  so  much,  were  familiar,  but  no  nation 
understood  them  like  the  chosen  people  of  Jehovah.  If  in 
the  course  of  our  history,  we  are  compelled  to  appear  to 
disparage  the  accuracy  of  certain  records,  or  the  truth  of 
certain  beliefs,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  Old  Testa- 
ment is  always  before  us  as  an  account  of  a  gi'adual  revela- 
tion from  human  ignorance  to  Divine  knowledge,  and  that 
Israel  with  all  its  limitations  was  in  truth  a  people  taught  of 
God. 


w 


Chapter  II 

The  Patriarchs   in  Palestine 


The  opening  chapters  of  Genesis  deal  with  the  nations  of  the 
world  known  to  the  inhabitants  of  Western  Asia.  In  them 
the  history  of  mankind  is  traced  from  the  garden  to  the  city ; 
from  innocence  and  peace  to  confusion  and  division;  from 
Eden  to  Babel. 

In  the  twelfth  and  following  chapters  we  are  given  an  Patrlaxchal 
account,  not  of  nations,  but  of  individuals,  who  became  the  ^^^^ 
ancestors  of  the  chosen  people  of  Jehovah.  These  are  no 
Bhadowy  figures  like  those,  which,  so  to  speak,  loom  through 
the  mists  of  antiquity  in  the  first  eleven  chapters  of  the 
Bible.  They  are  depicted  as  real  persons,  playing  thoroughly 
human  parts,  as  men  who  may  be  described  in  St  James' 
words  as  "of  like  passions  with  us''  (James  v.  17). 

Yet  the  three  patriarchs  of  Israel — Abraham,  Isaac  and 
Jacob — can  scarcely  be  considered  in  the  strict  sense  of  the 
word  historical  characters.  The  records  of  their  lives  are 
far  from  being  contemporary ;  hardly  anything  is  told  us  to 
connect  them  with  the  great  events  of  the  world's  history ; 
and  much  is  related  of  them,  which  evidently  must  be  in- 
terpreted as  referring  to  tribes  rather  than  to  individuals. 
At  one  moment  they  seem  to  us  to  be  real  persons,  at  the 
next  their  identity  seems  lost  in  that  of  the  nation,  at  others 
we  feel  that  they  are  typical  of  the  ideas  of  a  later  age. 

Under  these  circumstances  it  is  exceedingly  difl&cult  to 
write  an  account  of  the  patriarchal  period,  unless  we  try  to 
do  so  from  the  standpoint  of  the  authors  of  the  book  of 
Genesis.  Recent  discovery  has,  it  is  true,  put  us  in  posses- 
sion of  certain  facts  concerning  Palestine  in  the  days  of 
Abraham;  but  it  is  not  possible  to  prove  that  these  were 
known  to  the  writers  of  Genesis.  An  attempt  has  been 
made  to  restate  the  narrative  in  such  a  way  as  to  display  the 

»7 


I 


1 8  Biblical  Hi.story  of  the  Hebrews 


The  Patriarchs  in  Palestine 


19 


TJireefolcT 
narrative, 
J.  B,  P 


0«n  xiv. 

(Primitive 

P&leetine) 


patriarchs  as  tribal  gods  of  the  ancient  Canaanites,  or  as 
survivals  of  ancient  solar  or  lunar  myths ;  but  the  result  is  at 
least  as  unhistorical  as  the  older  method  of  treating  the  whole 
Scriptural  narrative  as  verbally  true.  There  is  no  direct 
evidence  that  any  cultus  of  the  ancestors  of  the  Hebrew  race 
ever  existed,  or  that  they  were  looked  upon  either  as  heroes 
or  gods  by  their  posterity.^ 

Whereas  for  the  early  history  of  the  human  race  but 
two  main  sources  of  information  are  available,  the  patriarchal 
story  is  drawn  from  three.  In  it  the  narratives  of  J  and 
P  are  continued ;  but  a  third  document  soon  makes  its 
appearance,  that  of  the  Elohist  narrators,  generally  known 
as  E. 

As  has  been  already  stated,  the  Jehovist  writers  probablj 
began  their  work  in  the  ninth  century  B.C.,  but  it  is  not 
certain  whether  the  Elohists  belong  to  an  earlier  or  a  latei 
date.  Upon  the  whole  critics  seem  in  favour  of  placing  E 
after  J,  owing  to  the  doctrine  of  angels  as  intermediaries 
between  God  and  man  being  more  developed  in  the  Elohist 
literature.^  It  is  no  easy  task  to  discriminate  between  these 
two  sources,  and  on  this  point  there  is  much  divergency  of 
opinion.  One  thing,  however,  is  clear.  The  Elohists  lived 
in  the  Northern  Kingdom,  as  is  seen  from  their  marked 
preference  for  the  house  of  Joseph,  in  contrast  to  the  desire 
so  manifest  in  J  to  exalt  Judah ;  as  well  as  in  the  fact 
that,  according  to  them,  Reuben,  Jacob's  eldest  son,  takes 
the  leading  part,  whereas  J  makes  Judah  the  spokesman 
among  the  brethren.^  The  authors  of  the  earlier  narra- 
tives concerning  the  patriarchs  flourished  in  the  days  of 
the  divided  kingdoms,  and  have  preserved  the  traditions 
current  in  both  Israel  and  Judah.  The  religious  ideals 
seem  to  be  those  of  the  period  between  the  rebellion  of 
Jeroboam  and  the  fall  of  Samaria.  The  places  mentioned  are 
for  the  most  part  famous  as  sanctuaries  in  or  before  the  days 
of  the  prophets  Hosea  and  Amos.* 

The  only  hint  as  to  the  date  of  the  patriarchal  age  is 
given  in  Gen.  xiv.,  where  the  invasion  of  Palestine  by 
Chedorlaomer  is  related.  The  source  of  this  narrative 
cannot  be  traced,  but  it  may  well  be  of  venerable  antiquity. 
It  points  to  the  time  when  Palestine  was  under  the  domina- 


tion of  the  Babylonians  before  the  close  of  the  third  millennium 
B.C.  The  confederates  of  the  Elamite  monarch  Chedorlaomer 
are  Amraphel,  King  of  Shinar;  Arioch,  King  of  Ellasar; 
and  Tidal,  King  of  Goyim.^  If,  as  some  scholars  suppose,  the 
identification  of  Amraphel  with  the  Babylonian  Khammurabi 
can  be  established,  the  invasion  of  Palestine  mentioned  took 
place  between  B.C.  2239  and  2196;  and  this  gives  an 
approximate  date  for  the  appearance  of  Abraham.^  It  is 
but  fair  to  add  that  this  leaves  too  long  an  interval  between 
Abraham  and  Moses  to  accord  with  the  Biblical  system  of 
chronology ;  still  less  with  the  view  now  generally  accepted 
that  the  Exodus  took  place  in  the  thirteenth  century  B.C.* 
This  same  chapter  also  enables  us  to  form  an  idea  of  the  races 
inhabiting  Palestine  during  the  early  patriarchal  period,  as 
the  advance  of  the  Mesopotamian  army  is  carefully  described  : 
"Chedorlaomer,  and  the  kings  that  were  with  him,  smote 
the  Rephaim  in  Ashteroth  -  Karnaim,  and  the  Zuzims  in 
Ham,  and  the  Emim  in  Shaveh  Kiriathaim,  and  the 
Horites  in  their  mount  Seir,  unto  El-paran,  which  is  by 
the  wilderness.  And  they  returned  and  came  to  En- 
mishpat  (the  same  is  Kadesh),  and  smote  all  the  country 
of  the  Amalekites,  and  also  the  Amorites,  that  dwelt  in 
Hazazon-Tamar  "  (Gen.  xiv.  5-7). 

The  invasion  thus  swept  from  North  to  South  through 
the  territory  east  of  the  Jordan  till  it  reached  the  fortress 
of  the  Horites  in  Mount  Seir.  Turning  northward  by  way 
of  Kadesh  the  expedition  next  entered  Western  Palestine, 
ravaging  the  territory  of  the  Amalekites  and  Amorites,  till 
it  encountered  the  army  of  the  five  kings  of  Sodom,  Gomorrah, 
Admah,  Zeboim,  and  Zoar  in  the  Vale  of  Siddim  to  the 
north  of  the  Dead  Sea.  Laden  with  the  spoil  Chedorlaomer 
and  his  allies  proceeded  northwards,  till  they  were  overtaken 
by  Abraham's  small  army  at  Dan,  and  were  pursued  by  him 
as  far  as  Hobah  to  the  left  of  Damascus."^  On  his  return 
Abraham  was  met  by  the  King  of  Sodom  and  by  Melchizedek, 
King  of  Salem,  priest  of  the  Most  High  God  (El-elyon) 
(Gen.  xiv.  13  20). 

A  few  other  scattered  hints  in  the  book  of  Genesis  enable 
us  to  complete  our  survey  of  Palestine,  as  it  was  when 
Abraham    entered    it.       We    are   told    (Gen.    xii.    6)    that 


20 


Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


The  Patriarchs  in  Palestine 


21 


Palestine 
under  Baby 
Ionian  in- 
fluence 


"  the  Canaanite  was  then  in  the  land."  In  another  place 
(Gen.  XV.  19)  ten  different  nations  are  enumerated  as  its 
inhabitants  —  Kenites,  Kenizzites,  Kadraonites,  Hittites 
Perizzites,  Rephaim,  Amorites,  Canaanites,  Girgashites  and 
Jebiisites.  Abraham  made  a  treaty  with  a  King  of  Gerar 
who  bore  the  Semitic  name  of  Abimelech  (Gen.  xxi.  ZZ 
ff.)  and  is  called  a  Philistine  on  the  occasion  of  a  similar 
covenant  made  between  him  and  Isaac  (Gen.  xxvi  ).  The 
family  burying  place  in  the  field  and  cave  of  Machpelah 
was  purchased   by  Abraham   from  the  Hittites,  who  lived 

near  Hebron  (Gen.  xxiii).^  ,       t>  u 

A  brief  sketch  of  the  history  of  Palestine  under  Baby- 
lonian   influence  may    throw  some    light    on    these    scanty 

notices  in  Genesis.  ,0.  i  •        r 

According  to  some  systems  of  chronology  Sargon,  king  of 
Akkad,  reigned  as  early  as  B.C.  3800,  but,  so  great  is  the 
uncertainty  as    to    the    state    of    the   ancient    monarchs  of 
Babylonia,  that   there   are    those  who  would    place    him    a 
thousand  years  later,  dr.   2800  B.C.     Sargon,  or  Shargani- 
sharali,  invaded  the  land  of  Martu  (Syria)  on  four  different 
occasions,  and   on  one  of  his  inscriptions  he  declares  that 
«  he  crossed  the  sea  of  the  setting  sun."     His  son  Narara- 
Sin's  name  appears  on  a  cylinder  seal,  discovered  in  Cyprus, 
where  it  seems  he  received    divine  honours.     Thus   nearly 
a  thousand  years  before  Abraham  and  possibly  much  earlier, 
there    existed    a    powerful    empire  in  Western    Asia,    and 
the   authority  of   a    single    monarch    was    recognised    from 
the  Persian  Gulf  to  Cyprus.i<>     Yov  an  empire  so  extensive 
suitable  means  of  intercommunication  must  have  been  avail- 
able, and  evidences  have  been  discovered  that  in  the  different 
countries  under    Babylonian   rule   an    extensive   trade  was 
carried  on.     How  considerable  this  was  is  seen  in  the  in- 
scriptions of  Gudea,  the  builder  of  a  great  temple  at  Telloh. 
As  he  was  not  an  independent  sovereign  but  only  a  viceroy, 
Gudea  had  in  all   probability  to  obtain   by  purchase    the 
materials  he  required  for  his  undertaking;    and  he  seems 
to    have    sought    for    all    that   was   best  and  costliest  from 
every  known   land.      On    one    of    his   monuments  he  men- 
tions that  the   cedar-wood   came  from    Lebanon,  the  stone 
and  alabaster  from  the  mountains   in   the  land    of    Martu. 


f 


He  speaks  of  the  Upper  and  Lower  Seas,  clearly  the  Medi- 
terranean and  the  Persian  Gulf,  of  Eastern  and  Western 
Arabia.  Only  in  reference  to  Elam  does  Gudea  allude  to  his 
having  undertaken  a  military  expedition  :  the  products  of  the 
other  countries  he  seems  to  have  acquired  by  peaceful  trade. 
As  the  date  of  the  erection  of  Gudea's  temple  was  about  B.C. 
2650,  his  record  gives  us  a  high  idea  of  the  civilisation  of 
Western  Asia  at  this  remote  period.^^  The  Elamites  con- 
quered Babylonia  in  B.C.  2280,  and  it  was  in  all  probability 
during  their  fifty  years'  supremacy  that  Chedoiiaomer  (Kudur- 
Laghgamal)  invaded  Paleistine.  Elam  was,  however,  defeated 
soon  afterwards  by  Khammurabi,  King  of  Babylon,  often 
identified  with  Amrapliel  of  Gen.  xiv.  After  this  monarch 
we  have  no  certain  evidence  of  Babylonian  supremacy  in 
Palestine,  but  it  probably  continued   down   to  about  1700 


12 


B.C. 

The  names  of  nations  inhabiting  the  country  in  the  time  Ancient 
of  Abraham  enumerated  in  Gen.  xiv.  are  those  of  the  primitive  Peoples 
races  who  occupied  the  land  before  the  appearance  of  the 
Hebrew  peoples.  The  Rephaim,  who  probably  gave  their 
name  to  a  district  in  Eastern  Palestine,  and  were  still  there 
in  the  days  of  Moses  (Deut.  iii.  11),  were  among  the  aboriginal 
inhabitants.  Perhaps  their  very  name  was  forgotten  by  the 
Hebrews,  who  knew  of  them  only  as  the  Rephaim  =  Giants, 
or  Ghosts.  Their  city  bore  the  name  of  Ashteroth-Karnaim 
(Ashtaroth  of  the  two  horns).^^  The  Zuzim  or  Zamzummim 
and  the  Emim,  who  are  next  enumerated,  were  giant  aborigines 
of  Eastern  Palestine,  subsequently  dispossessed  by  Moab  and 
Ammon,  the  two  tribes  sprung  from  Lot — as  were  the  Horites 
by  the  Edomites  (Deut.  ii.  10,  12,  20).  The  Amalekites  were 
supposed  to  be  one  of  the  most  ancient  nations  of  Palestine 
(Numb.  xxiv.  20) ;  and  the  Amorites  for  a  long  time  gave 
their  name  to  the  whole  country.^* 

Thus  in  Gen.  xiv.  we  have  an  enumeration  of  the  nations 
of  Palestine  before  the  advent  of  the  Hebrew  race.  The 
whole  setting  of  the  chapter  is  archaic  in  the  extreme,  and 
points  to  a  very  primitive  tradition. 

Two   important   peoples   have   yet  to  be   mentioned,   the  ^a^J^tes^ 
Canaanites  and  the  Hittites. 

The  former  occupied  the  level  country  near  the  coast ;  the 


22  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Salem  or 
Jtrasalem 


Abraliam 


▲b  an  in- 
dividual 


name  Canaan  being  applied  to  the  district  of  Phoenicia  in 
the  Tel-el-Amarna  correspondence.  It  seems  likely  that  the 
Canaanites  entered  Palestine  after  B.C.  2200,  the  time  of 
Chedorlaomer,  though  according  to  J  they  were  in  the  land 
when  Abraham  came  (Gen.  xii.  6)}^  A  similar  difficulty  is 
caused  by  the  mention  of  the  Hittites  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Hebron.  This  interesting  people,  according  to  the  Egyptian 
monuments,  lived  in  Northern  Syria,  on  the  Orontes,  and  it 
seems  strange  to  find  them  in  the  South  at  so  early  a  date. 
It  must,  however,  be  remembered  that  nothing  is  more  char- 
acteristic of  the  Okl  Testament  tlian  the  employment  of 
familiar  names  to  designate  places  and  peoples  when  speaking 
of  primitive  times. ^^ 

Besides  the  cities  of  the  Plain  but  one  town  is  mentioned, 
Salem,  the  city  of  the  priest-king  Melchizedek.  The  Tel-el- 
Amarna  correspondence  makes  it  almost  certain  that  Jerusalem 
is  meant :  the  original  name  being,  not  Jebus  as  was  usually 
supposed,  but  Uru-salim.  There  the  Deity  was  worshipped 
under  the  name  of  El-Elyon,  and  the  sanctity  of  this  priest 
was  emphatically  recognised  by  the  patriarch. ^^ 

There  is  strictly  speaking  no  material  for  a  connected 
biography  of  Abraham,  the  records  being  taken  from  a 
variety  of  sources,  and  resulting  in  no  continuous  narrative; 
For  the  sake  of  clearness  we  may  regard  him  in  three 
different  aspects  :  (a)  as  a  man,  (b)  as  the  ancestor  of  nations, 
(c)  as  he  appeared  to  his  posterity. 

(a)  The  condition  of  Western  Asia  as  revealed  by  the 
monuments  certainly  does  not  preclude  our  imagining  that 
a  man  who,  like  Abraham,  changed  his  manner  of  life  in 
obedience  to  a  divine  call,  really  existed.  Even  in  B.C. 
2200  the  religion,  the  civilisation,  and  the  customs  of 
Babylonia  bore  the  stamp  of  antiquity,  and  there  is  nothing 
jn-ima  facie  improbable  in  the  legends  preserved  in  the 
Targums  and  the  Koran  that  Abraham  was  a  religious 
reformer.  ^^  It  is  not  clear  where  the  first  call  came  to  him, 
whether  in  Ur  of  the  Chaldees  (Gen.  xi.  28  (P),  xv.  7  (1  E)), 
in  Mesopotamia  (Acts  vii.  2),  or  at  Haran  (Gen.  xii.  4)  (J). 
At  any  rate  he  became  a  wanderer  in  obedience  to  a  Divine 
command,  crossing  the  Euphrates  and  journeying  to  the  land 
of  Canaan  in  company  with  his  wife  Sarai  or  Sarah,  and  Lot, 


The  Patriarchs  in  Palestine 


^3 


his  brother's  son.  The  rest  of  his  family  remained  settled 
in  Paddan-Aram  in  Mesopotamia  (Gen.  xxiv.  10,  the  city  of 
Nahor).  From  this  it  would  appear  that  Abraham  was  not, 
as  he  is  often  represented  to  have  been,  necessarily  a  mere 
nomad  ;  but  a  member  of  a  well  established  and  civilised 
race,  who  became  a  wanderer  by  conviction.  It  may  well 
have  been  that  he  obeyed  the  voice  of  conscience,  without 
any  hope  of  personal  reward,  in  the  belief  that  God  had 
sailed  him  to  be  a  blessing  to  the  rest  of  mankind  (Gen.  xii. 
3).  He  can  therefore  be  regarded  as  the  first  example  of 
faith  in  God,  and  of  self-sacrifice  for  the  sake  of  others. 

This  is  the  view  taken  of  him  at  least  eight  centuries 
before  Christ,  and  is  doubtless  based  on  much  earlier  tradi- 
tions respecting  him. 

Though  related  by  different  writers,  the  eight  promises  of 
God  to  Abraham  have  been  so  arranged  in  Genesis  as  to 
bring  into  relief  the  progressive  character  of  revelation.  It 
is  only  by  degrees  that  the  patriarch  learns  the  destiny  in 
store  for  his  posterity. 

(1)  When  Abraham  is  told  to  go  forth  from  his  father's  The  promlie. 
house,  Jehovah  promises  to  make  him  a  great  nation  and  to 

bless  him,  and  adds,  "  In  thee  shall  all  the  families  of  the 
earth  be  blessed"  (Gen.  xii.  1,  2)  (J). 

(2)  On  his  arrival  in  Canaan  he  is  assured  ''Unto  thy 
seed  will  I  give  this  land"  (Gen.  xii.  7)  (J). 

(3)  After  Abraham's  separation  from  Lot,  the  land  he 
sees  is  promised  to  his  seed  (Gen.  xiii.  14,  15)  (J). 

(4)  When  Abraham  has  defeated  the  Mesopotamians,  he 
complains  that  he  has  no  direct  heir.  A  son  is  promised, 
and  a  solemn  covenant  is  made  between  Jehovah  Elohim 
and  the  patriarch.  The  Egyptian  bondage  is  foretold.  On 
this  occasion  Abraham  *'  believed  in  Jehovah ;  and  he  counted 
it  to  him  for  righteousness  "  (Gen.  xv.  6)  (E). 

(5)  Thirteen  years  after  the  birth  of  Ishmael  the  covenant 
of  circumcision  was  given,  the  names  Abram  and  Sarai  were 
changed  to  Abraham  (the  father  of  many  nations)  and  Sarah, 
and  a  son  was  promised  to  Sarah  (Gen.  xvii.)  (P). 

(6)  The  appearance  of  the  three  men  at  the  tent  door, 
when  a  son  is  definitely  promised  to  Sarah,  who  laughs  at  the 
notion  of  one  so  old  as  herself  having  a  child  (Gen.  xviii.)  (J). 


Argnment  for 
tlie  personal 
existence  of 
▲braluun 


Patriarchi 
regarded  as 
tribes 


24         Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

(7)  When  Hagar  and  Ishmael  were  cast  forth,  Abraham 
was  told  "  In  Isaac  shall  thy  seed  be  called  "  (Gen,  xxi.  1 2)  (E). 

(8)  At  the  time  of  the  offering  of  Isaac.  A  renewal  of 
the  original  promises,  because  Abraham  had  not  withheld 
his  only  son  from  Jehovah  (Gen.  xxii.  16-18)  (E). 

Even  in  the  delineation  of  the  character  of  Abraham  there 
is  an  absence  of  idealism,  which  makes  against  the  theory 
that  the  traditions  of  Israel  were  dealing  with  a  purely 
imaginary  person.  Two  strange  stories  are  told  of  his  want  of 
faith,  and  of  his  lack  of  truthfulness  in  dealing  with  strangers. 
There  is  his  visit  to  Egypt  (Gen.  xii.  10-20)  (J),  and  his  so- 
journ with  Abimelech  (Gen.  xx.)  (E).  In  both  cases  he  makes 
Sarah  pass  as  his  sister,  and  the  truth  is  revealed  by  signs  of 
Divine  displeasure.  Nor  does  Abraham's  conduct  towards 
Hagar  exhibit  the  patriarch  in  a  favourable  light;  though  in 
the  above  cases  it  may  not  be  the  writer's  intention  to 
reflect  discredit  upon  him.  The  crowning  act  of  faith,  shown 
in  Abraham's  willingness  to  offer  up  Isaac,  is  related  with 
such  beauty  and  simplicity  that  it  is  hard  to  relegate  the 
wonderful  struggle  between  paternal  affection  and  a  sense  of 
duty  entirely  to  the  realm  of  myth  (Gen.  xxii.)  ^^ 

(b)  The  admission  that  it  is  not  impossible  to  imagine 
Abraham  as  a  person  who  lived  two  thousand  years  before 
Christ  does  not  necessarily  preclude  us  from  regarding  much 
that  is  said  of  the  birth  of  his  sons  as  being  figurative  of 
the  rise  of  other  tribes  and  nations  bound  together  by  com- 
mon ties  of  kindred.  Lot  and  Ishmael  may  be  historical 
persons,  but  their  stories  certainly  have  the  appearance  of 
referring  to  the  rise  of  tribes  more  than  to  the  adventures  of 
individuals. 

Lot,  the  son  of  Haran  and  nephew  of  Abraham,  accom- 
panied his  uncle  to  Canaan.  After  the  visit  to  Egypt,  he 
and  Abraham,  standing  on  the  mountain  between  Bethel  and 
Ai,  agree  to  divide  the  land,  as  their  flocks  are  too  great  to 
pasture  together.  The  generous  patriarch  offers  the  choice  to 
his  nephew,  and  Lot  regarding  the  rich  soil  of  the  Jordan 
valley  as  affording  wealth  and  ease  decides  to  go  thither, 
caring  nothing  for  the  fact  that  the  men  of  Sodom  were 
sinners  before  Jehovah.  Twice  is  Lot  delivered  from  peril 
in  the  land  of  his  choice  :  Once  hy  Abraham  from  captivity, 


The  Patriarchs  in  Palestine 


25 


and  again  when  the  wicked  cities  were  overthrown.     Alone 
and  in  poverty  on  the  Eastern  shore  of  Jordan  he  and  his 
degraded   daughters  become   the   parents   of  two  nations — 
Moab  and  Ammon  (Gen.  xix.  30-38).     The  story  of  IshmaeJ 
also  seems  to  indicate  that  the  eldest  son  of  Abraham  was  a 
type  rather  than  an  individual.     Ishmael  is  of  mixed  parent- 
age, his  mother  being  an  Egyptian  slave.      His  country,  the 
scene  of  Hagar's  flight  from  Sarah,  lies  between  Israel  and 
Egypt.     It  is  a  wild  land  inhabited  by  warlike  Bedawin,  so 
Ishmael  is  compared  to  a  "  wild  ass  among  men,"  free  and 
untamable  as  this  denizen  of  the  wilderness.      He  is  reared 
in   the    desert    of    Paran,    "his    hand    was    against    every 
man,    and    every    man's    hand    against    him  "     (Gen.    xvi. 
12).     Like   Nahor,  and  Jacob,   Ishmael   is   the  ancestor  of 
twelve   tribes   (Gen.   xxii.   20-24,  xxv.   12  ff).     Still  more 
evident  is  it  that  Abraham's  marriage  with  Keturah  (Gen. 
xxv.  1-6)  (P)  can  have  no  historical  foundation.      It  signifies 
that  the  tribes  of   the  Eastern  deserts,  though  of  Hebrew 
stock,  were  yet  considered  as  but  distant  kinsmen  by  the 
races  sprung  from  Isaac  and  Ishmael.  ^^ 

There  are  so  many  tender  associations  with  the  name  of 
Isaac,  the  child  of  promise,  that  it  is  hard  to  think  of  him  aa 
no  more  than  a  tribe-name.  Nevertheless  the  facts  concern- 
ing him  are  so  few,  and  those  so  closely  resemble  parallel 
events  in  the  life  of  Abraham,  that  his  personality  is  some- 
what shadowy.  The  beautiful  story  of  the  journey  of 
Abraham's  servant  to  the  bome  of  the  family  in  Mesopotamia 
to  seek  a  wife  for  his  master's  son  (Gen.  xxiv.)  shows  tbe" 
strength  of  the  belief  of  the  Israelites  that  their  race  was  of 
the  genuine  Aramean  stock,  and  not  like  the  Moabites, 
Ammonites,  Edomites  and  Ishmaelites  tainted  by  impure 
or  Canaanitisb  blood.  The  story  of  the  strife  between  Jacob 
and  Esau  in  the  womb  can  hardly  be  taken  literally  ;  but 
must  be  understood  of  the  fundamental  rivalry  between  two 
races  so  closely  allied  in  blood,  but  so  diverse  in  spirit,  as 
Israel  and  Edom  (Gen.  xxv.  23). 

Assuredly,  however,  that  so  exclusive  a  people  as  Israel 
should  emphasise  the  fact  that  so  many  neighbouring  peoples 
sprang  from  Abraham,  the  father  of  their  faith,  is  of 
importance. 


Abraham  as 
an  ideal 


ii 


1 


26  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

(c)  The  Israelites  never  ascribed  the  beginnings  of  their 
religious  knowledge  to  Moses,  but  to  Abraham.  Although 
it  was  widely  believed  that  God's  true  Name,  Jehovah,  wa« 
first  revealed  to  the  Lawgiver,  yet  it  was  as  the  God  of 
Abraham  that  He  appeared  in  the  Bush  (Ex.  iii.  6).  To 
both  Isaac  and  Jacob  the  God  whom  they  serve  is  "the 
God  of  Abraham"  (Gen.  xxvi.  24,  Gen.  xxxi.  42).  Joshua 
in  his  last  address  to  the  people  says  that  their  ancestors 
before  Abraham  were  idolaters  (Joshua  xxiv.  2).  Elijah  in  his 
great  prayer  on  Mount  Carmel  addresses  Jehovah  as  "  God 
of  Abraham  "  (1  Kings  xviii.  36).  Yet  it  is  somewhat  strange 
that  except  Isaiah  (xxix.  22)  and  Micah  (vii.  20),  none  of 
the  early  prophets  allude  to  him,  and  in  the  canonical  books 
written  after  the  Exile  his  name  does  not  occur  frequently.^^ 
To  the  different  writers  of  the  book  of  Genesis  Abraham  is 
evidently  of  great  importance ;  and  the  impression  they 
leave  as  to  his  personality  is  both  vivid  and  imposing. 
Those  who  lived  before  and  those  who  lived  after  the  Exile 
agree  in  regarding  him  as  the  greatest  of  men,  the  model  of 
piety  to  every  Israelite.  There  is  a  grandeur  about  the 
patriarch  which  is  heightened  by  the  loneliness  of  his  life, 
for  all  his  surroundings  only  serve  to  show  how  much 
greater  he  was  than  the  men  and  women  of  his  age.  But 
for  the  single  appearance  of  the  mysterious  priest-king  of 
Salem,  no  human  being  approaches  him  in  dignity  01 
elevation  of  nature. 

His  actions  are  marked  by  a  stately  courtesy  and  complete 
disinterestedness.  The  accounts  dealing  with  Lot,  with 
Abimelech  and  with  Ephron  the  Hittite,  though  by  different 
hands,  agree  in  depicting  the  same  character  (Gen.  xiii 
(J),  Gen.  xxi.  22ff.  (E),  Gen.  xxiii.  (P)).  Not  without 
reason  was  he  known  in  after  days  as  the  **  friend  of  God," 
for  his  calm,  contemplative  nature  made  him  ever  ready  to 
listen  for  Divine  guidance  in  whatever  way  it  should  be  mani- 
fested. Even  were  the  opinion  of  some  critics  to  prove 
right  and  a  belief  in  the  historical  existence  of  Abraham 
should  have  to  be  abandoned,  the  ideal  figure  presented  in 
the  book  of  Genesis  would  still  remain  as  an  example  alike 
of  faith  and  of  the  noble  purpose  of  living  in  this  world  for 
the  sake  of  generations  which  are  yet  unborn. ^^ 


The  Patriarchs  in  Palestine 


27 


The  account  of  Isaac  in  Genesis  is  far  less  striking  than  Isaco 
that  of  Abraham.  The  general  conception  of  him  is  that  of 
a  man  of  peaceful  life,  given  to  meditation  and  manifesting 
strong  family  affection.  The  only  events  related  concerning 
him,  unconnected  with  the  rivalry  of  his  sons,  bear  a 
resemblance  to  those  told  of  Abraham.  Alone  of  the  three 
patriarchs  Isaac  is  said  to  have  engaged  in  agriculture. 
(Gen.  xxvi.  1 2).^ 

The  story  of  Jacob,  the  immediate  ancestor  of  the  Jacob 
Israelites,  is  told  at  some  length,  and  is  divisible  into  three 
main  sections  :  (1)  The  rivalry  between  Jacob  and  Esau  (Gen. 
xxv.  27-34,  xxvii.) ;  (2)  Jacob's  sojourn  with  Laban  (Gen. 
xxix. — xxxi.);  (3)  Jacob's  sojourn  in  Palestine  and  the  doings 
of  his  sons  (Gen.  xxxii. — xxxv.,  xxxvii.,  xxxviii.).  Here 
the  difficulty  of  discriminating  between  Jacob  as  an  in- 
dividual and  as  a  tribe,  is  even  greater  than  in  the  case  of 
Abraham.  The  Book  of  Genesis  draws  no  such  distinction, 
but  relates  tribal  movements  in  exactly  the  same  way  as 
it  does  the  personal  experiences  of  the  patriarch.  The 
situation  is  complicated  by  the  fact  that  some  of  the  narra- 
tives concerning  Jacob  and  his  sons  clearly  belong  to  a 
much  later  period  (c/.  Gen.  xxxiv.  with  what  is  related  in 
Judges  ix.  about  Abimelech). 

(1)  The  clue  to  the  story  of  the  enmity  between  Jacob  Rivalry  with 
and  Esau  is  the  deep-seated  rivalry  between  their  descend-  ^** 
ants  Israel  and  Edom.     The  national  characteristics  appear 
in  their  ancestors.     The  strife  between  the  two  begins  in 
the  womb,  and  at  his  birth  Jacob  receives  his  name  from  his 
seizing  his  brother's  heel  (Gen.  xxv.  22-23,  24-26).^^ 

Esau  becomes  a  skilful  hunter  and  a  man  of  the  field  ;  whilst 
Jacob,  for  choosing  the  less  adventurous  life  of  a  shepherd,  is 
called  "a  plain  man  dwelling  in  tents." 

The  parents  joined  in  the  rivalry  of  their  sons  (Gen.  xxv.). 
Isaac  preferred  Esau  *' because  he  did  eat  of  his  venison," 
and  Rebecca  loved  Jacob.  The  first  event  recorded  of  the 
youths  brings  into  relief  the  diversity  of  their  dispositions. 
Esau  on  returning  from  hunting,  asks  Jacob  to  feed  him 
with  the  red  pottage  he  is  preparing.  Jacob,  well  aware  of 
his  brother's  impulsive  disposition,  refuses  unless  Esau  will 
sell  him  his  birthright.      Faint  with  hunger,  and  preferring 


28 

1      1 1 


Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


the  gratification  of  the  moment  to  future  dignity,  Esau  ex- 
claims, "  Behold  I  am  at  the  point  to  die  :  and  what  profit 
shall  this  birthright  do  unto  me  1 "  Before  he  gave  him  the 
food  he  longed  for,  the  crafty  and  suspicious  Jacob  extorted 
from  his  brother  an  oath  to  observe  their  compact.  It  was 
in  this  way  that  Esau  "for  one  morsel  of  meat  sold  his 
birthright"  (Gen.  xxv.  29-34).25 

But  a  yet  more  precious  inheritance  remained.  Jacob  had 
gained  the  portion  of  the  eldest  son,  but  neither  brother  had 
received  the  blessing,  by  which  he  should  become  heir  to  the 
promises  given  by  God  to  Abraham  and  Isaac.  This  privilege 
Isaac  destined  for  his  favourite  Esau,  but  Rebekah  showed 
Jacob  how  to  obtain  it  in  his  stead.  In  all  literature  there 
can  be  no  story  more  pathetic  than  that  of  Esau's  loss  of  the 
blessing.  The  blind  father,  deceived  by  the  hairy  gloves  of 
Jacob,  but  suspicious  of  the  tones  of  his  voice,  exclaims,  "  The 
voice  is  Jacob's  voice,  but  the  hands  are  the  hands  of  Esau." 
"Art  thou  my  very  son  Esau  T'  he  inquires,  and  Jacob 
answers,  "I  am."  The  smell  of  Esau's  garments,  which 
Jacob  had  assumed,  deceived  his  father,  who  began  the 
blessing  with  the  words,  "  See,  the  smell  of  my  son  is  as  the 
smell  of  a  field  which  the  Lord  hath  blessed."  Nothing  was 
withheld  :  on  Jacob  is  bestowed  a  rich  territory,  "  the  fatness 
of  the  earth  and  plenty  of  corn  and  wine"  .  .  .  "nations 
are  to  serve  him,"  he  is  "  to  be  lord  over  his  brethren."  .  .  . 
Whosoever  curseth  him  is  cursed,  and  whosoever  blesseth  him 
is  blessed  (Gen.  xxvii.  28,  29). 

When  Esau  appears  and  learns  how  Isaac  had  been  duped, 
he  utters  an  "  exceeding  bitter  cry,"  saying  of  his  brother : 
**  Is  he  not  rightly  named  Jacob,  for  he  hath  supplanted  me 
these  two  times  :  he  took  away  my  birthright,  and  behold 
now  he  hath  taken  away  my  blessing."  Isaac  cannot  give 
his  beloved  son  a  blessing  comparable  with  that  of  Jacob,  of 
whom  he  said,  "I  have  blessed  him,  yea  and  he  shall  be 
blessed,"  but  he  is  able  to  bestow  on  Esau  the  promise  of  a 
not  ignoble  future.  Esau  must  live  by  his  sword  in  a  less 
favoured  land,  a  subject  to  his  younger  brother.  But  the 
day  should  come  when,  like  an  untamable  bull  put  to  the 
plough,  Esau  would  break  loose,  shaking  his  brother's  yoke 
from  his  neck  (Gen.  xxvii.  39,  40).^^ 


The  Patriarchs  in  Palestine 


29 


Despite  the  hostility  of  Esau's  descendants  to  the  Israelites, 
the  closeness  of  their  relationship  compels  the  author  of 
Genesis  to  trace  their  fortunes  with  care.  Esau,  greatly  to 
the  grief  of  Isaac  and  Rebekah,  married  two  Hittite  wives, 
Judith  and  Basemath  (Gen.  xxvi.  34)  ;  and  afterwards 
Mahalath  the  daughter  of  Ishmael  (Gen.  xxviii.  8,  9).  His 
home  was  in  Seir  (the  rough)  in  the  land  of  Edom,  and  he 
became  the  leader  of  a  band  of  four  hundred  men.  A  list  of 
his  descendants  is  given,  and  of  the  kings  and  dukes  that 
ruled  over  his  territory  (Gen.  xxxvi.).^'^ 

Jacob,  hearing  that  his  justly  offended  brother  Esau  The  vision  at 
intended  to  kill  him,  at  Rebekah 's  suggestion  fled  to  her  Bethel 
brother  Laban's  home  in  Haran  in  order  that  he  might  take 
a  wife  from  his  own  kindred  (Gen.  xxviii.  2  (P)).  On  the 
first  night  he  saw  the  famous  vision  of  the  ladder  set  up 
between  earth  and  heaven,  and  the  angels  of  God  ascending 
and  descending  upon  it.  The  promise  made  to  Abraham  was 
again  repeated,  and  Jacob  received  assurance  of  Divine  pro- 
tection. Awestruck  at  what  he  had  seen,  he  exclaimed, 
**  How  dreadful  is  this  place  !  this  is  none  other  but  the  house 
of  God,  and  this  is  the  gate  of  heaven,"  naming  the  spot  Beth-el 
(the  House  of  God).  Two  religious  acts  were  performed  by  the 
patriarch  when  he  awoke:  the  setting  up  of  a  pillar  (maccebah), 
and  the  registering  of  a  vow  that  if  God  would  be  with  him 
on  his  journey  and  bring  him  back  in  safety,  the  pillar  he 
had  set  up  should  be  God*s  house,  and  he  would  give  a  tenth 
of  all  that  he  possessed  (Gen.  xxviii.  10-22).^^ 

On  reaching  Haran  Jacob  met  Rachel  at  the  well,  and  ^^^^  ^ 
after  aiding  her  to  water  her  flock,  was  favourably  received  by 
her  father  Laban.  He  agreed  to  serve  for  seven  years  on 
condition  of  espousing  Rachel  at  the  end  of  the  time,  and 
in  the  beautiful  words  of  the  Sacred  Record,  "  Thev  seemed 
to  him  but  a  few  days,  for  the  love  that  he  had  to  her." 
But.  when  his  period  of  servitude  was  ended,  Laban  gave 
Jacob  his  elder  daughter  Leah,  alleging  the  custom  of  the 
country  in  justification  of  his  deception,  and  compelled  him  to 
serve  for  another  seven  years.  At  the  end  of  the  fourteen 
years  Jacob  requested  to  be  allowed  to  depart ;  but  Laban, 
divining  that  God  had  blessed  him  on  account  of  his  son-in- 
law,  besought  him  to  remain.     It  was  agreed  between  them 


Mesopotamia 


30  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Jacob's  sons 


that  all  the  goats  that  were  speckled  or  spotted,  and  all  the 
black  sheep  should  be  removed  from  the  flock  in  charge  of 
Jacob,  and  that  in  future  every  kid  that  was  born  speckled 
or  spotted  and  every  black  lamb  should  be  his  hire.  By 
putting  almond  rods  with  strakes  peeled  on  them  before 
the  strongest  of  the  flock  when  they  conceived,  Jacob 
managed  that  all  the  best  kids  should  be  his.  In  vain 
did  Laban  propose  different  arrangements  and  change 
Jacob's  wages  "ten  times"  (Gen.  xxx.  32,  xxxi.  41).  The 
best  of  the  flock  became  the  property  of  the  skilful  shepherd. 

During  his  sojourn  in  Haran,  Jacob  became  the  father  of 
eleven  sons,  each  of  whom  bore  a  name  applicable  to  the 
circumstances  of  his  birth. 

Leah's  first-born  was  called  Eeuben  (behold  a  son), 
"  because,"  said  the  unhapi)y  mother,  "  the  Lord  liath  looked 
upon  my  affliction,  for  now  will  my  husband  love  me."  To 
her  second  son  she  gave  the  name  of  Simeon  (hearing), 
"  because  the  Lord  hath  heard  that  I  am  hated,  therefore 
hath  he  given  me  this  son  also."  Her  pathetic  hope  that 
she  would  win  her  husband's  heart  by  bearing  him  a  third 
son  is  expressed  in  the  name  Levi  {joining),  "now  will 
my  husband  be  joined  to  me."  But  when  a  fourth  son  waa 
given  the  joyful  mother  cried,  "  This  time  will  T  praise  the 
Lord,"  and  named  him  Judah  {praise)  (Gen.  xxix.  31-35). 

Bilhah,  the  handmaid  of  Rachel,  next  bore  to  Jacob  Dan 
{judge)  and  Naphtali  {vrrestling),  both  names  alluding  to 
the  rivalry  between  the  two  daughters  of  Laban  ;  and  two 
sons  were  also  borne  by  Leah's  handmaid  Zilpah,  Gad 
(fortune),  and  Asher  {happiness)  (Gen.  xxx.  1-1 S).^*-* 

After  the  birth  of  the  four  sons  of  the  concubines,  Leah 
had  three  more  children:  Issachar  {this  is  hire),  because 
she  had  "hired"  Jacob  from  Rachel  by  love-apples  which 
Reuben  had  found  ^ ;  and  Zebulun  (dwelling),  for  she  said, 
*'  God  hath  endowed  me  with  a  good  dowry  ;  now  will  my 
husband  dwell  with  me,  because  I  have  borne  him  six 
sons."     A  daughter  named  Dinah  was  Leah's  seventh  child 

(Gen.  xxx.  U-21). 

Rachel  after  being  long  barren  only  bore  one  son  in 
Haran  :  at  his  birth  his  mother  said,  "  God  hath  taken  away 
{Asaph)  my  reproach,"  and  called  his  name  Joseph,  saying, 


The  Patriarchs  in  Palestine 


31 


"The  Lord  shall  add  {yoseph)  to  me  another  son "   (Gen. 
XXX.  22-24).3i 

Jacob,  seeing  that  Laban  and  his  sons  had  ceased  to  Jacob  leaves 
regard  him  favourably,  and  having  received  a  Divine  intima-  I^ban 
tion,  resolved  with  the  concurrence  of  Leah  and  Rachel,  to 
leave  Haran.  Accordingly,  when  Laban  was  absent 
sheep-shearing,  he  seized  the  opportunity  by  removing  all 
his  property  across  the  Euphrates,  Rachel  taking  with  her 
the  teraphirn  or  household  gods  of  the  family.^^  Laban 
pursued  the  fugitives,  overtaking  them  in  Mount  Gilead. 
Being,  however,  warned  by  God  in  a  dream,  "  Take  heed  to 
thyself  that  thou  speak  not  to  Jacob  either  good  or  bad," 
Laban  did  no  more  than  remonstrate  with  his  son-in-law,  not 
only  for  having  abducted  his  daughters,  but  also  for  having 
stolen  his  "gods."  Even  this  charge  he  was  unable  to 
prove,  owing  to  the  specious  pretexts  advanced  by  Rachel 
to  prevent  his  searching  the  camels'  furniture  in  her  tent 
(Gen.  xxxi.  34,  35). 

Finally  Jacob  and  Laban  made  a  covenant  by  setting  up 
a  heap  of  stones  and  a  pillar.  Jacob  called  the  place  by 
the  Hebrew  name  Galeed,  whilst  Laban  gave  it  the  Syriac 
appellation  of  Jegar  Sahadutha,  both  words  signifying  "  the 
heap  of  witness."  It  was  also  styled  Mizpah  {The  watch 
tower),  for  Laban  said  :  "  The  Lord  watch  between  me  and 
thee,  when  we  are  absent  one  from  another.  If  thou  shalt 
afflict  my  daughters,  and  if  thou  shalt  take  wives  beside  my 
[laughters,  no  man  is  with  us ;  see,  God  is  witness  betwixt 
me  and  thee."  The  cairn  also  served  as  a  boundary-stone 
betwixt  the  Aramaeans  and  the  Hebrews,  for  Laban  added : 
"  This  heap  be  witness  and  the  pillar  be  witness,  that  I  will 
not  pass  over  this  heap  to  thee,  and  that  thou  shalt  not  pass 
over  this  heap  and  this  pillar  unto  me,  for  harm  "  (Gen. 
xxxi.  44-55).^ 

Jacob  now  enters  upon  a  series  of  spiritual  experiences.  Jacob  in 
As  he  journeyed  the  Angels  of  God  met  him,  and  exclaiming  Eastern 
"This  is  God's  host,"  he  gave  to  the  place  the  name  of 
Mahanaim  {two  hosts)  (Gen.  xxxii.  2).  Shortly  afterwards 
he  heard  from  the  messengers  whom  he  had  sent  to  Esau  in 
Seir,  that  his  brother  was  advancing  to  meet  him  at  the 
head  of  four  hundred  men.     This  was  the  supreme  spiritual 


32  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


The  Patriarchs  in  Palestine 


3^ 


1 


crisis  of  Jacob's  life.  Full  of  apprehension  at  encountering 
one  whom  he  had  so  greatly  wronged,  he  prepared  for  the 
worst.  After  a  fervent  prayer  for  support  to  the  God  who 
had  thus  far  been  his  Protector— *' For,"  he  admits,  "with 
my  staff  I  passed  over  this  Jordan ;  and  now  I  am  become 
two  companies  " — Jacob  despatched  a  rich  present  to  propitiate 
his  brother.  He  divided  his  household  into  companies  before 
sending  them  across  the  Jabbok  :  in  the  first  were  the  liand- 
maids  and  their  sons ;  next  came  the  family  of  Leah  ;  and  in 
the  rear  he  placed  Rachel  and  Joseph  that,  in  case  of  attack, 
they  at  least  might  escape  (Gen.  xxxii.  7-23). 

Jacob  himself  remained  alone,  and  "  there  wrestled  a  man 
with  him  till  the  breaking  of  the  day.  And  when  he  saw 
that  he  prevailed  not  against  him,  he  touched  the  hollow  of 
Jacob's  thigh  ;  and  the  hollow  of  Jacob's  thigh  was  strained." 
After  this  Jacob  became  the  aggressor,  and  sought  to  detain 
his  Adversary,  Who  demanded  of  him  his  name,  and  on 
hearing  it,  replied,  "  Thy  name  shall  be  called  no  more  Jacob, 
but  Israel  {God  striveth),  for  thou  hast  striven  {sartthd)  with 
God  and  with  men,  and  hast  prevailed."  But  to  Jacob's 
request  that  he  might  know  the  name  of  his  mysterious 
Visitant,  the  sole  reply  was,  "  Wherefore  is  it  that  thou  dost 
ask  after  my  name  1  and  he  blessed  him  there."  The  awe- 
sti-uck  patriarch  named  the  spot  Peniel  {The  face  of  God), 
"  for  I  have  seen  God  face  to  face,  and  my  life  is  preserved." 
As  the  sun  rose  the  patriarch  passed  over  Penuel,  halting 
upon  his  thigh,  in  token  that  his  spiritual  triumph  had  not 
been  without  its  cost  (Gen.  xxxii.  24-31).^* 

Jacob  now  met  Esau,  and  was  welcomed  with  generous 
affection.  The  reconciliation  of  the  two  brothers  is  told  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  do  full  justice  to  the  good  qualities  of 
the  elder.  With  a  few  masterly  touches  the  contrast  is 
made  apparent,  greatly  to  the  advantage  of  Esau.  Jacob's 
attitude  throughout  is  one  of  profound  humility.  He  calls 
himself  Esau's  servant,  styling  his  brother  "  my  lord,"  says 
*'  I  have  seen  thy  face  as  though  I  had  seen  the  face  of  God, 
and  thou  wast  pleased  with  me."  His  shrewd  caution  mani- 
fested itself  in  the  way  in  which  he  managed  to  decline  the 
company  and  protection  of  Esau,  without  giving  offence. 
Only  when  he  prays  his  brother  to  take  the  rich  present  h« 


Palestine 


offers  "because  God  hath  dealt  graciously  with  me,  and 
because  I  have  enough,"  does  Jacob  appear  in  a  favour- 
able light.  On  leaving  Esau,  Jacob  made  his  last  halt  in 
eastern  Palestine  at  Succoth,  a  city  which  took  its  name 
from  the  booths  which  the  patriarch  erected  there  (Gen. 
xxxii.  1-17). 

Jacob  followed  the  example  of  Abraharii  in  making  Jacob  in 
Shechem  his  first  resting-place  on  the  west  of  the  Jordan,  ^^^^^f^ 
Here  he  acquired  land  from  Hamor,  the  father  of  Shechem, 
the  Hivite  prince  of  the  country,  for  a  hundred  pieces  of 
money.  His  sojourn  at  Shechem  was  interrupted  by  an  act 
of  perfidy  on  the  part  of  his  sons  Simeon  and  Levi.  Shechem 
had  "humbled"  tlieir  sister  Dinah,  but  desired  to  repair  the 
wrong  l)y  making  her  his  wife.  A  solemn  treaty  was  made 
between  Jacob  and  Hamor,  Shechem's  father,  on  Hamor 
promising  that  he  and  his  men  would  submit  to  the  rite  of 
circumcision.  When  the  Shechemites  were  thus  made  in- 
capable of  self-defence  Simeon  and  Levi  slew  them,  and  their 
father's  timorous  complaint  "Ye  have  troubled  me,  to  make 
me  to  stink  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  land,"  was  met 
with  the  proud  reply,  "  Should  he  deal  with  our  sister  as  with 
an  harlot  1"^  (Gen.  xxxiv.). 

By  divine  command  Jacob  left  Shechem  to  go  to  Bethel, 
where  he  was  instructed  to  raise  an  altar  to  God.  He  pre- 
pared for  his  journey  by  ordering  his  family  to  put  away  tlieir 
"  strange  gods,"  and  to  purify  themselves.  Accordingly  they 
delivered  up  their  images  and  their  "  ear-rings,"  and  Jacob 
hid  them  under  the  terebinth  at  Shechem.  The  journey  was 
made  in  safety,  for  "  the  terror  of  God  "  was  upon  the  cities, 
and  on  his  arrival  at  Luz,  Jacob  erected  the  altar  of  El-beth-el. 
Here  Deborah,  the  nurse  of  Rebekah,  died,  and  was  buried 
at  Allon-bacuth  {the  oak  of  weeping).^^  From  Bethel  Jacob 
went  southward  to  Ephrath^^;  there  Rachel  gave  birth 
to  his  youngest  son,  calling  him,  "as  her  soul  was  in  de- 
parting," Ben-oni  {son  of  my  sorroiv),  a  name  which  Jacob 
changed  to  Benjamin  {son  of  my  right  hand).  Jacob  halted 
on  his  southward  journey  beyond  the  tower  of  Eder.  He 
is  next  discovered  at  Mamre  with  his  brother  Esau  at 
the  funeral  of  Isaac,  who  had  apparently  lingered  for  more 
than    twenty    years    after    blessing    his   sons,  on  what   had 


34         Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Jacob's  80X18 
lu  Palestine 


Joseph 


been    supposed   to    be    his    death-bed    [Gen.    xxxv.    27-29 

(P)  ].^ 

The  behaviour  of  the  sons  of  Jacob  in  Canaan  was  marked 
by  violence  and  lust.     Simeon  and  Levi  had  made  it  necessary 
for  the  patriarch  to  leave  Shechem.     Reuben,  the  eldest,  is 
said  to  have  insulted  his  father  by  his  wickedness  with  Bilhah. 
Of  Judah,  the  fourth  son,  it  is  said  that  he  "went  down 
from  his  brethren,  and  became  the  companion  of  Hirah  the 
Adullamite."     By  a  Canaanite  wife  he  had  three  sons  named 
Er,  Onan  and  Shelah.     Er  married  Tamar,  but  died  without 
issue;   and   his  wife,  in  accordance  with  a  custom  already 
prevalent,  was  given  to  Onan.     Onan,  however,  was  slain  by 
God  for  the  shameful  way  in  which  he  evaded  his  obligation 
to  his  deceased  brother.     Judah,  dismayed  at  the  loss  of  his 
two  sons,  hesitated  to  risk  the  life  of  the  youthful  Shelah 
by  bestowing  on  him  so  fatal  a  bride  as  Tamar,  and   bade 
her   wait   till  this  son   was   of    marriageable  age.      When, 
however,  Tamar  saw  that  Judah  did   not   mean   to  marry 
her   to   Shelah,   she    disguised   herself   as  a   "harlot,"   that 
is,  as  one  of  the  miserable  votaries  of  the  Canaanite  worship, 
and  stood  in  Judah's  way  when  he  was  going  to  a  sheep- 
shearing.     Without  suspecting  her  identity,  Judah  became 
by  Tamar  the  father  of  two  sons,  Perez  and  Zerah  (Gen. 

xxiviii). 

Jacob  designed  the  elder  son  of  his  favourite  wife,  Rachel, 
for  the  headship  of  the  chosen  family,  and  invested  him 
with  the  garment  of  a  chieftain.  ^^  Two  dreams  revealed  to 
Joseph  that  he  was  destined  to  attain  to  honour.  In  the 
first,  he  and  his  brothers  were  binding  sheaves  in  the  field, 
and  their  sheaves  did  obeisance  to  his.  On  another  occasion 
Joseph  dreamed  that  he  received  the  homage  of  the  sun,  the 
moon  and  eleven  stars.  His  brothers  hated  him  for  his 
dreams,  and  even  Jacob  rebuked  his  boldness,  though  he 
did  not  forget  his  son's  words. 

About  this  time  Joseph  was  sent  by  Jacob  from  Hebron 
to  enquire  after  the  welfare  of  his  brethren,  who  were 
supposed  to  be  at  Shechem.  Hearing,  however,  that  they 
had  gone  northward,  he  followed  them  to  Dothan.  Seeing 
Joseph  approach,  his  brethren  exclaimed,  "  Behold  this 
dreamer  cometh,"  and  would  have  killed  him.     Reuben,  how- 


The  Patriarchs  in  Palestine 


35 


ever,  persuaded    them    to    cast    him    into   a    pit,   with    the 

intention   of  restoring    his    brother   to  Jacob  on    the   first 

opportunity.       In    Reuben's    absence,    some    Ishmaelite    or 

Midianite   merchants   passed   by  on    their   way    to    Egypt, 

and,    at    Judah's    suggestion,    Joseph    was    sold    to    them. 

The   brothers   then    took  Joseph's  coat,   dipped  it   in    the 

blood  of  a  goat  and  led  Jacob  to  believe  that  his  favourite 

son  had  been  slain  by  a  wild  beast  (Gen.  xxxvii.    2^-11, 

22-24,  28^  28*^-30,  36  E;  the  rest  J). 

Such  then  is  the  account  of  the  sojourning  of  the  three  Accuracy  of 

great  patriarchs  in  the  Promised  Land  related  in  the  book   nanative  in 

.  .  .  Genesis 

of  Genesis,  a  work  evidently  compiled   when  the  Israelites 

had  been  for  many  generations  settled  in  Canaan.  The 
additions,  alleged  to  have  been  made  after  the  exile,  do 
not  materially  affect  the  narrative,  which  represents  the 
belief  of  the  prophetic  teachers  concerning  the  origin  of 
their  nation  and  religion.  There  is  throughout  Genesis 
an  evident  unity  of  purpose,  and  it  is  of  great  importance 
to  discover  why  these  stories  of  primitive  life  were  pre- 
served and  selected.  Despite  the  compiler's  use  of  the 
names  of  places  familiar  to  his  own  contemporaries,  tlie 
picture  of  the  condition  of  Canaan  in  patriarchal  days 
is  not  incorrect.  Writing  as  they  do  for  the  edification  of 
the  men  of  their  own  age,  the  compilers  of  the  patriarchal 
narrative  completely  discard  the  devices  of  antiquarian 
pedantry.  They  relate  how  the  patriarchs  went  to  Shechem, 
to  Bethel,  to  Hebron,  though  well  aware  that  in  the  days  of 
which  they  write,  these  cities  had  not  yet  been  built.  Thoy 
put  the  Sacred  Name  of  Jehovah  into  the  mouth  of  Abraham, 
despite  the  existence  of  a  tradition  that  God  did  not  reveal  it 
till  the  days  of  Moses  (Ex.  vi,  3  (P),  apparently  known  also 
to  E).  It  is  probable  also  that  Abimelech,  king  of  Gerar, 
was  not  one  of  the  Philistines,  but  is  so  called  because  he 
occupied  the  district  inhabited  later  by  that  people.  But 
tliese  anachronisms  do  not  detract  from  the  real  historical 
value  of  the  narrative,  since  they  are  due  to  the  desire  of 
the  writers  to  make  the  facts  more  clear  to  their  contem- 
poraries. In  portraying  Canaan  as  a  pastoral  rather  than  an 
agricultural  country,  they  carry  the  reader  back  to  remote 
antiquity ;  for  as  the  Tel-el- Amarna  tablets,  and  the  spies  in 


»• 


;^6  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


The  Patriarchs  in  Palestine 


37 


AralMiiatur- 

allj  diiposed 

to  receive 

religious 

impressions 


ri 


1 1 


Honesty  of 
early  writers 


l!  . 

S 

I 
I 


the  days  of  the  Wanderings  attest,  it  was  full  of  fortified 
towns  before  the  fourteenth  century  B.C.  In  Genesis,  how- 
ever, the  word  "city"  is  very  rarely  used  except  in  con- 
nection with  the  Plain  of  the  Jordan,  and  the  general 
impression  left  on  the  reader  is,  that  in  the  days  of  the 
patriarchs  Western  and  Southern  Palestine  were  not  yet 
the  homes  of  settled  communities. 

The  accuracy  with  which  primitive  life  is  described  is  not 
of  itself  a  strong  argument  in  favour  of  the  antiquity  of  the 
record,  because  the  simple  habits  of  the  pastoral  Arabs  do 
not  materially  alter  :  yet  even  apart  from  the  evidence  of 
Scripture  it  is  by  no  means  incredible  that  the  patriarchs 
should  have  been  the  recipients  of  a  divine  revelation  of  a 
highly  spiritual  character.  The  habits  of  the  Arab  pre- 
dispose him  for  religious  impressions.  The  uncertainty  of  a 
nomad  life  impels  him  to  look  continually  for  help  from 
above,  and  makes  him  reflect  upon  God's  nature  and  the 
problem  of  life  more  deej)ly  than  if  he  were  engaged  in  the 
wearisome  routine  of  agriculture,  or  lived  amid  turmoil  of 
city  life.  Moreover  the  want  of  a  settled  habitation 
removes  the  possibility  of  practising  a  religion  in  which 
a  sensuous  ceremonial  tends  to  paralyse  spirituality  of 
thought.  It  is  therefore  not  uncommon  to  find  among 
men  accustomed  to  the  simplicity  of  a  wandering  life  a 
surprisingly  pure  conception  of  spiritual  truth.  The 
patriarchs  were  thus  fitted  by  their  pursuits  to  be  the 
founders  of  a  pure  religion. 

That  the  writers  of  Genesis  used  ancient  materials  may 
further  be  seen  in  their  frank  admission  that  the  acts  of  the 
patriarchs  were  not  always  in  accordance  with  the  moral 
standard  demanded  by  the  prophets  of  Israel.  The  book  of 
Genesis  records  without  comment  religious  observances  on  the 
part  of  the  patriarchs,  the  practice  of  which  in  the  prophetic 
age  met  with  severe  reprobation.  The  choice  of  mountains 
and  trees  as  places  for  worship,  the  use  of  teraphim  or 
household  gods,  the  setting  up  of  pillars  {maqqehoth)  and  the 
like,  tend  to  show  that,  if  the  narrative  received  its  present 
shape  between  the  ninth  and  seventh  centuries  before  Christ, 
the  object  of  the  historians  was  not  to  depict  a  golden  age 
of  pure  religion,  but  to  relate  what  had  act^ially  liappened. 


Nor  does  the  extraordinary  frankness,  with  which  they 
depict  the  faults  not  only  of  the  tribal  patriarchs,  but  of 
the  ancestors  of  the  sacred  nation  themselves,  suit  the  theory 
that  the  Biblical  story  of  Abraham,  Isaac  and  Jacob  is 
really  the  outcome  of  an  attempt  on  the  part  of  the 
Israelites  to  claim  descent  from  the  tutelary  deities  of  the 

Canaanites*  ,  i    x      i-        ^ 

The   characters,   especiaUy  of  Abraham   and  Jacob,  are 
thoroughly  human.     The  high  virtues  of  the  elder  patriarch 
do  not  exclude  the  possibility  of  weakness,  nor  do  the  obTioua 
traUties  of  the  younger  render  him  incapable  of  showing 
many  attractive  qualities.     Moreover  the  faults  of  Jacob, 
related  without  comment  in  Genesis,  are  not  those  which  the 
great  prophets  were  likely  to  condone,  and  the  narrative  of 
his  adventures  seems  to  reveal  the  undeveloped  morahty  of 
a  primitive  age.     The  authors  of  the  account  of  these  early 
days  assuredly  believed  that  they  were  writmg  a  history  of 
what  actually  occurred,  and  doubtless  drew  their  information 
from  ancient  sources.     They  had  no  idea  of  constructing  an 
imaginary  picture  of  a  Golden  Age.     Their  object  was  not 
to  gtorify  the  past,  but  to  depict  it  with  all  its  imperfecions. 
For  their  theme  is  God's  dealing  with  the  men  of  old,— 
generations  less  privUeged  than  their  own. 

The  past  is  not  intended  to  bind  the  future  by  its  pre- 
cedents:  on  the  contrary,  acts  justifiable  in  the  days  of 
ignorance  may  not  be  repeated  with  impunity  when  fresh 
Ught  has  been  vouchsafed.  To  these  old  historians  the 
light  of  a  bygone  age  was  but  the  herald  of  a  morning 
destined  to  shine  forth  unto   the   light  of   a  more  perfect 

^*The  book  of  Genesis  moreover  displays  a  remarkable  in-  ^j^^^^ 
sight  not  only  into  the  working  of  the  human  heart,  but  also  ^^^ 
into  what  may  be  termed  the  philosophy  of  revealed  religion,   contrasted 
In  the  days  of  Abraham  the  intercourse  between  God  and 
man  is  represented  as  free  and  unconstrained.     There  is  no 
fear  of  anthropomorphism  in  the  account  of  how  God  talked 
face  to  face  with  the  man  who  was  known  as     the  friend  of 
God"  (2  Chr.  xx.  7  ;  James  ii.  23). 

It  was  otherwise  with  Jacob :  with  the  advance  of  time 
the  old  simple  ideas  concerning  the  Deity  had  given  way  to 

H 


Ili 


38  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

more  abstract  notions.  Jacob  communicates  with  God  not 
face  to  face  but  through  intermediaries.  Angels  deliver 
God's  messages  to  this  patriarch  :  he  struggles  that  he  may 
know  the  hidden  name  of  the  God  who  is  remote  from  him. 
Jacob  stands  midway  between  the  patriarch  with  whom  the 
Covenant  was  made  and  his  descendants  who  received  the 
Law  "  as  the  ordinances  of  angels."  It  is  the  same  with  the 
rites  of  worship.  Nothing  can  be  simpler  than  those  which 
Abraham  practised ;  the  altars  at  Shechem  and  on  the 
mountain  top  between  Bethel  and  Ai,  the  sacrifice,  and  the 
covenant  made  by  dividing  the  sacrificial  victims.*  But  with 
Jacob  religious  observances  have  multiplied,  and  many  of 
these,  though  innocent  in  themselves,  led  in  the  days  of 
his  descendants  to  superstition  and  idolatry.  The  magqebahj 
or  pillar,  on  which  the  oil  was  poured,  the  teraphim^  which 
Rachel  stole  and  retained  with  so  much  craft,  the  purifi- 
catory rites  before  approaching  Bethel,  and  the  erection  of 
altars  to  El-Elohe-Israel  at  Shechem  and  to  El-Bethel  at 
Bethel,  are  characteristic  of  the  way  in  which  religion  tends 
to  become  more  complex,  as  the  connection  between  earth 
and  heaven  is  felt  to  be  less  close. 

*  Yet  Abraham  planted  sacred  trees,  a  practice  regarded  as  objection- 
able in  later  days  as  Jacob's  "  pillars." 


Chapter  III 

Israel  in  Egypt 

Throughout  the  patriarchal  period  the  ties  which  bound  the 
descendants  of  Abraham  to  their  kindred  in  Mesopotamia 
had  been  gradually  relaxing,  and  after  Jacob's  flight  from 
Laban  the  Hebrews  ceased  to  feel  any  attraction  towards 
their  original  home.  In  time»  of  distress,  even  Abraham 
and  Isaac  had  directed  their  thoughts  to  Egypt,  and  Jacob's 
sons  followed  their  example.  A  reception  was  prepared  for 
them,  in   which   the  guiding   hand   of  God  is  clearly  to  be 

rpcocmised 

The  Midianite  merchants  sold  Joseph  to  Potiphar,  chief  of  ^^^^^^^^^^ 
the  guard,  a  high  official  in  the  Egyptian  court.     So  greatly  ^  ^gypt 
did  his  master  trust  him,  that  he  committed  all  things  to  his 
care,  till,  owing  to  a  base  and  groundless  accusation,  Joseph 
was  cast  into  prison.^     Even  there  he  won  the  confidence  of 
his  gaoler,  and  was  given  the  charge  of  two  illustrious  captives, 
the  chiefs  of  the  king's  cup-bearers  and  bakers.     The  sleep 
of  both  the  imprisoned  courtiers  was  troubled  on  the  same 
night,  and  on  Joseph's  enquiring  the  cause  of  their  sadness 
the  chief  butler  told  his  dream,  and  was  informed  that  it 
portended  his  restoration  to  favour.     His  companion,  hoping 
that  his  dream  was  equally  propitious,  revealed  it  j  and  learned 
that  it  foreboded  death.  On  Pharaoh's  birthday  the  chief  butler 
was  reinstated,  and  the  chief  baker  hanged.    Joseph,  however, 
was  forgotten,  till  Pharaoh  himself  was  perplexed  by  a  two- 
fold dream,  in  which  we  may  see  reflected  the  royal  anxieties 
concerning  the  food  of  his  people.    He  seemed  to  stand  in  the 
reed-grass  by  the  Nile,  and  saw  seven  lean  kine  devour  seven 
fat  kine,  and  seven  full  ears  of  corn  swallowed  up  by  seven 
thin  ears.     As  none  of  the  court  magicians  could  say  what 

*  Appendix  A  at  end  of  chapter. 

59 


Pifiuiotion 

of  Joiepli 


The  famine 


Joseph's 
Ibrethren  go 
town  to 
BfTPt 


40  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

this  signified,  the  chief  butler  told  the  king  how  successfully 
Joseph  had  interpreted  dreams  in  the  prison,  and  the  young 
Hebrew  was  at  once  introduced  to  the  royal  presence.  On 
being  informed  of  the  purport  of  the  dreams,  he  said  that  they 
portended  seven  years  of  plenty  followed  by  seven  of  famine, 
and  advised  Pharaoh  to  provide  against  the  years  of  scarcity 
by  appointing  a  discreet  man  to  store  up  a  fifth  of  the  spare 
com,  whilst  the  harvests  were  abundant  ^  (Gen.  xxxix.-xli.). 

Pharaoh  commended  the  wisdom  of  this  advice,  and  made 
Joseph  the  head  of  his  house.  The  new  minister  was  arrayed 
in  the  cotton  vestment  of  a  great  state  officer,  received  the 
royal  signet-ring  and  a  chain  of  gold,  was  placed  in  the 
second  chariot,  and  was  shown  to  the  people  with  shouts  ot 
Ahrechl  (Gen.  xli.  43).^  An  Egyptian  wife  was  given  to 
Joseph,  Asenath,  daughter  of  Potiphera  priest  of  On,  and  he 
so  completely  identified  himself  with  his  adopted  country, 
that  he  called  his  eldest  son  Manasseh  {causing  to  forget)^ 
for  said  he,  "  God  hath  made  me  forget  all  my  toil  and  all 
my  father's  house."  His  second  son  was  named  Ephraim 
(parah  "to  be  fruitful ").  Joseph's  name  had  been  changed 
by  Pharaoh  to  Zaphnath  Paaneach*  (Gen.  xli.  45-52). 

Duriog  the  seven  years  of  plenty  Joseph  collected  the  corn 
in  the  store-cities,  and  when  the  dearth  came  he  opened  the 
granaries  and  sold  it,  not  only  to  the  inhabitants  of  Egypt, 
but  to  those  of  the  neighbouring  countries.  When  their 
money  was  exhausted,  the  Egyptians  sold  their  cattle,  and 
finally  their  lands,  to  Pharaoh  for  grain ;  and  Joseph,  having 
secured  for  his  master  the  property  of  every  class,  save  that 
of  the  priests,  restored  the  cultivators  their  lands  on  condition 
of  their  agreeing  to  the  payment  of  a  fifth  of  their  produce 
to  the  crown.  The  prudent  policy  of  the  minister  pleased 
sovereign  and  people  alike,  since,  without  exacting  harsh 
terms,  he  had  both  enriched  the  treasury,  and  saved  many 
lives.  In  this  way  he  secured  a  ready  reception  for  his 
family  when  they  came  to  Egypt  (Gen.  xli.  53-57  :  xlvii. 
13-26). 

The  famine  extended  to  Canaan,  and  Joseph's  brethren 
were  among  the  foreigners  who  came  to  buy  corn.  On  the 
occasion  of  their  first  visit  Joseph  pretended  to  mistake  them 
for  spies,  and,  to  prove  their  integrity,  he  detained  Simeon  aa 


Israel  in  Kgypt 


41 


a  hostage,  and  demanded  of  the  rest  that  they  should  bring 
him  their  youngest  brother,  whom  they  had  declared  to  be 
with  their  father  in  Canaan. 

On  their  return  both  they  and  their  father  were  terrified 
to  find  that  the  money  they  had  paid  for  the  corn  had  been 
replaced  in  all  the  sacks ;  and  when  it  became  necessary  to 
go  to  Egypt  for  a  fresh  supply  of  corn,  Jacob  at  first  refused 
to  permit  them  to  take  Benjamin,  though  Reuben  offered  to 
allow  his  two  sons  to  be  slain  if  he  did  not  bring  his  brother 
back  in  safety  (Gen.  xlii.  37  E).  It  was  only  after  long 
entreaty  that  Judah  persuaded  his  father  to  consent  to 
entrust  Benjamin  to  his  care.^  On  this  occasion  Jacob 
ordered  his  sons  to  take  double  money  in  their  sacks,  and 
to  carry  as  a  present  to  the  Egyptian  governor  the  chief 
fruits,  or,  as  he  termed  them,  "  the  song  of  the  land,"  balm, 
honey,  spicery,  myrrh,  nuts,  and  almonds  (Gen.  xliii.  11). 
When  the  brethren  came  before  Joseph  they  were  graciously 
received,  Simeon  was  restored  to  them,  and  a  great  banquet 
was  prepared,  at  which  Joseph  feasted  alone,  and  the  Hebrews 
were  assigned  a  place  apart  from  the  Egyptians.  As  is  usual 
at  an  Eastern  feast,  the  governor  sent  special  dishes  to  his 
guests,  Benjamin  receiving  the  distinction  of  a  fivefold 
portion.  On  the  brethren's  departure  Joseph  commanded 
his  steward  to  place  his  divining-cup  (Gen.  xli  v.  2)  in 
Benjamin's  sack,  and  then  to  send  officers  to  arrest  the  man 
who  was  supposed  to  have  stolen  so  highly-prized  a  possession. 
The  brethren  agreed  that  if  any  of  them  were  guilty  he 
should  become  the  slave  of  the  governor ;  but  when  it  was 
found  that  Benjamin,  their  father's  youngest  and  best-loved 
son,  must  pay  the  penalty,  they  all  returned  to  intercede  for 
him.  In  touching  words,  Judah  explained  that  his  father 
would  die  if  Benjamin  did  not  return  with  his  brethren,  and 
finally  offered  to  become  a  slave  himself,  if  only  the  lad  were 
allowed  to  go  free  (Gen.  xliv.  14-34  J).  "Then  Joseph 
could  not  refrain  himself,  and  he  cried,  '  Cause  every  man 
to  go  out  from  me.'  And  there  stood  no  man  with  him 
while  Joseph  made  himself  known  to  his  brethren." 

As  the  five  more  years  of  famine  had  been  foretold,  Pharaoh  Jacob  and  Wa 
gave  orders  to  Joseph  to  bring  his  family  to  Egypt.     On  ^^""^^^^^^^ 
hearing  that  Joseph  was  alive,  Jacob  offered  sacrifices  to  the 


42  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


God  of  Isaac  at  Beersheba,  and,  encouraged  by  a  divine 
vision,  the  patriarchal  family  went  down  to  Egypt.  Judah 
was  sent  before  to  prepare  the  way,  and  Joseph  drove  in  his 
chariot  to  the  land  of  Goshen  to  meet  his  father.  The 
brethren  were  advised  to  tell  Pharaoh  that  their  hereditary 
occupation  was  the  tending  of  cattle,  in  order  that  the  king 
might  give  them  a  separate  home  in  the  land  of  Goshen,  as 
"  every  shepherd  is  an  abomination  to  the  Egyptians  "  CGen 
xlvi.  1-34).  ^ 

In  their  new  settlement  of  Goshen,  or  Geshem  of  Arabia,^ 

the  family  of  Jacob  long  enjoyed  independence  and   high 

consideration,  Pharaoh's  cattle  being  entrusted  to  their  care. 

Jacob  himself  was  presented  to  the  king,  who  received  his 

salutation  or  blessing,  and  asked  him  his  age.    The  patriarch, 

in  reply,  said  :  *'  The  days  of  the  years  of  my  pilgrimage  are 

a  hundred  and  thirty  years  :  few  and  evil  have  been  the  days 

of  the  years  of  my  life,  and  they  have  not  attained  unto  the 

days  of  the  years  of  the  life  of  my  fathers  in  the  days  of  their 

pilgrimage  "  (Gen.  xlvii.  9). 

Blessing  of  Feeling  the  approach  of  death,  Jacob  sent  for  Joseph,  who 

Ep^^^and     came  with  Ephraim  and  Manasseh.      The  patriarch  adopted 

his  two  grandsons,  granting  them  the  same  honours  as  his 

first-born  :   "  As  Reuben  and  Simeon  they  shall  be  mine." 

When  he  blessed  the  lads,  he  deliberately  crossed  his  hands 

so  as  to  lay  his  right  on  Ephraim's  head,  and  when  Joseph 

explained  that  Manasseh  was  the  first-born,   Jacob  assured 

his  son  that,  though  Manasseh  was  destined  to  be  the  father 

of  a  great  tribe,  the  future  of  Ephraim's   descendants   was 

even  brighter.     To  Joseph  "  one  portion  above  his  brethren  " 

was  bestowed.      "  Which,"  said  Jacob,  **  I  took  out  of  the 

hand  of  the  Amorite  with   my   sword  and  with   my  bow" 

(Gen.  xlviii.).7 

Before  his  death,  Jacob  told  his  sons  in  poetical  langua<ye 
the  future  destiny  of  the  tribes  which  were  to  spring  from 
them  (Gen.  xlix).  In  this  song,  the  three  eldest  sons, 
Reuben,  Simeon,  and  Levi  were  cursed  rather  than  blessed ; 
nor  is  any  hint  given  by  the  patriarch  that  the  priesthood  of 
the  chosen  race  should  be  vested  in  the  Levitical  tribe. 

Judah  was  promised  that  the  sceptre  should  never  depart 
"until  Shiloh  come."8     For  Joseph   the  chiefest  blessings 


Israel  in  Egypt 


43 


Jacob  blesses 
ttie  twelve 
patriarclis 


were  reserved.  After  pronouncing  this  prophecy  Jacob 
adjured  his  sons  not  to  bury  him  in  Egypt,  but  in  the  cave 
in  the  field  of  Ephron  the  Hittite,  where  Abraham,  Sarah, 
Isaac,  Rebekah,  and  Leah  were  laid.  After  his  death  Jacob 
was  embalmed  and  carried  to  Canaan,  and  the  place  where 
the  Egyptians  mourned  him  was  known  as  Abel-Mizraim 
(Gen.  t  11).^  Joseph's  brethren  feared  that  their  brother 
would  withdraw  his  protection  now  that  their  father  was 
dead,  but  he  reassured  them,  saying  that,  in  selling  him  into 
E^yypt  they  "  meant  evil  against  him,  but  God  meant  it  for 
go'od,  to  bring  to  pass  as  it  is  this  day,  to  save  much  people 
alive."  When  Joseph  died  he  made  his  brethren  swear  that 
they  would  take  his  body  away  from  Egypt,  whenever  God 
should  visit  them.  His  body  was  accordingly  embalmed  and 
placed  in  a  cpflSn  which  the  Israelites  religiously  preserved 

(Gen.  1.  26).  ' 

The  difficulties  in  the  story  of  Joseph  are  precisely  the  The  story  of 
same  as  those  in  the  other  patriarchal  narratives ;  but  they  Joseph 
are  increased  by  the  natural  reluctance  of  every  appreciative 
reader  of  Scripture  to  regard  so  beautiful  a  tale  as  referring 
to  other  than  an  individual.  The  character  of  Joseph  is 
delineated  with  the  utmost  skill,  and  brought  out  by  touches 
of  remarkable  delicacy.  So  is  that  of  Jacob  and  of  Joseph's 
brethren.  How  natural,  for  example,  is  the  feeling  of 
remorse  which  their  own  troubles  aroused  in  the  heart  of 
the  brethren,  and  caused  them  to  exclaim,  "  We  are  verily 
guilty  concerning  our  brother,  in  that  we  saw  the  distress  of 
his  soul,  when  he  besought  us,  and  we  would  not  hear" 
(Gen.  xlii.  21)1  How  clearly  does  Jacob's  irresolution, 
when  his  sons  demand  leave  to  go  again  to  Egypt,  reveal  the 
timidity,  the  querulousness,  and  the  afiectionate  character  of 
the  patriarch!  "Joseph  is  not  .  .  .  all  these  things  are 
against  me"  (Gen.  xlii.  36).  The  simple  honesty  of  the 
patriarchal  shepherds  is  admirably  portrayed  in  their 
interview  with  Joseph's  steward  when  they  explained  how 
their  money  had  been  restored  to  them  without  their  know- 
ledge (Gen.  xliii.  20-22).  Reuben's  half-savage  instincts 
reveal  themselves  in  the  ofier  to  his  father,  "  Slay  my  two 
sons  if  I  bring  him  not  to  thee"  (Gen.  xlii.  37  E) ;  and 
Judah's    more   generous   nature   is    shown    in   his    pathetic 


Knowledge 
of  Egypt 
displayed 


J  and  E 
witnesses  to 
story  of 
Joseph 


44         Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

appeal  to  Joseph  to  take  him  as  a  slave  instead  of  Benjamin, 
in  whose  sack  the  cup  had  been  found  (Gen.  xliv.  18  ff.  J). 
It  is  almost  superfluous  to  dwell  on  the  natural  manner  in 
which  Joseph's  character  has  been  drawn.  Take  for  example 
his  anxious  enquiry  for  his  father,  when  his  brethren  appear 
for  the  second  time  before  him.  "  Is  your  father  yet  alive, 
the  old  man  of  whom  ye  spake?"  (Gen.  xliii.  27).  What 
can  be  more  spontaneous  than  the  injunction  to  his  brethren, 
**  And  ye  shall  tell  my  father  of  all  my  glory  in  Egypt ! " 
(Gen.  xlv.  13).  The  beauty  of  the  closing  chapters  of 
Genesis  is  matchless,  and  when  criticism  has  said  its  last 
word,  they  must  remain  as  one  of  the  most  precious  gems  in 
the  sacred  literature  of  the  Hebrews. 

The  local  colouring  of  the  story  of  Joseph  is  remarkable ; 
whoever  wrote  it  had  a  personal  knowledge  of  Egypt.  In 
Pharaoh's  dream  the  cattle  stand  in  the  reed  grass  by  the 
Nile  (Gen.  xli.  3) ;  Joseph  is  raised  to  his  office  in  the 
Egyptian  manner  (Gen.  xli.  42  ff.);  the  name  of  his  wife 
Asenath  is  Egyptian,  and  so  is  the  title  conferred  on  him  by 
Pharaoh  (Gen.  xli.  45).  The  fifth  of  the  produce  (Gen.  xli. 
34  j  xlvii.  24)  has  been  from  time  immemorial  considered 
the  proper  tax  on  land  in  Egypt ;  the  exclusiveness  of  the 
Egyptians  is  dwelt  upon  (Gen.  xliii.  32  ;  xlvi.  34)  ;  embalm- 
ing the  dead  is  mentioned  as  practised  (Gen.  1.  2,  26). 

But,  when  due  weight  has  been  given  to  this  local  know- 
ledge, it  seems  difficult  to  treat  the  story  of  Joseph  as  literal 
history.  That  it  is  not  the  work  of  a  contemporary  may  be 
seen  from  the  omission  of  every  detail  which  would  enable 
us  to  fix  its  date.  Such  information  as  the  name  of  the 
king  of  Egypt,  or  of  the  city  where  he  dwelt,  is  withheld ; 
and  this  would  surely  not  have  been  the  case  had  the  writer 
possessed  the  requisite  knowledge.  Nor  is  it  easy  to  believe 
that  the  twelve  sons  of  Jacob  and  the  seventy  members  of 
his  household  (Gen.  xlvi.  26,  27)  do  not  signify  the  tribal 
divisions  of  Israel  rather  than  persons.  The  documentary 
theory  of  the  book  of  Genesis  is,  however,  in  favour  of  the 
story  of  Joseph  being  a  genuine  account  of  how  the  Hebrews 
came  into  Egypt.  Joseph  was  no  mere  tribal  hero  of 
central  Palestine,  his  story  was  a  national  possession.  If 
the  Judsean  school  wrote  after  the  division  of  the  kingdom, 


Israel  in  Egypt 


45 


they  certainly  thought  the  adventures  of  Joseph  as  im- 
portant as  the  Elohists  of  the  Northern  kingdom  did.  The 
double  narrative  is  practically  identical,  and  the  witness  to 
the  truth  of  the  story  twofold.  That  Joseph  was  sold  by  his 
brethren,  and  became  an  Egyptian  minister  of  high  rank 
must  have  been  universally  believed  by  the  Hebrews  in  the 
ninth  century  B.C.  Nor  is  the  story  of  a  Semite  becoming  a 
great  official  in  Egypt  incredible  from  what  we  know  of 
Egyptian  affairs.^^  Whilst,  therefore,  admitting  the  proba- 
bility of  the  story  of  Joseph  being  an  attempt  to  account  for 
a  national  movement,  it  seems  too  much  to  deny  that  the 
events  related  could  have  happened,  and  to  assert  that  the 
Hebrew  tradition  does  not  rest  on  a  solid  substratum  of  fact. 

The  great  difficulty  to  the  historian  in  dealing  with  the 
sojourn  of  Israel  in  Egypt  is  the  absence  of  all  data  concern- 
ing the  period  at  which  it  occurred.  Nor  does  our  present 
knowledge  of  Egyptology  supply  any  really  satisfactory  clue 
to  the  solution  of  the  problem.* 

A  long  period  of  complete  silence  follows  the  death  of  Period  of 
Joseph,  during  which  nothing  is  recorded  of  the  descendants  Silence 
of  Jacob,  save  that  they  increased  rapidly  in  numbers. 
What  their  condition  was  can  only  be  a  matter  for  con- 
jecture. It  may  be  that  they  preserved  the  religion  and 
customs  of  their  ancestors,  reverencing  the  God  of  Abraham 
and  at  the  same  time  paying  worship  to  the  teraphim  or 
domestic  gods,  as  their  fathers  had  done  since  the  days  of 
Jacob.  As,  even  in  the  days  of  the  oppression,  the  chief 
wealth  of  the  Hebrews  consisted  in  cattle,  they  probably 
continued  to  lead  a  pastoral  life  in  Goshen,  and  it  is  not 
inconceivable  that  they  from  time  to  time  retired  to  the 
desert  for  the  purposes  of  holding  solemn  sacrifices. 

In  any  case  the  Hebrews  showed  little  disposition  to 
adopt  the  religion  or  habits  of  the  Egyptians,  and  preserved 
their  racial  characteristics  unimpaired. 

The  long  silence  concerning  Israel  is  broken  in  the  Sacred  The  new 
Record  by  the  words,  "  Now  there  arose  another  king  over  Egyptian 
the  land  of  Egypt,  who  knew  not  Joseph ''  (Ex.  i.  8).     Des-  ^  °' 
pite  some  very  serious  chronological  difficulties,  it  is  generally 
agreed  among  Egyptologists  that  this  monarch  was  Rameses 

•  Appendix  B  at  end  of  chapter. 


46         Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


II.,  known  to  fame  as  the  great  warrior  and  builder  of  the 
nineteenth  dynasty.  ^^  To  find  labourers  for  his  stupendous 
works,  Rameses  made  regular  slave-raiding  expeditions  into 
the  Soudan,  and  semi-independent  nations,  like  the  Israelites, 
were  reduced  to  a  state  of  servitude  so  bitter,  that  **  They 
sighed  by  reason  of  the  bondage,  and  their  cry  came  up  unto 
God  by  reason  of  the  bondage  "  (Ex.  ii.  23). 

If  the  oppression  took  place  under  the  nineteenth  dynasty, 
it  was  a  time  at  which  Semitic  influence  was  greatly  feared 
in  Egypt,  and  so  strong  a  distrust  did  the  Hebrews  inspire, 
that  an  attempt  was  made  to  check  their  increasing  numbers, 
by  inducing  the  midwives  to  murder  the  children  as  soon  as 
they  were  born.  Two  of  these,  named  Siphrah  and  Puah, 
declared  that  what  they  were  required  to  do  was  an  impos- 
sibility, and  were  greatly  blessed  by  God  ^"  for  their  kindness 
to  His  people.  The  nation  continued  to  multiply  rapidly, 
and  finally  the  king  issued  an  edict  ordering  all  the  male 
children  of  the  Hebrews  to  be  cast  into  the  Nile  (Ex.  i.  15-22). 
Birtli  of  Moses  In  defiance  of  the  royal  command,  Jochebed,  the  wife  of 
Amram  the  Levite  (Ex.  vi.  20  P),  managed  to  conceal  her 
son  for  three  months.  When  she  saw  she  could  no  longer 
hide  him,  she  made  an  ark  of  papyrus  leaves,  and  having 
daubed  it  with  bitumen  and  pitch,  she  laid  it  in  the  flags 
by  the  river's  brink.  The  child  was  found  by  the  daughter 
of  Pharaoh,  who  adopted  him,  and  gave  him  the  name  of 
Moses,  "  Because,"  she  said,  **  I  drew  him  (mashithi)  out  of 
the  water  "  (Ex.  ii.  lO).!^ 

-Like  many  other  champions  of  the  oppressed,  the  great 
deliverer  of  the  Hebrews  was  educated  by  his  oppressors. 
As  the  adopted  son  of  Pharaoh's  daughter,  he  must  have 
become  an  Egyptian  by  nurture,  education,  and  even  re- 
ligion. Unlike  Joseph,  Moses  had  never  known  a  Hebrew 
home  in  his  youth,  but  had  lived  from  infancy  in  an  Egyp- 
tian palace.  Even  though  his  own  mother  had  been  his 
nurse,  he  was  probably  withdrawn  from  her  influence  before 
his  education  began.  He  was,  no  doubt,  "  learned  in  all  the 
wisdom  of  the  Egyptians,"  and  tradition  adds  that  he  was 
"mighty  in  word  and  deed"  (Acts  vii.  22).^* 

Moses  did  not  begin  his  career  as  a  religious  reformer,  but 
as  a  champion  oi  the  oppressed.     He  killed  an  Egyptian  for 


Moses  flees 
from  Egypt 


Israel  In  Egypt 


47 


smiting  a  Hebrew,  and  hid  his  body  in  the  sand.  On  the 
next  day  he  tried  to  reconcile  two  Hebrews,  who  strove 
together.  The  wrong-doer  resented  this  interference,  and 
asked,  "  Thinkest  thou  to  kill  me,  as  thou  killedst  the  Egyp- 
tian 1"  (Ex.  ii.  11-14).  The  news  of  Moses'  crime  was 
brought  to  Pharaoh,  and  being  in  danger  of  his  life  he 
escaped  to  the  land  of  Midian.  His  first  act  in  exile  was 
to  stand  up  in  defence  of  some  women  at  a  well,  whom 
the  shepherds  were  preventing  from  watering  their  flocks. 
These  proved  to  be  the  daughters  of  Jethro,  whose  son-in- 
law  Moses  became  by  his  marriage  with  Zipporah.  A  son 
was  born  called  Gershom,  "Eor,"  said  Moses,  "I  have  been 
a  sojourner  {ger)  in  a  strange  land  "  (Ex.  ii.  22). 

In  Midian,  Moses  was  prepared  for  the  great  work  of  his  Moses  in 
life.  His  wife's  father,  who  is  known  by  the  names  of  Midian 
Jethro  and  Reuel,  bore,  like  Melchizedek,  the  title  of  coheriy 
or  priest.  It  is  possible  that  he  worshipped  the  God  of  the 
Hebrews,  and  his  influence  may  have  caused  Moses  to  turn 
his  thoughts  to  the  history  and  religion  of  his  own  people, 
with  whona  the  family  of  Jethro  subsequently  formed  a  per- 
manent alliance.  Living  as  he  did  among  the  free  descendants 
of  Abraham,  Moses  must  have  become  convinced  of  the  need 
of  liberating  his  countrymen  from  their  degrading  servitude 
in  Egypt,  in  order  that  they  might  work  out  their  high 
destiny.  His  wanderings  in  the  desert  with  the  flock  of 
Jethro  made  the  future  deliverer  practically  acquainted  with 
the  country  to  the  North  and  East  of  Egypt,  and  qualified 
him  for  the  task  of  leading  the  people  through  it.^^ 

The  sacred  spot  in  the  land  of  Midian  was  Horeb,  "the  Vision  in  *  the 
mountain  of  God."  Thither  Moses  drove  his  flock  and  beheld  ^^^^ ' 
a  bush  that  burned  with  fire  but  was  not  consumed.  The 
Angel,  who  appeared  to  him  in  the  flame,  told  him  to  put  off 
his  shoes  from  off  his  feet,  for  the  spot  was  holy  ground ; 
revealing  Himself  as  the  "  God  of  Abraham,  the  God  of 
Isaac,  and  the  God  of  Jacob."  Moses  was  now  commanded 
to  become  the  deliverer  of  the  Israelites,  and  a  token  was 
given  to  him  :  "  When  thou  hast  brought  forth  the  people 
out  of  Egypt,  ye  shall  serve  God  on  this  mountain."  As 
Jacob  had  done  at  Penuel,  Moses  asked  the  name  of  the  God 
Who  had  appeared  to  him;  "and  God  said  unto  Moses— I 


48  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

AM  THAT  I  AM.  .  .  .  Thus  shalt  thou  say  to  the  children 
of  Israel,  I  AM  hath  sent  me  unto  you.*'  The  message  to 
Israel  was  to  be  in  these  words,  "  Jehovah  the  God  of  your 
fathers,  the  God  of  Abraham,  of  Isaac,  and  of  Jacob,  hath 
sent  me  unto  you  :  this  is  My  name  for  ever,  and  this  is  My 
memorial  unto  all  generations"  (Ex.  iii.  1-15  E;  Ex.  vi. 
1-8  P).i« 

The  call  of  Moses,  that  momentous  event  in  the  history  of 
religion,  is  marked  by  the  revelation  of  the  name  of  God, 
which  had  been  withheld  from  Jacob.  The  question  which 
every  reader  of  Scnpture  has  to  decide  for  himself  is  whether 
Jehovah,  Whose  Name  was  thus  proclaimed  to  Moses,  was  one 
among  the  many  gods  of  antiquity,  or  the  One  and  only  God. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  rendering  of  the  tetragram- 
maton  in  the  versions  as  "  the  Lord  "  tends  to  obscure  the 
fact  that  it  is  a  proper  name,  nor  does  it  appear  that  the 
ancient  Hebrews  had  any  scruple  in  using  it  as  such.  To 
many  of  them,  no  doubt,  Jehovah  was  a  national  God  and 
was  conceived  of  as  hardly  differing  from  the  tutelary  deities 
of  other  nations.  But  even  if  it  be  admitted  that  the 
Israelites  had  at  first  no  very  exalted  conception  of  the 
nature  of  their  God,  the  question  remains — Did  the  nation 
evolve  for  itself  the  idea  of  One  God  of  all  the  world  from 
a  tribal  God,  Whose  service  it  adopted  at  the  suggestion  of 
Moses,  or  did  the  only  True  and  living  God  deign  to  reveal 
Himself?  In  the  one  case,  the  idea,  nay  the  very  being  of 
God,  is  the  creation  of  the  human  mind ;  in  the  other.  He  is 
the  ruler  of  the  Universe,  who  in  some  way  made  first  His 
Name,  and  by  slow  degrees  His  nature,  known  to  the  Chosen 
People,  and  through  them  to  the  whole  world.  The 
Scriptural  teaching  of  the  vision  that  Moses  saw  in  the 
Bush  is,  not  that  he  received  knowledge  of  a  new  God, 
whom  he  ultimately  persuaded  his  countrymen  to  accept  as 
their  national  deity,  but  that  the  God,  who  had  been  ac- 
knowledged by  the  fathers  of  his  people,  vouchsafed  to  him 
fuller  knowledge  than  these  had  possessed.  Abraham,  Isaac 
and  Jacob  had,  says  the  Priestly  Narrative,  known  God  as 
El-Shaddai,  but  henceforth  He  was  to  be  worshipped  under 
the  personal  name  of  Jehovah,  the  true  king  and  protector  of 
Israel.^^ 


Israel  in  Egypt 


49 


Moses  was  further  commanded  to  go  with  the  elders  of  Mission  of 
his  people  into  the  presence  of  Pharaoh  to  ask  permission  to  Moses 
depart  for  a  three  days'  journey  into  the  desert  to  sacrifice 
to  Jehovah.  As  a  proof  of  his  mission  he  was  given  three 
signs,— The  rod  he  held  in  his  hand  became  a  serpent  on 
being  cast  upon  the  ground,  and  resumed  its  original  form 
when  Moses  seized  it ;  his  hand  became  leprous  when  placed 
once  m  the  fold  of  his  garment,  and  was  restored  when  he 
put  it  back ;  if  these  signs  proved  ineffectual,  he  was  given 
the  power  of  turning  water  into  blood  (Ex.  iv.  1-9). 

No  eagerness  was  displayed  by  Moses  in  accepting  the 
Divine  commission.     He   averred  that  he  possessed  no  gift 
of  eloquence,  but   that,  even   after   Jehovah  had  spoken  to 
him,  he  remained   ''  slow  of  speech  and  of  a  slow  tongue." 
For   his    want    of    faith    the    Divine    voice    reproved   liim. 
"Who    hath  made  man's  mouth?   or   who   maketh   a   man 
dumb  or  deaf,  or  seeing  or  blind  ?     Is  it  not  I,  the  Lord  ? " 
But  though  a  promise  was  given  '^  I  will  be  with  thy  mouth 
and  teach  thee  what  thou  shalt  speak,"  Moses  answered  in 
tones  of  despair,  «  0  Lord,  send,  I  prav  Thee,  by  the  hand  of 
him  whom  Thou  wilt  send."    "  And  the  anger  of  the  Lord  was 
kindled  against  Moses,  and  He  said,  Is  there  not  Aaron  thy 
brother  the  Levite  ?     I  know  that  he  can  speak  well.     And 
also,  behold,  he  cometh  forth  to  meet  thee :  he  shall  be  to 
thee  a  mouth,  and  thou  shalt  be  to  him  as  God  "  (Ex  iv 
10-16).  ^      • 

With  the  consent  and  approval  of  Jethro  Moses  began 
his  mission,  after  being  assured  that  those  who  sought  liis 
life  in  Egypt  were  dead. 

On  his  way  to  Egypt,  however,  Jehovah  "  met  him  and  Circtimcisiom 
sought  to  kill  him,"  but  his  wife  Zipporah  redeemed  his  life  of  Moses'  som 
by  circumcising  her  son  with  a  flint  knife  exclaiming  as  she 
did  so,  "A  bridegroom  of  blood  art  thou  because  of  the 
circumcision!"  (Ex.  iv.  24  26).i8  After  this  mysterious 
event  Moses  met  Aaron  in  the  wilderness,  and  communi- 
cated to  him  the  purport  of  his  mission.  The  two 
brothers  lost  no  time  in  approaching  the  elders  of  Israel, 
and  when  the  people  heard  "that  the  Lord  had  visited 
them,  then  they  bowed  their  heads  and  worshipped"  (Ex. 
IV.    ox). 


1 


Moses  and 

Aaxon  before 
Pharaoli 


n 


The  Flagnes 


50  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

When  Moses  and  Aaron  first  came  into  Pharaoh's  presence, 
in  obedience  to  the  command  of  Jehovah,  they  demanded 
leave  for  the  Israelites  to  hold  a  feast  to  their  God  in  the 
wilderness,  "  lest,"  said  they,  **  He  fall  upon  us  with  pesti- 
lence or  with  the  sword"  (Ex.  v.  2-3).  But  Pharaoh, 
evidently  regarding  this  request  as  a  mere  pretext,  replied, 
'*  Who  is  Jehovah  1  I  know  not  Jehovah,  neither  will  I  let 
Israel  go."  He  ordered  that  henceforward  the  people  should 
be  given  no  straw  for  brick-making,  but  should  find  the 
stubble  for  themselves,  and  yet  perform  the  same  amount  of 
labour  as  formerly. ^^  The  people  in  their  exasperation 
naturally  turned  upon  Moses  and  Aaron,  saying  "The  Lord 
look  upon  you  and  judge;  because  ye  have  made  our  savour 
to  be  abhorred  in  the  eyes  of  Pharaoh."  Moses,  in  his  turn, 
remonstrated  with  Jehovah,  *'  Why  is  it  that  Thou  hast  sent 
me  1  for  since  I  came  to  Pharaoh  to  speak  in  Thy  name,  he 
hath  evil  entreated  this  people,  neither  hast  Thou  delivered 
Thy  people  at  all"  (Ex.  v.  22-23). 

The  struggle  between  Moses  and  Pharaoh  now  began  in 
earnest.  It  was  in  all  respects  a  religious  one,  for  Pharaoh 
denied  any  knowledge  of  Jehovah,  and  summoned  his 
magicians  and  sorcerers  to  aid  him  in  the  contest.  Jehovah, 
in  return,  began  to  execute  His  judgments  ''upon  all  the 
gods  of  Egypt"  (Ex.  xii.  12). 

It  is  a  characteristic  of  the  plagues  of  Egypt,  that  they 
are  for  the  most  part  exaggerations  of  phenomena  natural  to 
the  country,  and  are  directed  against  all  that  was  held  in 
especial  reverence  by  the  natives.  Their  object  was  to 
vindicate  the  claim  of  Jehovah  to  a  power  superior  to  that 
of  any  of  the  gods  of  the  Egyptians.  After  Aaron's  rod  had 
become  a  serpent  and  had  devoured  those  of  the  magicians, 
which  had  assumed  a  similar  form  (Ex.  vii.  12  P),  Moses 
was  commanded  to  meet  Pharaoh  by  the  Nile  and  to  threaten 
to  turn  its  water  into  blood  if  he  would  not  let  Israel  go  to 
serve  Jehovah  in  the  wilderness.  The  river  was  accordingly 
smitten  by  the  mystic  rod,  so  that  the  fish  died  and  its  sacred 
waters  stank.  To  obtain  drinking  water,  the  Egyptians  were 
obliged  to  dig  pits  near  the  river,  that  it  might  be  purified  by 
filtration  (Ex.  vii.  14-18  J,  19-23  P,  24  J).  (According  to 
P  all  the  water  in  Egypt  became  blood.) 


Israel  in  Egypt 


51 


After  this  frogs  were  unnaturally  multiplied  throughout 
Egypt,  no  house  or  room  being  free  from  them.  The  plague 
was  so  serious  that  Pharaoh  offered  to  let  the  people  go  if 
Moses  would  but  remove  it.  When,  however,  the  frogs 
died,  the  king  hardened  his  heart  once  more  (Ex.  viii.  1-15) 
Aaron^s  rod  next  brought  countless  lice  from  the  sand  of 
the  desert,  which  Pharaoh's  magicians  were  compelled  to 
admit  were  due  to  "the  finger  of  God."  The  effect  of  this 
visitation  upon  Pharaoh  is  not  stated,  save  that  his  heart 
was  hardened  (Ex.   viii.  16-19  P). 

Again  Moses  met  Pharaoh   by  the  Nile,  and  once  more 
delivered  the  command  of  Jehovah,  on  this  occasion  threaten- 
ing Egypt  with  a  plague   of  flies  in   case   of  disobedience. 
The  next  day  this  visitation  came  upon  the  king  and  his 
people,  their  houses  and  the  very  ground  swarmed  with  flies 
In  Goshen  there  was  no  plague.     Appalled  by  this  calamity* 
Pharaoh  consented  to  allow  the  Israelites  to  offer  a  sacrifice 
to  Jehovah  in  Egypt.     Moses,  however,  persisted,  "  It  is  not 
meet  for  us  so  to  do,  for  we  shall  sacrifice  the  abomination  of 
the  Egyptians  unto  Jehovah  our  God  " ;    and  he  obtained 
leave  from  the  king  to  lead  the  people  a:  short  distance  into 
the  desert.     But  when  the  plague  was  over,  this  permission 
was  withdrawn  (Ex.  viii.  20-32). 

The  cattle  of  the  Egyptians  were  the  next  to  be  smitten, 
whilst  those  of  the  Israelites  were  spared,  but  this  plague 
had  apparently  no  effect  upon  Pharaoh  (Ex.  ix.  1-7  P). 

A  plague  of  hoils  followed,  caused  by  Moses  and  Aaron 
Bcattenng  ashes  in  Pharaoh's  sight.  The  magicians  could 
resist  Moses  no  longer,  for  they  too  were  smitten  with  the 
boils  (Ex.  ix.  8 -IIP). 

Moses  next  stretched  forth  his  hand  and  Egypt  was 
smitten  with  such  a  storm  of  thunder  and  hail  as  had  never 
been  known  "  since  it  became  a  nation."  This  plague  did 
not  come  without  due  warning.  Pharaoh  was  to!d  that 
Jehovah  had  only  permitted  him  to  stand  "  for  to  shew  in  thee 
My  power  and  that  My  name  may  be  declared  throughout 
all  the  earth,"  and  the  king  and  his  people  were  advised  to 
drive  in  their  cattle  before  the  storm.  When  the  tempest 
broke,  it  destroyed  the  trees  and  crops,  but  the  wheat  did 
not  suffer  because  it  was  not  yet  ripe.      So  appalling  was 


^2         Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Israel  in  Kgypt 


S3 


Order  to  kiU 
tbe  Paasoyer 


this  visitation  that  Pharaoh  offered  to  let  the  Israelites  go, 
if  only  Moses  would  cause  it  to  cease.  No  sooner,  however, 
was  the  storm  quelled  than  the  king  hardened  his  heart 
once  more.20  The  land  of  Goshen  was  spared  in  token  of 
God's  favour  to  Israel  (Ex.  ix.  13-35). 

Pharaoh  was  now  threatened  with  a  plague  of  locusts, 
whereupon  his  own  servants  implored  him  to  yield.  Before 
doing  so,  however,  he  asked  Moses  who  were  to  go,  and  on 
being  informed  that  the  whole  nation  must  depart,  the  king 
declared  that  the  request  to  sacrifice  was  a  mere  pretext  to 
cover  an  evil  design.  In  his  anger  he  ordered  Moses  and 
Aaron  to  be  driven  from  his  presence  ;  but  when  a  strong 
east  wind  brought  the  locusts,  and  the  land  was  completely 
stripped  of  verdure,  he  implored  their  aid.  A  west  wind 
drove  the  locusts  into  the  Red  Sea,  and  Pharaoh  again  refused 
to  let  Israel  go  (Ex.  x.  1-20). 

The  plague  of  darkness  followed  that  of  the  locusts.  It  is 
described  as  darkness  "  which  might  be  felt,"  and  continued 
for  three  days  in  Egypt,  the  Israelites  alone  having  light  in 
their  dwellings.  Pharaoh  made  a  further  concession  to  the 
people  by  allowing  them  to  depart  without  their  cattle. 
This  Moses  refused.  "There  shall  not  an  hoof,"  said  he, 
"  be  left  behind."  In  consequence  of  this  he  was  ordered 
to  see  the  king's  face  no  more.  His  reply  to  Pharaoh 
was  :  "  Thou  hast  spoken  well :  I  will  see  thy  face  again  no 
more."  But  before  he  left  the  presence  Moses  delivered 
Jehovah's  message  to  Pharaoh.  One  more  plague  must  smite 
Egypt — AH  the  first-born  must  die,  from  the  first-born  of 
Pharaoh  to  the  first-born  of  the  slave-girl  at  the  mill,  as  well 
as  the  first-bom  of  the  cattle  :  Israel  alone  should  be  spared. 
The  champion  of  Jehovah's  people  went  out  from  the  king  "  in 
hot  anger"  (Ex.  x.  21— xi.  8  J  and  E). 

Moses  now,  by  God's  command,  summoned  the  elders  of 
Israel,  and  commanded  them  to  take  lambs  according  to  their 
families,  and  "to  kill  the  Passover."  The  blood  of  the 
victims  was  to  be  sprinkled  on  the  lintel  and  two  side-posts 
of  the  door  of  every  Israelite  house,  in  order  that  the  destroy- 
ing angel  might  pass  over  it  and  spare.  The  feast  was  to  be 
observed  "for  an  ordinance  for  ever,"  and  when  children 
•sked  its  meaning  in  days  to  come,  they  were  to  be  told,  "  It 


\ 


is  the  sacrifice  of  the  Lord's  Passover,  who  passed  over  the 
houses  of  the  children  of  Israel  in  Egypt  when  He  smote  the 
Egyptians"  (Ex.  xii.  26-27).* 

That  night  Jehovah  smote  the  first-horn  of  Egypt,  both  First-bom 
man  and  beast,  and  "  there  was  a  great  cry  in  Egypt ;  for 
there  was  not  a  house  where  there  was  not  one  dead,"  In 
despair  at  so  fearful  a  visitation,  the  Egyptians  thrust  out 
the  Hebrews,  and  they  left  Egypt  with  all  their  cattle, 
taking  with  them  whatever  they  chose  to  demand  (the  word 
"  borrowed  "  in  the  A.  V.  is  misleading,  the  Hebrew  is  they 
asked)  in  "jewels  of  silver  and  jewels  of  gold."  The  sacred 
narrative  seems  to  imply  that  the  nation  marched  out  like  a 
victorious  army,  "  spoiling  the  Egyptians  "  before  they  with- 
drew (Ex.  xii.  34-3 G  E). 

The  importance  of  the  Exodus  in  the  history  of  Israel  can  Importance  of 
hardly  be  exaggerated.  The  whole  destiny  of  the  chosen  ® 
people  was  in  after  days  moulded  by  the  belief  that  they  had 
been  Pharaoh's  bondmen  in  Egypt,  and  that  Jehovah  had 
brought  them  out  thence  with  a  "  mighty  hand  and  with  a 
stretched  out  arm."  The  prophets  made  the  obligation  to 
worship  Jehovah,  and  to  serve  no  other  God,  to  depend  upon 
the  fact  that  He  had  delivered  His  people  from  Egypt.  It 
was  for  this  reason  that  the  nation  believed  itself  to  be  a 
chosen  people,  separated  by  Divine  interposition  from  all 
nations  of  the  earth.  The  Exodus  is,  in  short,  the  pivot  on 
which  the  whole  history  of  Israel  turns.  It  was  because 
they  believed  that  God  had  brought  them  forth  out  of  Egypt 
that  the  people  became  what  they  were,  and  what  they  still 
are.  Truly  it  is  incredible  that  a  tradition,  fraught  with 
such  tremendous  consequences,  should  have  been  a  baseless 
invention  of  the  mind  of  man  !  ^^ 

The  route  by  which  the  fugitives  could  have  reached  fli&lit  of 
Canaan  most  easily  was  known  as  "  the  way  of  the  Philis- 
tines." Following  it  they  would  have  to  take  a  northerly 
course,  cross  Lake  Menzaleh,  and  march  along  the  coast  of 
the  Mediterranean  by  the  famous  Serbonian  bog,  till  they 
came  to  the  "  River  of  Egypt "  at  El  Arish,  which  formed  the 
border  of  Palestine.  Despite  the  express  testimony  to  the 
contrary  of  one  of  the  early  narrators  in  the  book  of  Exodus, 

*  Appendix  C  at  end  of  chapter, 
I 


54         Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Israel  in  Egypt 


The  Crossing 
of  the  Red 

Sea 


Tlie  Song  of 
Moses 


the  theory  has  been  recently  maintained  that  this  route  was 
actually  taken  by  the  Israelites,  and  that  Pharaoh  lost  his 
army  in  the  Serbonian  morass. 

The  biblical  narrative  says  that  God  would  not  permit  the 
Israelites  to  choose  the  shortest  way  to  Canaan,  "  Lest  per- 
ad  venture  the  people  repent  when  they  see  war,  and  they 
return  to  Egypt."  This  road  was  naturally  barred  by 
Egyptian  fortresses,  as  well  as  being  the  one  by  which  the 
Canaanites  would  be  constantly  on  the  watch  against  in- 
vaders. The  emigrant  horde,  therefore,  unable  to  encounter 
such  formidable  obstacles,  made  straight  for  the  desert,  which 
lay  to  the  east  of  Goshen,  journeying  from  Rameses  to  Suc- 
coth,  and  encamping  at  Etham  in  the  edge  of  the  wilderness. 2* 
One  narrator  is  careful  to  mention  that  the  nation  went  out 
of  Ef^pt  armed,  and  the  bones  of  the  patriarch  Joseph  accom- 
panied its  march  (Ex.  xiii.  18,  19  E).  The  road  was  miracu- 
lously  indicated  by  a  cloud  which  became  a  pillar  of  fire  by 

night. 

No  sooner  had  the  Egyptians  recovered  from  their  panic, 
than  they  resolved  if  possible  to  overtake  the  Israelites  and 
to  detain  them  by  force.     Several  records  of  the  overthrow 
of  the  hosts  of  Pharaoh  are  preserved  in  the  book  of  Exodus 
The  earliest  of  these  is  the  so-called  Song  of  Moses,  a  poem 
uttered  by  the   deliverer   when   the    Red    Sea   was  passed, 
"and  Israel  saw  the  Egyptians  dead  upon  the    sea-shore." 
The  refrain   of  this   triumphant  ode  was  sung  by  Miriam 
"  the    prophetess,   the    sister    of    Aaron,"    who    went    forth 
timbrel  in  hand,   at  the  head  of  the  Hebrew  women  and 
cried,  "  Sing  ye  to  the  Lord,  for  He  hath  triumphed  gloriously ; 
the   horse   and   his   rider   hath   He   thrown   into   the    sea " 
(Ex.  XV.  21). 

This  song  celebrates  Jehovah  as  a  warrior.  Who  has  cast 
Pharaoh's  hosts  into  the  sea.  "The  deeps  cover  them," 
"they  went  down  into  the  depths  like  a  stone."  At  the 
blast  of  Jehovah's  nostrils,  "  the  waters  were  piled  up,"  "  the 
floods  stood  upright  as  an  heap,"  "  the  deeps  were  congealed 
in  the  heart  of  the  sea."  When  the  enemy  said,  "  I  will 
overtake,"  Jehovah  "  blew  with  His  wind,  and  the  sea 
covered  them,  they  sank  as  lead  in  the  mighty  waters." 

The  imagery  of   the  poem  is  bold,  its  similes  vivid  and 


55 


daring ;  it  recalls  Deborah's  description  of  the  overthrow  of 
the  Canaanites,  when  "the  stars  in  their  courses  fought 
against  Si  sera."  Were  this  the  only  record  of  the  occur- 
rence, a  possible  inference  would  be  that  a  great  battle 
between  Israel  and  the  Egyptians  was  fought,  and  that  by 
Jehovah's  aid  His  people  triumphed,  their  enemies  being 
driven  into  the  sea  and  overwhelmed  by  the  waters  in  a 
violent  storm. 

The  most  ancient  prose  version  of  the  occurrence  says  The  early 
that,  when  Pharaoh  and  his  army  drew  near,  Jehovah  iiarrative 
rebuked  Moses  saying,  "  Wherefore  criest  thou  nnto  Me  1 
Speak  unto  the  children  of  Israel  that  they  go  forward  ;  lift 
up  thy  rod  and  stretch  out  thy  hand  over  the  sea  and  divide 
it."  In  the  night  the  pillar  of  cloud  moved  to  the  rear  of 
Israel,  giving  darkness  to  the  Egyptians  and  light  to  the 
people,  so  that  "  the  one  came  not  near  the  other  all  the 
night."  A  strong  east  wind  caused  the  sea  to  go  back  all 
that  night,  the  waters  were  divided  and  the  sea  was  made 
dry  land.  In  the  morning  "  Jehovah  looked  forth  upon  the 
host  of  the  Egyptians  through  the  pillar  of  fire  and  troubled 
the  Egyptians."  In  their  discomfiture  they  cried,  "Let  us 
flee  from  the  face  of  Israel,  for  the  Lord  fighteth  for  them," 
for  Jehovah  had  "  bound  their  chariot  wheels,  thai  they 
drave  them  heavily."  Then  "  the  sea  returned  in  his 
strength,  and  Jehovah  shook  ofi"  the  Egyptians  in  the  midst 
of  the  sea"  (Ex.  xiv.  106-12,  15-20,  24-25,  27,  30-31  J). 

The  latest  account,  found  in  the  Priestly  Narrative,  aj^pears  The  later 
to  be  the  work  of  a  writer  who  knew  Egypt  well,  and  had  a  account  (P) 
definite  idea  as  to  the  locality  of  every  event  connected  with 
the  Exodus.  In  this  it  is  said  that  the  Israelites  had  been 
commanded  to  turn  back  from  Etham,  and  to  encamp  before 
Pi-hahiroth  between  Migdol  and  the  sea.  This  placed  them 
apparently  at  the  mercy  of  Pharaoh,  who  triumphantly 
exclaimed,  "  They  are  entangled  in  the  land  :  the  wilderness 
hath  shut  them  in."  Pharaoh  found  the  people  encamped 
by  the  sea  beside  Pi-hahiroth  and  Baal-Zephon.  Moses  had 
to  bear  the  bitter  reproaches  of  the  terrified  fugitives. 
"  Because,"  asked  they,  "  there  were  no  graves  in  Egypt, 
hast  thou  taken  us  away  to  die  in  the  wilderness  1  "  The 
deliverer,  however,  exhorted   the  people,    "  Stand   still   and 


^6         Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

see  the  salvation  of  the  Lord."  Moses  then  stretched  out  his 
hand  over  the  sea,  and  the  waters  were  divided,  and 
appeared  as  a  wall  to  the  Israelites  upon  their  right  hand 
and  upon  their  left,  so  that  they  went  over  on  dry  land. 
The  Egyptians  pursued  after  them,  and  when  they  were  in 
the  midst  of  the  sea,  Moses  again  stretched  forth  his  hand 
and  the  waters  overwhelmed  them  (Ex.  xiv.  1-4,  8-9,  10a, 
13,  14,  21-23,  26,  28-29  P).'-^ 

It  may  appear  to  some  that  the  miracle  of  the  passage 
of  the  Red  Sea  is  after  all  due  to  an  attempt  to  ex- 
press in  sober  prose  the  language  of  an  ode  of  triumph, 
but  it  is  by  no  means  impossible  that  the  path  for  the 
Israelites  was  made  by  the  wind,  which  drove  back  the 
shallow  water  of  the  lakes  to  the  north  of  the  Gulf  of 
Suez.  Similar  occurrences  have  been  recorded  and  are 
accepted  as  historically  true,  and  it  is  noticeable  that  the 
early  account  attributes  the  safety  of  Israel  and  the  de- 
struction of  the  Egyptian  army,  to  Jehovah's  use  of  the 
violence  of  the  wind  for  His  own  purposes.  It  seems 
probable  that  the  Israelites  turned  upon  their  pursuers, 
when  their  chariot  wheels  were  clogged  in  the  moistening 
sand,  and  drove  them  back  to  meet  the  returning  waters. 
In  this  case  the  passage  of  the  Red  Sea  would  rank  among 
the  so-called  decisive  battles  of  the  world.  Never  did  a 
greater  issue  hang  upon  the  strife  of  armies,  than  when 
Pharaoh's  army  perished  in  the  waves.  The  future  of  the 
human  race  depended  on  whether  the  fugitive  Hebrews 
could  escape  on  that  day  from  the  house  of  bondage  or  not. 
Well  may  Psalmist  and  Prophet  celebrate  the  victory  of 
Jehovah's  people,  when  "God  brought  them  forth  out  of 
Egypt."  Well  may  the  Christian  Apostle  compare  the 
passage  of  the  Red  Sea  to  the  Sacrament  of  Baptism, 
whereby  men  are  brought  out  of  the  bondage  of  corruption 
into  the  glorious  liberty  of  the  children  of  God  1  (1   Cor.  x 

i'2y 


y  / 


Map  to  Illustrate  the  Exodus. 

The  Israelites  might  have  escaped  from  Egypt  by  three  routes  :  ( 1 )  The 
Way  of  the  Philistines,  i.e.  the  Caravan  Route  to  Syria,  (2)  the 
Wady  Et-Tumilat,  (3)  from  Cairo  or  Memphis  to  Suez.  The  posi- 
tion of  Goschen,  it  will  be  seen,  favours  the  second  alternative. 
The  traditional  crossing  is  south  of  Suez  and  the  Jebel  Atakah, 
the  mountain  which  '  shut  them  in  '  and  made  retreat  impossible. 
The  Migdol  in  this  map  is  not  the  Migdol  of  Exodus. 


To  J  ace  page  56. 


Appendix  A 

Egyptian  History  in  Connection  with  the 

Semites 


Thb  Egyptians  are  considered  by  the  author  of  the  great 
geographical  chapter  in  Genesis  x.  to  belong  to  the  same  branch 
of  the  human  family  as  the  Ethiopians  and  Phoenicians ;  the 
four  sons  of  Ham  being  Gush,  Mizraim,  Put,  and  Ganaan. 
The  Hebrew  name  for  the  country  is  Mizraim,  a  dual  form 
meaning  the  two  Mizrs,  i.e.  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt. 

On  the  monuments  of  the  kings  of  the  early  dynasties  of 
Egypt  no  traces  of  intercourse  with  the  Semitic  nations  have 
been  discovered,  nor  is  it  till  the  twelfth  dynasty  that  these 
races  appear  on  the  scene.  Under  Amenemhat  I.,  the  founder 
of  this  famous  dynasty,  an  Egyptian  of  rank  named  Sanehat, 
having,  like  Moses,  offended  his  sovereign,  fled  to  Syria, 
establishing  himself  somewhere  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Hebron.  His  sons  became  chiefs  in  the  land  of  their  exile, 
but  Sanehat  desired  in  his  old  age  to  return  to  his  country, 
and,  having  made  his  submission,  he  was  allowed  to  do  so. 

Before  Sanehat  died,  about  b.c.  2750,  he  left  an  account  of 
his  adventures,  this  being  the  first  recorded  example  of  an 
Egyptian  going  among  the  Semites.  A  century  or  so  later  a 
picture  on  one  of  the  tombs  at  Beni-hassan  records  a  visit  of  an 
Asiatic  tribe  called  the  Aamu  to  Khnum-hotep,  the  governor 
of  an  Egyptian  town.  These  visitors  are  no  barbarians,  their 
clothing  is  rich,  one  of  them  is  playing  on  a  lyre,  their  women 
are  gaily  clad  and  wear  socks  as  well  as  sandals,  the  children 
are  carried  on  asses,  which  are  also  laden  with  weapons  and 
merchandise,  two  scribes  walk  in  front  of  the  party  to  intro- 
duce it  to  the  presence  of  the  governor.  If,  as  some  suppose, 
Abraham  went  down  to  Egypt  in  the  days  of  the  same  dynasty, 
he  probably  came  into  the  presence  of  Pharaoh  in  a  somewhat 
similar  manner. 

The  Semites,  however,  soon  began  to  enter  Egypt  in  less 

67 


58  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


pacific  guise.  With  the  close  of  the  twelfth  dynasty  the 
Hyksos  appeared  in  Upper  E^ypt,  making  Avaris  on  the 
eastern  frontier  their  camp,  and  garrisoning  it  with  250,000 
men.  The  Hyksos  kings,  however,  resided  chiefly  at  Memphis, 
from  whence  they  were  able  to  exercise  control  over  both 
Upper  and  Lower  Egypt.  At  first  the  invaders  made  war 
upon  the  institutions,  and  even  the  gods  of  E^^ypt ;  but  they 
ended  by  adopting  the  customs  and  religion  of  the  country. 
A  tradition  says  that  Joseph  went  down  to  Egypt  in  the  days  of 
Apepi,  one  of  the  last  of  these  Hyksos  monarchs,  which  would 
account  for  a  high  office  being  conferred  on  the  patriarch,  as 
well  as  for  the  hospitable  reception  of  his  family. 

The  Hyksos  domination  in  Lower  Egypt  lasted  for  many 
centuries,  probably  twenty  generations  having  passed  between 
the  first  appearance  and  the  final  overthrow  of  these  alien 
rulers  by  Aahmes,   the  founder  of  the  eighteenth    dynasty. 
The   invaders   retired   to    Palestine,    "and,"   says    Manetho, 
"there   built   Jerusalem."      But   their   long   sojourn   in   the 
country  resulted  in  the  infusion  of  much  Semitic  blood,  and 
the  fear  of  invasion  from  the  North  forced  Egypt  to  become 
an  aggressive  power  in  Asia.     The  kings  of  the  eighteenth 
dynasty  established  their  dominion  in  Syria,  and  under  them 
Egypt  took  her  place  among  the  great  empires  of  the  ancient 
world.     Thotmes  I.  was  the  first  to  reach  Mesopotamia ;  but 
it  was  the  long  period  of  peace  and  tranquillity  which  ensued 
under  the  great  Queen  Hat-shepsut  that  developed  the   re- 
sources  of  the  monarchy,  so  as  to  enable  Thotmes  III.   to 
become  the  real  founder  of  the  Egyptian  Empire.     The  in- 
habitants  of  Western  Asia,  once  the  terror  of  Egypt,  now 
submitted   to  its  ruler,  and  many  were  employed  as  slaves  in 
constructing  the  monuments  of  their  conqueror.     Thotmes  III. 
was  a  mighty  builder,  and  appears    to  have  been  the  first  to 
use  his  foreign  captives  for  the  erection  of  his  temples  and 
palaces.     On  his  monuments  are  representations  of  the  scenes, 
so  pathetically  described  in  the  book  of  Exodus.     The  task- 
masters  are   there,    armed   with   sticks,    and   addressing   the 
labourers  thus,  "  The  stick  is  in  my  hand,  be  not  idle." 

The  relations  existing  between  Egypt  and  Syria  are  shown 
in  the  great  collection  of  tablets  discovered  at  Tel-el-Amarna. 
These  are  written,  not  in  hieroglyphic,  but  in  the  Babylonian 
cuneiform  character,  then  current  in  Syria.  The  city  was  built 
by  the  reforming  king,  Amenhotep  IV.  (b.c.  1383-1365, 
according  to  Petrie),  in  order  that  he  might  practise  the  wor- 


Appendix  A 


59 


ship  of  the  sun  disk  (Akhen)  undisturbed.  So  entirely  did 
this  monarch  break  with  the  traditional  religion  of  his  people, 
that  he  assumed  the  name  of  Akhenaten  and  tried  to  erase  that 
of  the  god  Amen,  which  he  himself  had  borne,  from  all  monu- 
ments throughout  his  dominions.  Although  the  sun-god  had 
long  been  worshipped  at  Heliopolis,  the  religion  introduced  by 
this  monarch  was  a  novelty,  due  to  non-Egyptian  influence. 
Akhenaten  broke  even  with  the  conventions  of  the  national 
art,  and  had  himself  portrayed,  not,  after  the  fashion  of  most 
kings,  as  an  almost  divine  being,  but  in  a  perfectly  natural 
manner.  The  extremely  realistic  pictures  of  life  and  scenery 
in  the  decorations  of  the  palace  at  Tel-el-Amarna  are  com- 
pletely unlike  all  other  Egyptian  representations,  and  afi'ord 
an  evidence  of  the  transforming  influence  of  the  new  faith. 
But,  like  other  royal  attempts  to  reform  religion,  that  of 
Akhenaten  failed.  At  his  death  the  priestly  party  rallied,  and 
the  very  city  he  had  founded  was  perforce  abandoned.  This 
striking  episode  in  the  religious  life  of  Egypt,  which  has  only 
recently  become  known,  proves  the  possibility  of  a  religious 
controversy  in  ancient  Egypt,  like  that  between  Jehovah  and 
the  gods  of  Egypt,  and  perhaps  throws  some  light  upon  the 
legend  that  Moses  himself  was  an  Egyptian  priest. 

Among  the  tablets  discovered  at  Tel-el-Amarna  are  letters 
from  the  petty  princes  of  Syria  to  the  king  of  Egypt,  many  of 
whom  complain  of  the  difficulty  of  maintaining  themselves 
against  a  formidable  attack  by  a  people  called  Khabiri,  or  con- 
federates. Abdi-Hiba,  king  of  Jerusalem,  for  example,  writes 
urgently,  imploring  help  against  these  invaders,  and  assuring 
Pharaoh  of  his  complete  loyalty.  *' As  for  me,"  he  says,  **  it 
was  not  my  father,  nor  was  it  my  mother,  that  set  me  in  this 
place  ;  it  was  the  king's  strong  arm  that  caused  me  to  enter 
into  my  father's  house.  Wherefore  should  I  do  evil  unto  the 
king  my  lord  ?  "  The  number  of  biblical  names  found  on  these 
tablets,  as  well  as  in  the  earlier  lists  of  Thotmes  III.,  is  remark- 
able. Jacob-el  and  Joseph-el  are  said  to  occur  as  well  as 
Abimelech;  and  places  like  Askelon,  Gaza,  Lachish  and  Keilah 
are  also  mentioned. 

The  victorious  monarchs  of  the  eighteenth  dynasty  treated 
their  Syrian  subjects  with  a  certain  respect.  Intermarriage 
between  the  royal  family  and  the  princes  of  Syria  was  not 
unknown,  the  produce  of  Phoenicia,  and  especially  its  manu- 
factures, was  coveted,  and  the  number  of  Syrians  in  Egypt  is 
attested  by  the  markedly  Semitic  type  of  countenance  of  the 


6o  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Appendix  B 


6t 


kings  and  their  families  during  this  age.  Amenhotep  IV.'s 
minister  bore  the  decidedly  Phoenician  name  of  Dudu,  which 
recalls  that  of  the  Carthaginian  Dido,  and  the  Hebrew  David. 

With  the  accession  of  the  nineteenth  dynasty  a  complete 
reaction  against  Semitism  ensued.  The  attempt  to  introduce 
the  Akhen  worship  had  made  the  priests  suspicious  of  all 
foreign  influence,  causing  them  to  foster  those  prejudices 
against  aliens  inherent  in  the  Egyptian  character.  The  third 
king  of  the  dynasty,  Rameses  II.,  was  constantly  engaged  in 
war  with  the  Kheta,  as  the  Hittites  are  called,  and  representa- 
tions of  his  exploits  in  the  great  battle  of  Kadesh,  where  this 
king  boasts  that  he  in  person  held  back  the  advancing  army 
of  the  enemy,  were  repeated  by  the  royal  artists  throughout 
Egypt.  Rameses  II.  was  a  mighty  builder.  He  cut  a  canal 
from  the  Red  Sea  to  the  Mediterranean,  and  built  a  great  wall 
ninety  miles  in  length  from  Pelusium  to  Heliopolis.  His 
temples,  among  which  are  the  so-called  Memnonium  at  Thebes 
and  the  rock  temple  of  Ipsambul  in  Nubia,  are  conceived  on 
an  equally  magnificent  scale.  To  accomplish  these  works 
slaves  and  captives  were  collected  from  all  sides,  and  Egypto- 
logists generally  pronounce  this  Rameses  to  be  the  Pharaoh  of 
the  oppression.  During  his  reign  of  sixty-seven  years  the 
Israelites  may  well  have  found  their  servitude  so  bitter  that 
"  they  sighed  by  reason  of  the  bondage,  and  their  cry  came  up 
unto  God  by  reason  of  the  bondage." 

Rameses  II.  was  succeeded  by  Menephthah,  the  Amenophis 
of  Manetho,  who  is  the  first  Pharaoh  to  make  any  allusion  to 
the  Israelites.  This  is  in  fact  the  earliest  appearance  of  the 
name  on  any  monumental  record.  Apparently  the  people 
were  already  one  of  the  nations  settled  in  Syria,  and  were 
employed  in  agriculture,  for  the  inscription  says,  "  The  Isra-e- 
ru  are  ruined,  their  crops  are  destroyed."  Seti  II.  followed 
Menephthah,  and  if  Rameses  II.  is  the  Pharaoh  of  the  oppres- 
sion, one  of  these  princes  must  have  reigned  during  the 
Exodus. 


Appendix  B 
The  Traditions  and  Date  of  the  Exodus 

The  earliest  written  biblical  accounts  of  the  sojourn  of  Israel 
in  Egypt  probably  date  from  the    ninth    century  B.C.,  and 


I* 
i 


* 


though  a  minute  knowledge  of  Egyptian  life  and  customs  is 
everywhere  apparent,  there  is  a  complete  absence  of  any 
chronological  data.  The  use  of  the  term  Pharaoh  is  a 
remarkable  illustration  of  the  manner  in  which  the  story  was 
written  for  the  benefit  of  readers  who  cared  little  for  the  facts 
of  Egyptian  history.  Each  king  of  Egypt  had  his  special 
name,  and  certainly  none  were  known  to  their  people  as  "the 
Pharaoh."  The  word  means  "the  great  house,"  and  may  be 
compared  to  "  the  Sublime  Porte,"  which  is  now  applied  to 
the  government  of  Turkey.  Pharaoh  seems  to  have  been  the 
name  given  by  the  inhabitants  of  Canaan  to  all  the  rulers  of 
Egypt  indifferently.  It  is  only  at  a  comparatively  late  date 
that  the  biblical  historian  gives  us  the  actual  name  of  a  king 
of  Egypt,  like  Shishak  in  the  days  of  Rehoboam,  So  the 
contemporary  of  Hoshea,  and  Necho  and  Hophra  in  Jeremiah's 
time.  It  is  impossible  therefore  to  do  more  than  to  con- 
jecture what  name  the  diflerent  Pharaohs  actually  bore  in  the 
days  of  Abraham,  Joseph,  and  Moses. 

The  legends  of  the  Exodus  from  non-Jewish  sources  do  not 
greatly  help  us  in  determining  its  date.  The  most  ancient  of 
these  is  that  preserved  by  Manetho,  an  Egyptian  priest,  who 
wrote  in  the  third  century  B.C.  His  account  of  the  Exodus 
has  *the  advantage  of  being  independent  of  the  biblical 
narrative,  and  in  this  lies  its  chief  historical  value.  Manetho 
is  quoted  at  length  by  Josephus  in  his  treatise  against  Apion, 
the  calumniator  of  the  Jews.  He  says  that  Amenophis,  king 
of  Egypt,  desiring  to  see  the  gods  as  his  ancestor  Horus  had 
done,  sought  the  advice  of  a  friend  who  advised  him  to  remove 
all  the  lepers  from  his  dominions,  in  obedience  to  which  advice 
Amenophis  put  them  to  forced  labour  on  the  eastern  frontier 
of  Egypt.  Unfortunately,  among  these  oppressed  lepers  were 
certain  priests,  and  it  was  foretold  to  the  king  that  he  must 
endure  a  period  of  exile  and  misfortune  as  a  punishment  for 
this  impiety.  After  this,  Amenophis,  at  the  request  of  the 
lepers,  gave  them  Avaris,  the  ancient  camp  of  the  Hyksos, 
which  the  impure  people  fortified,  choosing  for  their  leader 
Osarsiph,  a  priest  of  On  (Heliopolis).  Osarsiph  assumed  the 
name  of  Moses,  and  the  role  of  a  religious  reformer.  He 
directed  his  attacks  on  the  animal  worship  of  Egypt,  advising 
his  followers  to  eat  the  sacred  cattle,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
hold  no  communication  with  the  rest  of  mankind,  but  only 
with  one  another.  With  the  aid  of  the  Hyksos  of  Jerusalem, 
Moses  overran  Egypt,  forcing  Amenophis  to  retire  first  to 


62  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

Memphis,  and  finally  to  Ethiopia,  whither  he  succeeded  in 
removing  the  sacred  bull  of  Apis.  When  the  period  of  exile, 
foretold  by  the  gods,  had  elapsed,  Amenopliis  returned,  and, 
assisted  by  his  son  Rameses,  expelled  Moses  and  his  asso- 
ciates, driving  them  to  the  confines  of  Syria.  These  events 
are  said  to  have  happened  518  years  after  the  expulsion  of 
the  Hyksos. 

The  other  traditions  furnish  us  with  few  further  particulars. 
One  of  them,  however,  says  that  the  Exodus  took  place  under 
Bocchoris,  a  king  of  the  twenty-fourth  dynasty,  and  others  telj 
the  story  of  the  asses  guiding  the  fugitives  to  springs  of  water, 
and  being  worshipped  in  consequence  by  the  Jews.  The  Sabbath 
day's  rest  is  also  said  to  commemorate  the  halt  of  the  people 
after  a  six  days'  flight,  and  an  attempt  was  made  to  derive  the 
word  from  an  Egyptian  word  sahho^  a  boil.  The  legend 
recorded  by  Manetho  is  said  to  confirm  the  view  that  Rameses 
II.  was  the  Pharaoh  of  the  oppression,  and  Menephthah  or 
Seti  of  the  Exodus.  The  most  important  arguments  in  favour 
of  this  seem  to  be  the  following  : — 

(1)  The  period  of  the  eighteenth  dynasty  was  one  in  which 

the  Egyptians  showed  no  fear  of  Semitic  influence,  but 
the  Pharaohs  of  the  nineteenth  were  intensely  nati£)nal, 
and  may  truly  be  described  as  **  new  kings  who  knew 
not  Joseph." 

(2)  Rameses  II.  built  Pithom,    the  city  which  the  Bible 

says  was  erected  by  the  forced  labour  of  the  Israelitea 

(3)  The  name  Amenophis  is  only  a  Grecised  form  of  the 

Egyptian  Menephthah. 

Against  these,  however,  three  equally  weighty  reasons  for 
placing  the  Exodus  at  some  other  period  may  be  stated : — 

(1)  Menephthah  on  his  stele  implies  that  the  Israelites  were 

already  in  Palestine  in  his  day.  * 

(2)  Menephthah  and  Seti  were  powerful  kings,  and  there  is 

no  trace  of  Egypt's  having  been  in  a  disturbed  condi- 
tion in  their  time,  as  it  apparently  was  when  the 
Exodus  took  place.  It  was  not  till  after  Seti's  death 
that  a  period  of  disorder  commenced. 

(3)  The  chronological  system  in  the  Bible  is  at  hopeless 

variance  with  this  theory.  Rameses  II.  died  about  the 
middle  of  the  thirteenth  century  B.C.,  and,  if  he  is  the 

*  Though  Jezreel  and  not  Israel  may  be  the  right  rendering. 


Appendix  C 


h 


J 

' 


Pharaoh  of  the  oppression,  the  Exodus  must  be  placed 
about  B.C.  1240  at  the  earliest,  and  possibly  as  late  as 
B.C.  1200.  Solomon's  temple,  which  is  said  to  have 
been  erected  480  years  after  the  Exodus,  cannot  have 
been  built  later  than  950  B.C.).  It  is  not  easy  to  see 
how  the  wanderings  in  the  desert,  the  conquest  of  the 
land,  the  age  of  the  Judges,  and  of  Eli,  Samuel,  Saul, 
and  David  can  be  compressed  into  two  centuries  and  a 
half.  The  biblical  system  of  chronology  may  be  merely 
approximate,  but  it  seems  hardly  time  to  set  it  entirely 
aside  before  a  more  accurate  knowledge  of  the  facts  of 
Egyptian  history  is  obtained. 


Appendix  C 
The  Passover 

The  first  interruption  to  the  narrative  of  the  Pentateuch  is  the 
insertion  of  difl'erent  laws  in  connection  with  the  Passover, 
the  feast  of  Unleavened  Bread,  and  the  dedication  of  the  First- 
born.    In  this  the  codes  of  J,  E,  and  P  are  placed  side  by  side. 

From  the  Elohist,  a  native  of  Northern  Palestine,  comes  the 
information  that  the  feast  of  Unleavened  Bread  was  connected 
with  the  Exodus.  So  great  was  the  haste  with  which  Israel 
departed  that  "  The  people  took  their  dough  before  it  was 
leavened,  their  kneadiug-troughs  being  bound  up  in  their 
clothes  upon  their  shoulders.  .  .  .  And  they  baked  unleavened 
cakes  of  the  dough  which  they  brought  forth  out  of  Egypt,  for 
it  was  not  leavened,  because  they  Avere  thrust  out  of  Egypt " 
(Ex.  xii.  34  and  39).  From  this  it  may  perhaps  be  inferred 
that  at  the  feast  of  Unleavened  Bread  the  Exodus  was  com- 
memorated in  the  Northern  kingdom  long  before  the  eighth 
century  (Ex.  xii.  21-27). 

The  Jehovist  gives  the  following  rules  for  the  celebration  of 
the  Passover — 

(1)  The  lambs  are  to  be  killed  according  to  the  number  of 

the  families. 

(2)  It  is  to  be  observed  for  an  ordinance  for  ever. 

(3)  When  children  ask  "What  mean  ye  by  this  service?" 

this  explanation  of  its  origin  is  to  be  given  :  "  It  is 


64  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

the  sacrifice  of  the  Lord's  passover,  Who  passed  over 
the  houses  of  the  sons  of  Israel  in  Egypt."*  .  .  . 

No  mention  is  here  made  of  any  Paschal  meal,  but  the  blood 
ceremonial  is  the  all-important  feature. 

Quite  distinct  from  the  Paschal  rules  are  those  of  the  feast 
of  Unleavened  Bread  (Ex.  xiii.  3-10) — 

(1)  When  the  Israelites  are  in  possession  of  the  Land  they 

are  to  observe  it  in  the  month  Abib. 

(2)  It  is  to  last  seven  days. 

(3)  Its  meaning  to  be  explained  to  children.     **It  is  because 

of  that  which  the  Lord  did  to  me  when  I  came  forth 
from  Egypt." 

(4)  It  is  to  be  kept  in  its  season  from  year  to  year. 

The  law  of  the  redemption  of  the  first-born  follows  that  of  the 
Passover,  and  the  explanation  is  to  be  given  to  the  son,  who  en- 
quires "  What  is  this  ?"  (Ex.  xiii.  11-16).  "  By  strength  of  hand 
the  Lord  brought  us  out  from  Egypt  from  the  house  of  bond- 
men :  and  it  came  to  pass  when  Pharaoh  hardened  himself 
against  letting  us  go,  that  the  Lord  slew  all  the  first-born  in 
the  land  of  Egypt.  .  .  .  Therefore  I  sacrifice  to  the  Lord  all 
that  openeth  the  womb,  being  males ;  but  all  the  first-born  of 
my  sons  I  redeem." 

The  laws  are  supplemented  in  the  "  Book  of  the  Covenant " 
by  the  following  precepts  :  "  The  feast  of  Unleavened  Bread 
shalt  thou  keep  :  seven  days  shalt  thou  eat  unleavened  bread 
...  at  the  time  appointed  in  the  month  Abib,  for  in  it 
thou  earnest  out  of  Egypt "  (Ex.  xxiii.  15).  *'  The  first-born  of 
thy  sons  shalt  thou  give  unto  Me.  Likewise  thou  shalt  do 
with  thine  oxen  and  with  thy  sheep  "  (Ex.  xxii.  2%-SOa).  These 
precepts  are  repeated  in  the  Ten  Words,  given  to  Moses  after 
the  making  of  the  Golden  Calf,  with  the  addition  of  a  Paschal 
law,  *'Thou  shalt  not  off*er  the  blood  of  My  sacrifice  with 
leavened  bread  ;  neither  shall  the  sacrifice  of  the  feast  of  the 
Passover  be  left  until  the  morning  "  (Ex.  xxxiv.  25). 

Before  the  priestly  regulations  for  the  Passover  are  related, 
the  Deuteronomic  law  must  be  set  forth  as  illustrative  of  the 
process  by  which  the  meal  was  united  with  the  Feast  of  Un- 
leavened Bread.  Especial  stress  is  naturally  here  laid  upon 
the  obligation  to  sacrifice  the  Passover  only  in  the  place  chosen 
by  Jehovah,  "to  cause  His  name  to  dwell  in"  (Deut.  xvi.  1-8). 

*  Hastings'  Diet.  0/ Bib.  Art.  Passoyer,  p.  684J, 


Appendix  C 


65 


Otherwise,  the  regulations  given  by  the  Deuteronomist 
bear  a  resemblance  to  those  of  the  Jehovist.  The  month 
Abib  is  to  be  observed  by  celebrating  the  Passover,  with 
which  unleavened  bread,  "  even  the  bread  of  affliction,*  "  is  to 
be  eaten  in  memory  of  the  deliverance  from  Egypt.  The  feast 
is  to  be  eaten  at  sunset,  and  the  flesh  of  the  sacrifice  of  the 
Passover  must  not  remain  till  the  morning.  Unleavened  bread 
is  to  be  used  for  six  days,  and  on  the  seventh  a  solemn  con- 
vocation is  to  be  held,  on  which  no  work  may  be  done.  One 
remarkable  difference  between  D  and  J  is  that  in  the  later 
code  the  paschal  sacrifice  may  be  of  the  flock  or  a  calf. 
Another  noteworthy  feature  in  D  is  the  command  to  boil  the 
flesh, t  and,  as  a  proof  that  the  Passover  and  the  feast  of  Un- 
leavened Bread  were  not  yet  entirely  united,  the  people  are 
allowed  to  return  home  after  eating  the  paschal  meal ;  for  it 
is  said,  "And  thou  shalt  return  in  the  morning  and  go  unto 
thy  tents."  According  to  many  critics  the  legislation  of  the 
prophet  Ezekiel  comes  between  the  laws  of  Deuteronomy  and 
those  of  the  Priestly  Code  (Ezekiel  xlv.  21-24).  He  directs 
that  in  both  the  first  and  seventh  month  a  bullock  without 
blemish  is  to  be  ofiered  on  the  first  day  as  an  atonement. 
"  And  the  priest  shall  take  of  the  blood  of  the  sin-off'ering, 
and  put  it  upon  the  door  posts  of  the  house  .  .  .  and  upon 
the  posts  of  the  gate  of  the  inner  court."  The  passover  is  to 
be  kept  on  the  fourteenth  (1  fifteenth)  day  of  the  month,  and 
it  is  to  be  **  a  feast  of  seven  days,  unleavened  bread  shall  not 
be  eaten."  Nothing  is  said  of  the  paschal  meal,  but  the  prince 
is  ordered  to  provide  a  bullock  as  an  offering  for  himself  and 
the  people. 

The  Priestly  Code  in  most  cases  gives  first  the  law  of  the 
Passover  and  then  that  of  the  Unleavened  Bread.  Much 
fuller  directions  are  given  here  for  the  paschal  celebration  than 
either  in  J  or  D. 

*  The  unleavened  bread  is  nowhere  else  called  the  "  Bread  of  affliction  " 
{lehem  *oni)  in  any  of  the  Pentateuchal  Codes.  Hastings*  Die,  Bible,  p.  685&. 
In  the  opinion  of  several  German  critics  vv.  3&-4  are  spurious,  and  one 
of  them  (Steurnagel)  assigns  all  allusions  to  the  Feast  of  Unleavened 
Bread  to  an  E  source. 

t  In  primitive  times  sacrificial  meat  was  boiled,  e.g.  Gideon  (Judges  vi. 
19)  Eli's  sons  (1  Sam.  ii.  13,  14).  At  a  later  date  boiling  the  paechal 
victim  was  expressly  prohibited  (Ex.  xii.  9). 


66  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


(1)  Though  the  civil  year  began  in  autumn,  the  paschal 

month  was  to  be  reckoned  as  the  first  month  (Ex.  xii. 
1-13). 

(2)  A  lamb  without  blemish  was  to  be  selected  on  the  tenth 
day  and  killed  on  the  fourteenth  "between  the  two 


evenings. 


)) 


(3)  The  flesh  was  to  be  roasted,  and  not  to  be  eaten  raw  or 

boiled  ;  and  bitter  herbs  were  to  be  eaten  with  it. 

(4)  Each  household  was  to  kill  a  lamb,  and  if  they  did  not 

number  sufficient  for  the  feast,  they  might  combine 
with  another  family. 

(5)  Strangers   and   sojourners   were   forbidden   to   eat   the 

passover   unless   they  had   submitted   to   the   rite   of 
circumcision*  (Ex.  xii.  43-51). 

In  addition  to  these  regulations  there  were  two  which  were 
subsequently  considered  only  to  apply  to  the  Egyptian  Pass- 
over, viz.  : — 

(1)  To  sprinkle  the  lintel  and  the  door  post  with  blood. 

(2)  To  eat  the  feast  in  haste,  loins  girded,  shoes  on  feet, 

and  staff  in  hand. 

For  the  feast  of  Unleavened  Bread  a  few  additional  rules 
are  added : — 

(1)  It  was  to  last  from  the  fourteenth  to  the  twenty-first 

day  of  the  month  (Ex.  xii.  14-20). 

(2)  Anyone  in  whose  house  leaven  was  found  during  that 

period  was  to  be  "  cut  off  from  Israel." 

(3)  There  was  to  be  a  holy  convocation  on  the  first  as  well 

as  on  the  seventh  day  of  the  feast. 

In  the  books  of  Leviticus  and  Kumbers  the  Passover  is 
separated  from  the  feast  of  Unleavened  Bread.  "  On  the  four- 
teenth day  of  the  first  month  at  even  is  the  Lord's  Passover. 
And  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  same  month  is  the  feast  of 
Unleavened  Bread  to  the  Lord "  (Lev.  xxiii.  5,  6 ;  Numb, 
xxviii.  16,  17).  The  latter  is  also  connected  with  the  waving 
of  the  first  sheaf  of  the  harvest  before  Jehovah,  before  which 
no  new  corn  could  be  used  for  food  (Lev.  xxiii.  11-14).  In 
the  book  of  Numbers  it  is  provided  that  those  who  happened 

•  This  law  was  supposed  to  have  been  delivered  at  Succoth,  where 
the  mixed  multitude  was  present  with  the  Israelites.  Hastings'  Die. 
Bib.  'Passover,' p.  686a, 


Appendix  C 


^7 


to  be  unclean  at  the  time  of  the  Passover,  might  celebrate 
it  a  month  later  (Numb.  ix.  1-14). 

It  must  be  acknowledged  that  the  Passover  was  the  only 
part  of  the  twofold  festival  which  was  celebrated  in  Egypt, 
and  it  is  implied  that  the  Feast  of  Unleavened  Bread  was  not 
observed  till  the  Israelites  became  an  agricultural  people,  and 
settled  in  Canaan. 

The  Paschal  rites  in  Egypt  are  just  such  as  an  Arab  tribe 
might  have  performed  on  a  similar  occasion.  The  lambs  were 
the  first-fruits  of  their  herds,  which  they  naturally  sacrificed  at 
this  season  of  the  year.  The  abstinence  from  leaven  as  a 
symbol  of  corruption  is  enjoined  by  the  Jehovistic  code  in  the 
case  of  all  sacrifice.  The  blood  sprinkled  on  every  house 
was  the  sign  of  life.  The  consumption  of  the  whole  victim 
was  the  usual  accompaniment  of  such  an   aU-night  festival 

The  only  recorded  celebrations  of  the  Passover  in  the  Old 
Testament,  like  the  Egyptian  Festival,  inaugurate  some  new 
step  in  the  nation's  history. 

(1)  In  the  days   of  Joshua   the  manna  ceased  when  the 

Passover  had  been  kept,  and  the  people  began  to  eat 
the  corn  of  Canaan  (Josh.  v.  10-11  P). 

(2)  When  Hezekiah  kept  the  Passover,  he  had  purified  the 

land  for  the  true  worship  of  Jehovah  (2  Chr.  xxx.). 

(3)  Josiah  began  his  reformation,  in  accordance  with  the 

newly  discovered  Law,  by  a  solemn  Passover  (2  Kings 
xxiii.  21-23). 

(4)  When  the  second  temple  was  dedicated  a  paschal  cele- 

bration is  recorded  (Ezra  vi.  22).  In  the  preceding 
verse  it  is  said  that  the  children  of  the  captivity  had 
separated  themselves  from  the  "filthiness  of  the  heathen 
of  the  land." 

From  the  foregoing  considerations  the  following  conclusions 
appear  to  be  at  least  tenable  : — 

(a)  The  Israelites  may  have  held  a  feast  accompanied  by  the 

sprinking  of  blood  on  the  houses  before  the  Exodus. 
(6)  They  were  accustomed  as  shepherds  to  observe  a  spring 

festival  by  sacrificially  eating  the  first-born  of  the  lambs, 

goats,  and  perhaps  the  cattle. 
(c)  The  first  of  their  three  agricultural  festivals  in  Canaan, 

on  which  they  appeared  ''before  Jehovah,"  was  that  of 


68 


Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Unleavened  Bread  ;  and  this  in  early  times  was  con- 
nected with  the  deliverance  from  Egypt.  ,,.. 
Id)  The  Paschal  meal  ultimately  hecame  the  first  act  of  the 

feast  of  Unleavened  Bread. 
(e)  Hence  the  expression,  "The  fe^t  of  Unleavened  Bread 

which  is  called  the  Passover  "  (St  Luke  xxii.  1). 
The  time  of  the  Paschal  feast  is  variously  determined  in 
the  different  Codes.  J  and  D  say  it  is  ^^''^'^Y^^,'^. 
the  month  Ahih  (the  month  of  barley),  and  D  implies  that 
the  tTme  of  the  feast  depends  upon  the  condition  of  agriculture 
for  the  dkection  given  for  calculating  the  day  of  the  fea.t  of 
wLks  is  "From  the  time  thou  beginnest  to  put  the  sickle  to 
The  com"  (Deut.  xvi.  9).  In  P  an  astronomical  reckoning  is 
adopted  ;  the  Passover  is  to  take  place  at  the  fuU  moon  on  the 
fourteen  h  day  of  the  first  month,  and  the  Feast  of  Weeks  on 
the  day  following  the  seventh  Sabbath  (Lev.  xxm.  5,  15,  16). 


4 


a 

I 


Chapter   IV 

Israel  in  the  Wilderness 

With  the  passage  of  the  Red  Sea  the  Israelites  had  entered  J^«  ^^ebrew 

upon   freedom,   and   their   leader  upon   countless    anxieties,       ^ 

The  people  who  followed  Moses  were  not  as  yet  worthy  of  the 

name  of  a  nation.     The  Hebrew  fugitives  joined  as  they  were 

by  a  mixed  multitude  of  Egyptians  anxious  to  escape  from 

their  native  country,  lacked  order,  cohesion,  discipline.     The 

majority,  entirely  without  experience  of  a  wandering  life, 

looked  to  Moses  for  help  and  encouragement,  and  above  all 

for  food  and  water.     All  the  vices,  which  years  of  slavery  had 

engendered,  seem  to  have  been  at  different  times  manifested 

by  the  Israelites.      They  showed  themselves  to  be  faithless, 

fickle,  easily  disheartened,  always  ready  to  complain,  often 

disposed  to  give  up  all  that  had  been  won,  and  to  return  to 

the  house  of  bondage  once  more. 

As  in  the  book  of  Micah  the  three  deliverers  of  Israel   Moses,  Aaron 

from  Egypt  are  said  to  have  been  Moses,  Aaron,*  and  Miriam  ^^  Miriam 

(Micah   vi.  4),  it  is  conceivable  that   the  part  played  by 

Aaron  and  his  sister  was  more  important  than  that  assigned 

to  them  in  the  biblical  records.      It  may  be  that  Aaron's 

eloquence  had  been  the  chief  means  of  arousing  in  the  people 

the  determination  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  Egypt ;    and  that 

Miriam,   as   a   prophetess,   had '  taken   the   lead   among  the 

women  of  Israel  in  inciting  their  husbands  to  make  an  effort 

for  freedom.     But  in    the  books  of  Exodus  and  Numbers 

there  are  indications  that  Moses  could  not  always  rely  upon 

the  support  of  his  family.     Aaron  proved  faithless  in  the 

matter  of  the  Golden  Calf  (Ex.  xxxii.);    whilst  Miriam  was 

punished  with  leprosy  for  murmuring  against  Moses  and  his 

Cushite  wife  (Numb.  xii.  1).     The  figure  of  the  deliverer  is 

*  In  the  original  strata  of  J  and  E  Aaron's  name  is  not  mentioned. 

69 


K 


70         Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Israel  in  the  Wilderness 


71 


iil 


Character 
of  Moses 


a  pre-eminently  solitary  one;  on  his  shoulders  fell  the 
burden  of  guiding  the  people  through  the  deserts,  and 
welding  them  into  a  nation.  The  crushing  sense  of  his 
responsibilities  found  expression  on  one  occasion  on  which 
Moses  cried  to  Jehovah  in  his  anguish,  "  Wherefore  hast 
thou  evil  entreated  thy  servant  1  and  wherefore  have  I  not 
found  favour  in  thy  sight,  that  thou  layest  the  burden  of  all 
this  people  upon  me?  Have  I  conceived  all  this  people? 
have  I  brought  them  forth,  that  thou  shouldest  say  unto  me, 
Carry  them  in  thy  bosom,  as  a  nursing-father  carrieth  the 
sucking  child,  unto  the  land  which  thou  swarest  unto  their 
fathers"  (Numb.  xi.  11). 

An  epithet  is  applied  to  Moses  in  the  Bible  hardly  con- 
sistent with  the  view  that  he  was  a  great  leader  of  men. 
He  is  called  "  very  meek  (Numb.  xii.  3) ;  the  word  used 
being  generally  applied  in  the  Psalms  to  the  poor  and 
afflicted  ones  of  the  nation.  Yet  this  characteristic  seems  to 
have  been  one  of  the  secrets  of  his  success.  Moses  was  able 
to  endure  the  difficulties  of  his  position  in  silence,  nor  did 
the  unreasonable  and  childish  conduct  of  the  people  ever 
provoke  him  to  abandon  his  task.  He  went  on  steadily  day 
by  day  attending  to  their  interests,  hearing  their  disputes, 
doing  justice  between  man  and  man,  waiting  patiently  for 
signs  of  improvement,  which  seldom,  if  ever,  manifested 
themselves.  Educated  amid  all  the  splendours  of  an  Egyptian 
palace,  he  devoted  his  life  to  the  government  of  a  half- 
civilized  and  undisciplined  horde,  bearing  with  waywardness, 
folly,  and  ingratitude  with  unshaken  constancy,  and  by  his 
sublime  endurance  winning  from  posterity  the  fame  of 
having  been  the  "  most  enduring  of  men."  ^ 

The  exact  route  of  the  Israelites  after  crossing  the  Red 
Sea  can  never  be  known.  Tradition  is  almost  uniformly  in 
favour  of  their  having  followed  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Gulf 
of  Suez  till  they  came  to  the  neighbourhood  of  the  southern 
mountains  in  what  is  now  known  as  the  Sinaitic  peninsula. 
This  view  of  the  position  of  the  mount  of  the  Law  is,  how- 
ever, open  to  one  very  serious  objection.  Since  the  close  of 
the  third  dynasty  the  district  had  been  one  of  the  most 
highly-prized  possessions  of  Egypt.  Its  mines  were  so 
extremely   valuable    that    garrisons    were    constantly   main- 


tained to  protect  them,  so  that,  had  the  Israelites  attempted 
to  enter  the  country,  they  would  have  found  themselves  once 
more  face  to  face  with  Egyptian  troops.  Of  course  it  is 
conceivable,  though  scarcely  probable,  that  the  distracted 
condition  of  Egypt  at  the  time  of  the  Exodus  had  led  to  the 
temporary  abandonment  of  the  peninsula. 

It  has  consequently  been  held  that  the  fugitives  followed     ^^ 
the  modern  pilgrim  route  straight  across  the  desert  to  the 
Gulf  of  Akabah,  and  that  the  site  of  Sinai  must  be  sought 
for  among  the  mountains  of  Arabia,  though  neither  Scripture 
nor  tradition  gives  much  support  to  this  view.^ 

The  Israelites  first  entered  the  wilderness  at  Shur,  where  "^^^^J^^®^ 
they  advanced  for  three  days  without  finding  water,  and  ^®^^  °  " 
when  at  last  they  came  to  a  place  called  Marah,  the  pools 
were  found  undrinkable.  The  people  murmured,  but  Moses 
made  the  waters  sweet  by  casting  a  tree  into  them,  and  on 
this  occasion  gave  the  people  *'a  statute  and  an  ordinance" 
promising  in  Jehovah's  name  that,  if  they  would  be  faithful  to 
God's  commands.  He  would  put  none  of  the  diseases  of  the 
Egyptians  upon  them  (Ex.  xv.  26). 

At  Elim,  the  next  station,  the  wanderers  were  refreshed 
by  the  sight  of  twelve  pools  and  seventy  palm  trees,  and 
then  they  entered  *'  the  wilderness  of  Sin,  which  is  between 
Elim  and  Sinai "  (Ex.  xvi.  1).  Again  a  murmuring,  like  that 
at  Marah,  broke  out  in  the  protest,  ''  In  the  land  of  Egypt, 
when  we  sat  by  the  flesh  pots,  we  did  eat  bread  to  the  full ; 
for  ye  have  brought  us  forth  to  this  wilderness  to  kill  this 
whole  assembly  with  hunger  "  (Ex.  xvi.  3). 

Jehovah's  answer  to  these  complaints  was  a  promise  to  The  Manna 
'*  rain  down  bread  from  heaven,"  and  when  the  people  pre- 
sented themselves  before  Him,  His  glory  appeared  in^^the 
cloud.  Moses  was  commanded  to  assure  the  people,  "At 
even  ye  shall  eat  flesh,  and  in  the  morning  ye  shall  be  filled 
with  bread."  In  the  evening  quail  came  in  such  abundance 
that  they  covered  the  camp,  and  in  the  morning,  "when 
the  dew  that  lay  was  gone  up"  a  substance  with  the 
appearance  of  hoar  frost  was  seen  upon  the  ground.  It 
received  the  name  of  manna,  from  the  exclamation  of  the 
people  as  they  beheld  it  Manhu  ('Tis  a  gift).  It  proved  to 
be   gweet   and   nourishing   as   food    and    was    Israel's    chief 


I 


A2iua«k 


Jethro  Yifitfl 

MOflM 


72  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

sustenance  throughout  the  wanderings.  It  is  related  that 
a  double  portion  was  given  every  sixth  day  in  order  that 
the  Sabbath  might  not  be  profaned,  and  that  no  one  could 
gather  more  than  another.  "  He  that  gathered  much  had 
nothing  over,  and  he  that  gathered  little  had  no  lack  "  (Ex. 
xvi.  4-36).* 

The  next  halting-place  was  at  Rephidim,  where  water 
again  failed,  but  was  procured  by  Moses'  smiting  the  rock. 
Here  the  Israelites  fought  their  first  battle  with  their 
hereditary  foes,  the  Amalekites.  These  fierce  Arabs  had 
been  for  days  harassing  the  march  by  cutting  off  stragglers, 
so  at  Rephidim  Moses  commanded  Joshua  to  attack  them 
with  a  picked  body  of  men.  During  the  progress  of  the 
fight  the  deliverer  watched  the  battle  from  a  hill,  holding 
up  his  hands  in  supplication.  As  long  as  the  hands  of 
Moses  were  outstretched,  Israel  prevailed,  but  when  in 
weariness  he  let  them  fall,  Amalek  prevailed.  Perceiving 
this,  Aaron  and  Hur,  who  were  with  him,  supported  his 
hands,  till,  at  tlie  going  down  of  the  sun,  Joshua  had  won 
a  complete  victory.  Perpetual  war  was  declared  by  Jehovah 
against  Amalek,  and  Moses  was  ordered  to  record  the  Divine 
sentence  in  a  book,  and  to  "  rehearse  it  in  the  ears  of  Joshua." 
An  altar  was  erected  in  memory  of  this  event,  called  Jehovah - 
Nissi  {Jehovah  is  my  banner)  (Ex.  xvii.). 

It  was  at  Rephidim  that  Jethro  restored  to  Moses  his 
wife  Zipporah,  with  his  two  sons  Gershom  and  Eliezer. 
When  the  priest  of  Midian  arrived,  Moses  did  obeisance  to 
him,  and  conducted  him  to  his  tent,  where  he  told  him  of 
all  the  mighty  works  of  Jehovah.  Jethro  acknowledged 
Jehovah  to  be  greater  than  all  gods,  and  offered  a  solemn 
sacrifice,  to  which  Aaron  and  the  elders  of  Israel  came  in 
order  to  "  eat  bread  with  Moses'  father-in-law  before  God " 
(Ex.  xviii.  1-12). 

On  the  next  day  Moses,  as  was  his  wont,  occupied  himself 
from  morning  to  evening  in  deciding  disputes  among  the 
people,  who  came  to  him  "  to  enquire  of  God."  **  I  judge," 
he  told  Jethro,  "  between  a  man  and  his  neighbour,  and  I 
make  them  know  the  statutes  of  God  and  His  laws."  But 
as  the  task  was  evidently  beyond  his  strength,  his  father-in- 
law  advised  him  to  appoint  rulers  of  thousands,  of  hundreds, 


rV  HoRfB 

7 


The  Wanderings  in  the  Wilderness. 

The  object  of  this  map  is  to  shew  the  nature  of  the  country,  which  is 
rugged  and  mountainous  and  intersected  by  dry  water  courses. 
The  Mount  of  the  Lawgiving  is  variously  placed :  (1)  In  the  penin- 
sula either  Jebel  Serbal  or  Jebel  Musa,  (2)  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Kadesh,  and  (3)  East  of  the  Gulf  of  Akabah.  The  fugitive  IsraeUtes 
might  (a)  have  followed  the  Gulf  of  Suez,  or  (6)  have  taken  the 
ordinary  road  from  Suez  to  the  Gulf  of  Akabah.  In  the  journey 
from  Kadesh  to  Eastern  Palestine  they  went  round  the  border  of 
Edom  to  Elath,  and  then  took  the  ordinary  road  to  Damascus, 
halting  in  the  plains  of  Moab. 


To  face  page  72. 


Israel  in  the  Wilderness 


73 


of  fifties,  and  of  tens,  to  decide  all  smaller  matters,  and  to 
reserve  only  the  most  diificult  cases  for  himself.  After  this 
Jethro  departed  "into  his  own  land"  (Ex.  xviii.  13-27).^ 

According  to  the  Priestly  Tradition,  Israel  reached  Sinai  Arrival  at 
in  the  third  month  after  their  departure  from  Egypt.  If  Sinai 
the  Sinaitic  peninsula  is  the  scene  of  the  law-giving,  no  sur- 
roundings could  be  more  calculated  to  impress  the  people 
with  awe.  The  cliffs  rise  precipitously  from  the  plain,  and 
the  mountains  form  natural  altars,  so  that  Moses  as  he 
ascended  them  might  well  be  described  as  going  "  up  unto 
God"  to  receive  Jehovah's  first  message  to  Israel — *'Ye 
have  seen  what  I  did  unto  the  Egyptians,  and  how  I  bare 
you  on  eagles'  wings  and  brought  you  unto  Myself.  Now, 
therefore,  if  ye  will  obey  My  voice  indeed,  and  keep  My 
covenant,  then  ye  shall  be  a  peculiar  treasure  unto  Me  from 
among  all  peoples :  for  all  the  earth  is  Mine ;  and  ye  shall 
be  unto  Me  a  kingdom  of  priests  and  an  holy  nation."  ^  In 
answer,  the  people  exclaimed,  **A11  that  Jehovah  hath 
spoken  we  will  do"  (Ex.  xix.  4-8). 

Three  days  were  set  apart  in  order  that  due  preparation 
might  be  made  before  Israel  met  their  God.  All  the  people 
were  instructed  to  wash  their  garments,  and  to  sanctify 
themselves.  If  man  or  beast  so  much  as  touched  the  moun- 
tain, the  penalty  was  death.  The  culprit  must  ''be  stoned 
or  shot  through,"  for  no  human  hand  might  be  laid  upon  one 
who  had  been  in  contact  with  so  holy  a  spot.  Priests  and 
people  had  alike  to  be  warned  not  *'  to  break  through  and  come 
up  unto  the  Lord,"  when  He  should  manifest  His  presence 
(Ex.  xix.  9-25). 

At  this  supreme  moment,  Jehovah,  amid  thunderings  and  The  Ten 
lightnings,  proclaimed  His  will  in  the  Ten  Words  or  Com-  ^o^^^s 
mandments,  which  have  been  accepted  by  all  as  the  basis  of 
man's  duty  to  God  and  to  his  neighbour.  God  prefaced 
them  by  declaring  His  name.  "I  am  Jehovah,  thy  God, 
which  brought  thee  out  of  the  land  of  Egypt,  out  of  the 
house  of  bond-men"  (Ex.  xx.   1).^ 

The  splendour  of  this  revelation  is  its  simplicity.  It  pro- 
pounds no  subject  for  theological  speculation ;  it  speaks  only 
of  devotion  to  God,  as  the  embodiment  of  all  righteousness. 
Never  was  conduct  more  directly  and  absolutely  connected 


74  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

with  religion.  The  Ten  Words,  as  they  are  called  in  Hebrew, 
stand  in  the  Bible  by  themselves  ;  they  are  the  only  laws 
spoken  by  Jehovah  to  the  whole  nation  of  Israel.  So  terrified 
were  the  people  by  the  voice  they  had  heard,  that  they 
begged  that  the  remainder  of  the  message  might  be  given  to 
them  through  a  mediator,  and  Moses  once  more  entered  into 
the  thick  darkness.  But  we  may  gather  from  the  Sacred 
Narrative  that  the  subsequent  laws  were  regarded  as  inferior 
to  the  Ten  Words,  because  they  did  not  come  to  the  nation 
direct  from  the  mouth  of  Jehovah. 

The  Ten  Commandments  are  the  everlasting  proclamation 
of  His  will,  sufficient  in  themselves  to  show  that  He  is  the 
One  and  Only  God.     It  is  because  He  demands  righteous- 
ness that  all  must  worship  Him  with  simple  hearted  devotion. 
*  No  God  can  be  honoured  before  the  Face  of  One  Who,  in 

the  summary  of  the  Divine  legislation  given  by  Moses  and 
approved  by  Christ  Himself,  commands  us  **To  love  the 
Lord  thy  God  with  all  thy  soul  and  with  all  thy  mind,"  and 
"  thy  neighbour  as  thyself"  (Deut.  vi.  5  ;  Lev.  xix.  18  ;  Mark 
xii.  30,  31). 
The  Book  of  The  laws  contained  in  the  oldest  documents  are  included 

tue  CoTenant    j^  ^j^^  a  -Qq^^  ^f  ^j^^  Covenant,"  so  called  on  the  occasion  of 

its  delivery  by  Moses  to  Israel — '*  And  he  took  the  book  of 
the  covenant,  and  read  in  the  audience  of  the  people  :  and 
they  said,  All  that  the  Lord  hath  spoken  will  we  do,  and  be 
obedient.  And  Moses  took  the  blood  and  sprinkled  it  on 
the  people,  and  said,  Behold  the  blood  of  the  Covenant,  which 
the  Lord  hath  made  with  you  concerning  all  these  words  " 
(Ex.  xxiv.  7,  8). 

This  code  seems  to  be  in  a  sense  the  foundation  of  the 
polity  of  Israel.      The  laws    in    it    deal   with  (1)  religious 
worship,  (2)  persons,  (3)  property. 
Law  of  1 .  Sacrifices  are  assumed  to  be  so  natural  a  part  of  the 

Worsliip  religion  of  the  Hebrews,  that  it  did  not  appear  necessary  to 

enjoin  the  practice  of  oflfering  them.  They  are  divided  into 
two  classes,  burnt  offerings  and  peace  offerings.  The  Israelites 
are  instructed  to  make  their  altars  of  earth  or  of  unhewn 
stones,  and  without  steps  (Ex.  xx.  24-26).^ 

No  special  place  is  set  apart  for  sacrifices,  but  a  promise  is 
given  by  Jehovah,  "  In  every  place  where  I  record  my  name, 


Israel  in  the  Wilderness 


75 


I  will  come  unto  thee  and  I  will  bless  thee"  (Ex.  xx.  24). 
Jehovah  claims  as  His  right  the  first-born  son   the  first-born 

of  all  cattle  (Ex.  xxii.  29,  30),  the  s^^^^^^^^^^^^  (^/^  T'-' 
12),  and  the  seventh  year  (Ex.  xxiii.  11).  The  Sabbath  is 
to  be  kept  as  a  day  of  rest,  ''That  thine  ox  and  thme  ass 
may  have  rest,  and  the  son  of  thy  handmaid  and  the  stranger 
may  be  refreshed"  (Ex.  xxiii.  12).  Only  three  feasts  are 
mentioned,  at  which  all  males  are  ordered  to  appear  before 
Jehovah  :  that  of  Unleavened  Bread,  in  memory  of  Israel  s 
coming  forth  from  Egypt  in  the  month  Abib  j  the  feast  of 
Harvest,  the  "first  fruits  of  thy  laboiirs";  and  the  feast  of 
Ingathering  (Ex.  xxiii.  14-17).  Three  precepts  are  added  : 
(1)  No  leavened  bread  may  be  used  in  sacrifices  (Ex.  xxiii. 
18);  (2)  first  fruits  are  to  be  brought  to  the  house  of 
Jehovah  (Ex.  xxiii.  19)  ;  (3)  "Thou  shalt  not  seethe  a  kid  in 
its  mother's  milk"  (Ex.  xxiii.  19).  The  Israelites  are 
warned  :  ''Ye  shall  be  holy  men  unto  me  ;  and  in  token  of 
this  they  must  scrupulously  abstain  from  animals  killed  by 

wild  beasts  (Ex.  xxii.  31). 

Such  then  are  the  simple  directions  for  religious  observance 
in  the  earliest  code  of  ancient  Israel's  "  Sermon  on  the 
Mount"  They  are  alike  conspicuous  for  plainness  and 
simplicity,  and  for  a  complete  absence  of  insistence  on  any 
elaboration  of  ceremonial. 

2.  The    laws    affecting    persons    recognise,    as    necessary  Laws  of 
institutions,  both  slavery  and  polygamy,  as  well  as  the  duty  Persona 
of  exacting  personal  vengeance  for  injuries,  but  precautions 
are  taken  to  modify  any  undue  severity  in  their  operation. 

The  slave  is  acknowledged  to  be  his  owner  s  '  money,    yet 
he  is  by  no  means  without  rights.     He  may  be  beaten ;  but, 
if  during  chastisement  he  loses  an  eye  or  even  a  tooth,  he  is 
to  be  set  free  (Ex.  xxi.  26,  27).     If  a  master  kills  a  slave  he 
is  liable  to  punishment,  though  the  loss  of  the  mans  services 
is  deemed  a  sufficient  penalty,  if  the  death  should  take  place 
some  days  after  the  blow  that  caused  it  (Ex.  xxi.  ^U,  Zl). 
No  Hebrew  might  be  kept  as  a  slave  for  more  than  six  years 
except  of  his  own  free  will.      If,  however,  his  master  had 
given  him  a  wife  during  the  period  of  servitude,  he  could 
only  retain  her  by  consenting  to  continue  in  bondage  for  life. 
In  this  case  the  master  had  to  place  the  slave  against  the 


76  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Property 


Principles  of 
the  Lav 


door  or  door-post  of  his  house,  and,  in  the  presence  of  the 
judges,  bore  his  ear  through  with  an  awl  (Ex.  xxi.  1-6).  The 
honour  of  female  slaves  was  scrupulously  guarded ;  under  no 
circumstances  might  a  Hebrew  woman  be  sold  to  a  foreigner 
(Ex.  xxi.  7-11).^ 

One  great  evil  of  polygamy,  a  practice  which  seems  to 
have  been  comparatively  rare  among  the  Hebrews,  was  pro- 
vided against  by  the  law  that,  if  a  man  took  a  second  wife,  the 
rights  of  the  first  should  remain  unimpaired  (Ex.  xxi.  10). 

The  duty  of  avenging  a  man's  death  fell  upon  his  next 
kinsman,  and  the  law  allowed  no  escape  to  the  man  guilty  of 
intentional  murder :  the  culprit  might  be  taken  from  the 
very  altar  of  Jehovah.  In  case  of  accidental  or  unpremeditated 
homicide,  it  was  promised  that  places  of  sanctuary  should 
be  provided  (Ex.  xxi.  12-14). 

Sorcery  and  bestiality  were  punishable  with  death  (Ex. 
xxii.  18-19). 

3.  The  laws  of  property  suppose  the  people  to  be  settled 
in  their  own  land  and  relate  mainly  to  injuries  done  to 
cattle,  or  to  crops  (Ex.  xxi.  28 — xxii.  15).  Thieves  were 
to  be  punished  by  a  fine  of  double  the  value  of  the  stolen 
goods  (Ex.  xxii.  4).  It  is  not  certain  whether  disputes  con- 
cerning property  were  to  be  submitted  to  the  judges,  or  to 
be  decided  by  an  appeal  to  God,  as  the  word  Elohim  is 
used  in  both  senses  (Ex.  xxii.  8).^^  It  was  forbidden  to  lend 
money  to  the  poor  on  interest,  and  the  garment  taken  as 
a  pledge  had  to  be  restored  at  night-fall  (Ex.  xxii.  25-27). 

But  the  most  important  part  of  the  laws  of  the  Covenant 
are  the  principles  laid  down  in  them.  Tliis  primitive  law- 
book is  characterised  by  a  spirit  of  such  true  benevolence, 
that  it  is  no  unworthy  precursor  of  those  laws  which  Christ 
delivered  in  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount.  Its  precepts  are 
truly  Divine,  "If  thou  meet  thine  enemy's  ox  or  his  ass 
going  astray  bring  it  back  to  him  again."  ''  If  thou  see  the 
ass  of  him  that  hateth  thee  lying  under  his  burden  and 
wouldest  forbear  to  help  him,  thou  shalt  surely  help  him  " 
(Ex.  xxiii.  5).  "  A  stranger  shalt  thou  not  oppress,  for  ye 
know  the  heart  of  a  stranger,  seeing  ye  were  strangers  in  the 
land  of  Egypt"  (Ex.  xxiii.  9).  On  such  principles  the 
polity  of  the  people  of  Jehovah  was  to  rest,  and  the  greatness 


Israel  in  the  Wilderness 


77 


of  the  revelation  on  Sinai  appears  in  the  way  in  which  a 
spirit  of  mercy  and  forbearance  was  made  to  permeate  the 
legislation  delivered  to  Moses. 

After  this  law  had  been  read  to  the  people,  they  solemnly 
accepted  it,  and  Moses  ratified  their  action  by  sacrifices,  and 
by  sprinkling  of  the  "  blood  of  the  Covenant."  "  Then,"  says 
the  sacred  narrative,  "  went  up  Moses  and  Aaron,  Nadab  and 
Abihu,  and  seventy  of  the  elders  of  Israel ;  and  they  saw  the 
God  of  Israel :  and  there  v/as  under  his  feet  as  it  were  a 
paved  work  of  sapphire  stone,  and  as  it  were  the  very  heaven 
for  clearness."  The  dignity  and  reserve  with  which  this 
vision  is  described,  seem  to  be  the  very  perfection  of  poetry 
(Ex.  xxiv.  9,  10). 

Priestly  Tradition  further  relates  that  Moses  received  on  The 
Mount  Sinai  full  directions  for  the  erection  of  a  tabernacle  Tabernacle 
in  which  all  acts  of  worship  to  Jehovah  should  be  duly  per- 
formed ;  and  an  earlier  document  preserves  the  belief  that  the 
law-giver  spent  forty  days  on  the  mountain  in  communion  with 
God  (Ex.  XXV. — xxxi. ;  xxxv. — xl.  P) ;  (Ex.  xxiv.  1 8  E). 

In  the  absence  of  Moses  the  people  waxed  impatient,  and 
demanded  of  Aaron  that  he  should  make  a  visible  symbol  of 
their  God  to  '*go  before"  them,  "For,"  said  they,  "as  for 
this  Moses,  the  man  that  brought  us  up  out  of  the  land  of 
Egyptj  we  know  not  what  is  become  of  him  "  (Ex.  xxxii.  1 ). 

Aaron  showed  no  reluctance  in  complying  with  the  request  The  Golden 
of  the  people,  but  ordered  them  to  give  him  their  jewels,  and  ^*^ 
out  of  the  gold  he  made  the  image  of  a  calf,  and  said,  "  These 
are  thy  gods,  O  Israel,  which  brought  thee  up  out  of  the 
land  of  Egypt."  A  solemn  feast  to  Jehovah  was  proclaimed, 
an  altar  was  built,  burnt  offerings  were  ofiered  and  peace 
ofierings  brought,  and  "  the  people  sat  down  to  eat  and  to 
drink,  and  rose  up  to  play  "  (Ex.  xxxii.  6). 

Aaron's  conduct  had  brought  the  whole  question  of  the 
worship  of  Jehovah  to  an  issue.  In  making  a  calf  (or  bull) 
to  represent  Him,  he  had  practically  reduced  Jehovah  to  the 
rank  of  a  mere  tribal  god.^^  Herein  lay  the  whole  principle 
for  which  all  the  prophets  contended.  From  time  to  time 
the  Israelites  no  doubt  regarded  Jehovah  as  the  god  of  their 
nation,  almost  in  the  same  sense  as  Chemosh  was  the  god  of 
Moab.     Against  this  the  better  spirits  of  the  nation  never 


yS  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Moses  and 
the  Golden 

Calf 


ceased  to  protest,  by  maintaining  that  the  God  of  Israel  was 
absolutely  unique,  the  Only  True  God  before  whom  the  gods 
of  the  heathen  were  but  vanity. 

Jehovah  Himself  infonned  Moses  of  the  apostacy  of  Israel, 
and  the  dialogue  between  the  law-giver  and  his  God  shews 
how  partially  even  Moses  had  apprehended  the  Divine 
Nature.  Jehovah's  words  were,  "  I  have  seen  this  people, 
and  behold  it  is  a  stiff-necked  people :  now  therefore,  let  me 
alone,  that  my  wrath  may  wax  hot  against  them,  and  that  I 
may  consume  them:  and  I  will  make  of  thee  a  great 
nation."  But  Moses,  singularly  destitute  of  personal  ambi- 
tion, shewed  no  desire  to  be  exalted  at  the  expense  of  the 
people  whom  he  had  delivered.  He  prayed  Jehovah  to 
remember  Abraham,  Isaac  and  Jacob,  and  how  He  had 
delivered  Israel  out  of  Egypt,  adding  in  remonstrance, 
"Wherefore  should  the  Egyptians  speak,  saying.  For  evil  did 
he  bring  them  forth  to  slay  them  in  the  mountains,  and  to  con- 
sume them  from  the  face  of  the  earth  ?"  (Ex.  xxxii.  9-U). 

Before  Moses  left  the  Divine  presence,  he  received  the 
two  tables  of  the  testimony,  written  with  the  finger  of  God 
(Ex.  xxxi.  18),  and  as  he  descended  the  mountain  with  his 
minister,    Joshua,    they    heard    the    shouts    of    the    people. 
Joshua  said,   "There  is    a  noise  of  war  in   the  camp,"  but 
Moses  answered,  '*  It  is  not  the  voice  of  them  that  shout  for 
mastery,  neither  is  it  the  cry  for  being  overcome ;  but  the 
noise  of   them  that  sing  do  I   hear"  (Ex.   xxxii.   17,   18). 
When  they  came  nearer,  and  saw  the  people  dancing  round 
the   calf,  Moses  in   his  anger  "cast  the  tables  out   of  his 
hands,  and  brake  them  beneath  the  Mount"  (Ex.  xxxii.  19). 
Directly  he  came  to  the  people  Moses  had  the  calf  burnt  and 
ground  to  powder,  which  he  mixed  in  water,  and  forced  its 
worshippers  to  drink.     When  Moses  enquired  of  his  brother, 
*'  What  did  this  people  unto  thee  that  thou  hast  brought  a 
great  sin  upon  them?"     Aaron  tried  to  excuse  himself  by 
saying  that  the  people  had  begged  him  to  make  a  god  for 
them,  and  had  given  him  tlieir  golden  jewels  to  cast  into  the 
furnace,  adding,   '*and  there  came  out  this  calf."      For  so 
great  a  sin  against  Jehovah,  vengeance  had  to  be  taken  :  and 
Moses,  when  he  "saw  that  the  people  had  broken  loose,  for 
Aaron  had  let  them  loose  for  a  derision  among  their  enemies," 


Israel  in  the  Wilderness 


79 


cried,  "  Who  is  on  the  Lord's  side  1 "  His  own  tribe  rallied  to 
his  call.  Levi,  it  is  recorded  in  the  *  Song  of  Moses,'  "  said 
of  his  father  and  of  his  mother,  *  I  have  not  seen  him ' ; 
neither  did  he  acknowledge  his  brethren  "  (Deut.  xxxiii.  9), 
and  attacked  the  people,  slaying  no  less  than  three  thousand 
of  them.  Moses  again  sought  pardon  from  God,  begging 
that  he  might  be  the  sufferer,  and  not  the  erring  Israelites, 
in  these  touching  words,  "Yet  now  if  Thou  wilt  forgive 
their  sin — and  if  not,  blot  me,  I  pray  thee,  out  of  Thy 
book."  Forgiveness  was  granted  with  the  warning,  "Never- 
theless in  the  day  when  I  visit  I  will  visit  their  sin  upon 
them."  From  henceforth  Jehovah  said  that  His  angel 
should  guide  Israel  through  the  desert  to  their  promised 
home,  but  that  He  would  not  accompany  them  Himself.  In 
token  of  penitence,  the  people  "  stripped  themselves  of  their 
ornaments  from  Mount  Horeb  onwards"  (Ex.  xxxii.  15-35  ; 
xxxiii.  6.) 

Moses  did  not  after  this  have  to  ascend  the  mountain,  but  Moses  speaks 
was  allowed  to  commune  with  Jehovah  in  the  Tent  of  ^^-^+1*2^?^® 
Meeting,  which  he  used  to  pitch  without  the  camp.  When 
Moses  entered  into  it  the  pillar  of  cloud  descended  and 
stood  at  the  door  of  the  Tent.  "  And  the  Lord  spake  unto 
Moses  face  to  face  as  a  man  speaketh  to  his  friend."  It  is 
recorded  that  after  these  interviews  "his  minister  Joshua 
the  son  of  Nun  departed  not  from  the  Tent"  (Ex.  xxxiii. 
7-11).^^  Two  petitions  were  now  made  by  Moses:  that 
Jehovah  would  still  accompany  the  march  of  Israel,  and  that 
a  vision  of  His  glory  might  be  vouchsafed.  To  the  first  the 
reply  was,  "  My  presence  shall  go  with  thee,  and  I  will  give 
thee  rest."  But  even  to  Moses  no  complete  vision  of 
Jehovah's  glory  could  be  given.  "  Man  shall  not  see  Me 
and  live."  Yet  Jehovah  consented  to  put  His  servant  in  a 
cleft  of  the  rock,  and  to  cover  him  with  His  hand,  whilst 
He  passed  by  and  proclaimed  the  Name  of  Jehovah  .-"The 
Lord,  the  Lord,  a  God  full  of  compassion  and  gracious, 
slow  to  anger,  and  plenteous  in  mercy  and  truth ;  keeping 
mercy  for  thousands,  forgiving  iniquity  and  transgression 
and  sin :  and  that  will  by  no  means  clear  the  guilty ; 
visiting  the  iniquities  of  the  fathers  upon  the  children, 
and  upon  the  children's  children,  upon  the  third  and  upon 
the  fourth  generation"  (Ex.  xxxiii.  12 — xxxiv.  7).^* 


The 
Tabernacle 


Departure 
fiom  Sinai 


80  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

This  vision  was  seen  on  Mount  Sinai,  when  Moses  pre- 
sented the  new  tables  of  stone  which  he  had  been  ordered  to 
make,  and  Jehovah  inscribed  on  them  His  commandments. 
A  covenant  was  made ;  and  the  Israelites  were  enjoined  to 
make  no  treaty  with  the  people  of  the  land  whither  thej 
were  going.  Ten  more  commandments  accompanied  the 
giving  of  this  second  covenant. 

A  large  portion  of  the  Pentateuch  is  occupied  by  laws 
relating  to  the  life  and  worship  of  Israel,  and  to  the 
institution  of  its  priesthood.  The  nation  devoted  its 
energies  at  this  time  to  the  construction  of  a  portable 
sanctuary,  which,  to  English  readers,  will  always  be  known 
as  the  Tabernacle.  Such  was  the  zeal  of  the  people  that 
they  brought  "much  more  than  enough  for  the  service  of 
the  work  which  Jehovah  commanded  to  make."  The  two 
makers  of  the  Tabernacle  were  Bezaleel,  the  son  of  Uri,  the 
son  of  Hur,  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  and  Oholiab,  the  son  of 
Ahisamach,  of  the  tribe  of  Dan. 

The  Tabernacle  was  designed  on  the  model  of  a  temple, 
that  is  to  say,  there  was  a  large  outer  enclosure,  in  the 
midst  of  which  was  the  shrine  with  the  altar  of  burnt 
sacrifice  standing  before  it.  The  shrine  was  constructed  of 
boards  of  acacia  wood  covered  by  tent-curtains  and  carpets, 
and  was  divided  into  two  parts  called  the  Holy  place  and 
the  Holy  of  Holies.  In  the  inner  sanctuary  was  the  Ark  of 
the  Covenant,  the  most  sacred  possession  of  the  nation, 
containing  the  Tables  of  the  Testimony.  Above  the  Ark 
was  the  Mercy-Seat,  on  each  side  of  which  were  two  winged 
figures  or  cherubim.  The  inner  sanctuary  was  separated 
from  the  outer  by  a  vail.  Before  the  vail,  in  the  Holy  Place, 
stood  the  Altar  of  Incense,  and  the  Table,  on  which  were 
placed  the  seven-branched  candlesticks  and  the  '  bread  of  the 
faces '  or  shew-bread.  The  arrangements  were  such  that  the 
whole  sanctuary  could  be  transported  without  any  difficulty, 
and  at  the  same  time  was  well  suited  to  a  simple  but  orderly 
worship.^* 

When  the  Israelites  were  about  to  leave  Sinai,  Moses 
invited  his  brother-in-law,  Hobab,  the  son  of  Reuel  the 
Midianite,  to  become  their  guide.  "  As  thou  knowest  how 
we  are  to  encamp  in  the  wilderness,  and  thou  shall  be  to  us 


Israel  in  the  Wilderness 


81 


instead  of  eyes.  And  it  shall  be,  if  thou  go  with  us,  yea,  it 
shall  be,  that  what  good  soever  the  Lord  shall  do  unto  us,  the 
same  will  we  do  unto  thee."  In  this  way  the  permanent 
alliance  between  Israel  and  the  Kenites  was  made  (Numb. 
X.  29-32).!^ 

The  Ark  of  the  Covenant  of  Jehovah  had  also  its  share 
in  guiding  the  people,  preceding  them  three  days  to  seek 
out  a  resting-place.  When  the  Ark  was  moved,  Moses  said, 
"  Rise  up,  O  Lord,  and  let  thine  enemies  be  scattered ;  and 
let  them  that  hate  Thee  flee  before  Thee.  And  when  it 
rested,  he  said,  Return,  O  Lord,  imto  the  manv 
thousands  of  Israel"  (Numb.  x.  35,  36;  Ps.  Ixviii.  1). 

With  the  departure  from  Sinai,  the  second  stage  in  the  March  to 
story  of  the  Exodus  is  entered  upon.  Israel  had  been  brouf^ht  Kadesh 
to  the  mountain  to  receive  the  Law,  and  was  now  at  liberty 
to  conquer  a  home.  But  events  proved  that  further  dis- 
cipline was  needed  before  a  fugitive  horde  of  Egyptian  slaves 
could  become  a  victorious  nation.  In  the  book  of  Deuter- 
onomy the  distance  between  Horeb  and  Kadesh  is  said  to  be 
eleven  days  (Deut.  i.  2),  but,  as  twenty  stations  are  enumer- 
ated in  that  of  Numbers  (xxxiii.  16-36),  it  is  possible  that 
the  route  taken  was  not  the  direct  one.  On  this  com- 
paratively short  journey,  however,  the  Israelites  gave  con- 
vincing proofs  of  their  lack  of  disciplined  self-control.  Before 
they  reached  their  first  halting-place  they  murmured,  and  as 
a  punishment  fire  consumed  part  of  the  camp,  and  was  only 
quenched  at  the  prayer  of  Moses.  The  place  was  known  from 
this  circumstance  as  Taberah  (burning)  (Numb.  xi.  l-3).i^ 

Immediately  after  this,  the  mixed  multitude,  which  had 
accompanied  the  Israelites  from  Egypt,  began  to  complain 
that  the  manna  was  not  proper  food  for  them,  and  induced 
the  rest  of  the  people  to  join  in  their  murmurings.  "  We 
remember,"  said  they,  "  the  fish  which  we  did  eat  in  Egypt 
for  nought,  the  cucumbers  and  the  melons  and  the  leeks  and 
the  onions  and  the  garlick,  but  now  our  soul  is  dried  away ; 
there  is  nothing  at  all ;  we  have  nought  save  this  manna  to 
look  to"  (Numb.  xi.  5,  6.) 

At  this  Moses  complained  to  Jehovah   that   the  task  of  Eldad  and 
governing  the  people  was  too  great  for  him,  and  was  ordered  Medad 
to  summon  seventy  of  the  elders  of  the  people  before  the  P^^P^^^^ 


82  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Israel  in  the  Wilderness 


83 


Miriam 

ainitt«n 


I  -  'V-  A    K  ^'"■.  "  s^  '^ 


Tent  of  Meeting,  that  they  might  be  given  a  spirit  of  wisdom 
to  assist  in  the  work  of  ruling  over  Israel.  On  the  elders 
presenting  themselves,  the  cloud  came  down  on  the  Tent  and 
the  spirit  of  Jehovah  was  poured  out  upon  them,  and  they 
prophesied,  but,  adds  the  Sacred  Record,  "  they  prophesied 
no  more."  Two  of  their  number,  named  Eldad  and  Medad, 
had  not  gone  to  the  Tent,  but  the  spirit  descended  on  them, 
and  they  also  prophesied.  This  was  told  to  Moses,  and 
Joshua,  his  minister,  full  of  zeal  for  his  master's  honour, 
said,  "My  lord  Moses,  forbid  them."  And  Moses  said, 
"  Art  thou  jealous  for  my  sake  1  would  God  that  all  the 
Lord's  people  were  prophets,  that  the  Lord  would  put  His 
spirit  upon  them."  (Numb.  xi.  11-29). 

In  accordance  with  a  promise  made  by  God,  the  wind 
brought  the  quails  in  such  abundance,  that  **  he  that  gathered 
least  gathered  ten  homers,"  but  no  sooner  was  "the  flesh 
between  their  teeth  "  than  a  plague  smote  the  people,  and 
the  place  was  known  as  Kibroth-hattaavah  (the  graves  of 
lust).     (Numb.  xi.  30-34.)  ^^ 

Hazeroth,   the    next    halting-place,    was    the    scene    of   a 
dissension  in  the  family  of  Moses.     Miriam,  his  elder  sister, 
and   Aaron,   spake   against   him    "because    of    the    Cushite 
woman  he  had  married,"  and  questioned  his  claim  to  be  the 
sole  mouthpiece  of  God  to  the  people.      "  Hath  the  Lord 
indeed  only  spoken  by  Moses  ? "  was  their  cry ;  "  hath  He 
not  spoken  also  by  us  % "     The  three  were  suddenly  summoned 
to  the  Tent  of  Meeting  by  Jehovah,  and  the  superiority  of 
Moses  to  all  others  was  plainly  declared.      Ordinary  prophets 
might  learn  the  will  of  God  by  dreams  and  visions,  but  "  My 
servant  Moses  is  not  so  ;  he  is  faithful  in  all  mine  house : 
with  him  will  I  speak  mouth  to  mouth,  even  manifestly,  and 
not  in  dark  speeches ;  and  the  form  of  the  Lord  shall  he 
behold."     As  a  sign  of  the  Divine  displeasure,  Miriam  was 
smitten    with    leprosy ;    Aaron,    awestruck    at    the    sight, 
besought  his  "  lord  Moses  "  not  to  lay  the  sin  upon  her. 
At   Moses'   intercession,   Miriam   was   healed,   but   she    had 
to    remain    outside    the    camp    for    seven    days,    nor    did 
the    people   leave   Hazeroth    till   she   had    been    readmitted 
(Numb.  xii.). 

The  Israelites  next  entered  the  wilderness  of  Paran,  "  that 


great  and  terrible  wilderness,"  as  Moses  calls  it  (Deut.  i.  1 9), 
from  whence  the  first  attempt  to  win  a  home  for  Israel  had 
to  be  made.  Before  takiug  action,  however,  Moses  chose  a 
representative  of  each  of  the  twelve  tribes,  and  sent  them 
to  spy  out  the  land.  As  the  native  inhabitants  were  cer- 
tainly well  aware  of  the  Israelites'  intention  to  attack  them, 
the  spies  were  ordered  to  go  up  into  the  mountain,  where 
they  would  be  less  likely  to  be  observed,  and  to  bring  back 
a  full  report.  "  See  the  land,  what  it  is ;  and  the  people 
that  dwelleth  therein,  whether  they  be  strong  or  weak, 
whether  they  be  few  or  many  j  and  what  the  land  is  that 
they  dwell  in,  whether  it  be  good  or  bad ;  and  what  cities 
they  be  that  they  dwell  in,  whether  in  camps  or  in  strong- 
holds, and  what  the  land  is,  whether  it  be  fat  or  lean, 
whether  there  be  wood  therein,  or  not,"  etc. 

The  spies  seem  to  have  gone  no  further  North  than 
Hebron,  and  to  have  returned  to  Kadesh  bringing  with 
them  from  the  valley  of  Eshcol  so  large  a  cluster  of  grapes, 
that  it  took  two  men  to  carry  it.  The  report  they  gave  of 
the  land  was,  according  to  one  account,*  highly  favourable. 
"It  floweth  with  milk  and  honey."  But  the  difficulty  of 
conquering  it  seemed  to  them  insuperable.  The  cities  were 
"  fenced  and  very  great,"  and  the  natives  appeared  to  be  of 
gigantic  size  and  strength.  "We  were,"  said  the  spies, 
"in  our  own  sight  as  grasshoppers,  and  so  we  were  in  their 
sight "  (Numb,  xiii.).^^ 

Again  the  people  murmured,  and  cried  in  despair,  "Our 
wives  and  our  little  ones  shall  be  a  prey :  were  it  not  better 
for  us  to  return  into  Egypt  1 "  .  .  .  "  Let  us  make  a  captain, 
and  let  us  return  into  Egypt."  Again  did  Moses  intercede 
for  Israel,  and  in  answer  to  his  prayer  the  nation  was  par- 
doned, though  the  generation,  which  had  proved  faithless  so 
often  was  informed  that  none  of  them  should  ever  see  the 
land,  except  Caleb,  the  representative  of  the  tribe  of  Judah, 
who  had  exhorted  the  people  not  to  be  discouraged  at  the 
report  of  the  spies.  To  him  Jehovah  promised  the  land 
whcreinto  he  went,  "  Because  he  had  another  spirit  with 
him,  and  hath  followed  Me  fully"  (Numb.  xiv.  24),  but  for 

*  The  narrative  followed  is  that  of  J.     In  P  the  land  is  unfavourably 
described,  and  the  spies  are  said  to  have  searched  as  far  north  as  Hamath. 


84  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Israel 
defeated 
at  Hormali 


The  forty 

years' 

wanderings 


their  lack  of  tnist  the  Israelites  were  condemned  to  wander 
for  forty  years  in  the  desert  (Numb.  xiv.  34). 

Despite  the  Divine  command,  "  Turn  ye  and  get  you  into 
the  wilderness  by  the  way  to  the  Red  Sea,"  the  Israelites 
decided  to  make  an  attempt  to  enter  Canaan.  Moses  told 
them  that,  as  "  the  Lord  was  not  among  them,"  they  would 
assuredly  suffer  defeat,  and  the  Ark  was  not  allowed  to 
accompany  the  army.  Notwithstanding  this  warning  the 
attempt  was  made  and  ended  in  disaster,  the  Amalekites 
and  Canaanites  from  their  mountain  fastnesses  chasing  their 
assailants  ''  from  Seir  to  Hormah."  "  The  Lord,"  says  Moses, 
after  speaking  of  Israel's  sin  in  the  matter  of  the  spies,  "  was 
angry  with  me  for  your  sake"  (Deut.  i.  37).  It  seems 
possible  that  the  hasty  words,  which  lost  Moses  the  privilege 
of  leading  the  people  into  the  land,  were  spoken  at  this  time. 
After  the  death  of  Miriam  in  Kadesh,  the  people  murmured 
for  lack  of  water.  When  Moses  and  Aaron  were  commanded 
to  strike  the  rock,  Moses  addressed  the  people  saying,  "  *  Hear 
now,  ye  rebels,  shall  we  bring  you  water  out  of  this  cliff?' 
And  the  Lord  said  unto  Moses  and  Aaron,  Because  ye  believed 
not  in  me,  to  sanctify  me  in  the  eyes  of  the  children  of  Israel, 
therefore  ye  shall  not  bring  this  assembly  into  the  land  which 
I  have  given  them.  These  are  the  waters  of  Meribah  (strife), 
because  the  children  of  Israel  strove  with  the  Lord  and  he 
was  sanctified  in  them  "  (Numb.  xx.  1-13).^^ 

Excluded  from  the  Promised  Land,  Israel  had  now  to  spend 
thirty-eight  years  in  wandering  through  the  desert.  Of  this 
long  period  hardly  anything  is  recorded.  All  that  is  said 
about  it  in  Moses'  last  address  to  the  people  is,  "  So  ye  abode 
in  Kadesh  many  days,  according  to  the  days  that  ye  abode 
there  "  (Deut.  i.  46).  The  lack  of  information  concerning 
Israel's  wandering  is  not  surprising.  As  God's  Chosen 
People  led  on  to  victory  by  His  visible  presence,  their  every 
movement  was  worthy  to  be  chronicled ;  but  when  the  im- 
mediate Divine  guidance  was  to  all  appearance  withdrawn, 
they  sank  to  the  level  of  a  mere  nomad  tribe  and  doubtless 
experienced  the  fluctuating  fortunes  of  a  Bedawin  horde.  As, 
at  the  expiration  of  these  penal  wanderings,  the  people  were 
still  in  Kadesh,  it  is  not  probable  that  they  went  into  the 
Eastern  desert  at  all,  but  seem  to  have  confined  themselves 


Israel  in  the  Wilderness 


85 


to  the  Badiet-etTih,  the  Wilderness  of  the  Wanderings,  to 
the  north  of  the  Sinaitic  peninsula.  Kadesh  must,  however, 
have  been  their  rallying  place,  and  in  after  days  this  spot 
was   regarded    with  almost   as   great  reverence   as    Horeb 

itself. 

But  the  ages  of  silence  in  the  history  of  the  Hebrews  were 
generally  times  of  growth.  These  thirty-eight  almost  un- 
eventful years  are  one  of  those  numerous  gaps  in  the  nation's 
history,  during  which  real  progress  was  made.  From  them 
Israel  emerged,  transformed  from  a  fugitive  body  of  slaves 
into  a  nation,  and  it  is  an  evidence  of  the  greatness  of  the 
character  of  Moses,  that  he  knew  how  to  wait  in  silence,  till 
his  people  were  ready  to  advance  to  conquest  in  obedience  to 
Jehovah's  command. 

To  this  period  of  wandering  belong  more  than  one  serious  RebeUionB 
rebellion  against  the  authority  of  Mosea.  The  tribe  of 
Reuben,  unable  to  forget  that  their  ancestor  was  the  first 
bom  of  Jacob,  resolved  to  assert  its  claim  to  the  leadership 
of  the  nation.  Accordingly  three  of  its  chieftains,  Dathan, 
Abiram,  and  On,  formed  a  conspiracy  against  Moses,  accusing 
him,  not  only  of  deceiving  the  people  by  bringing  them  into 
the  desert  on  the  pretext  of  giving  them  a  land  flowing  with 
milk  and  honey,  but  also  of  trying  to  make  himself  a  prince. 
Moses  ordered  the  people  to  separate  themselves  from  these 
rebels,  and  boldly  staked  his  authority  upon  a  manifestation 
of  Divine  vengeance — "  If  these  men  die  the  common  death 
of  all  men,  or  if  they  be  visited  after  the  visitation  of  all 
men ;  then  the  Lord  hath  not  sent  me.  But  if  the  Lord  create 
a  creation,  and  the  ground  open  her  mouth  and  swallow  them 
up,  with  all  that  appertain  unto  them,  and  they  go  down 
alive  into  Sheol :  then  ye  shall  understand  that  these  men 
have  despised  the  Lord."  This  terrible  fate  overtook  the 
Reubenite  malcontents :  as  Moses  spake,  "  the  earth  opened 
her  mouth   and  swallowed  them  up,  and  their  households " 

(Numb.  xvi.  1-35). 

Dissensions  also  arose  in  Moses'  own  tribe  of  Levi.     Korah  KoraH 
a  prominent  member  of  it  put  himself  at  the  head  of  250 
princes  of  the  congregation,  and  complained  that  Moses  and 
Aaron    took    too    much    upon   themselves   seeing    that    the 
whole  congregation  had  been  consecrated  to  God.     Korah 


86 


Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Israel  in  the  Wilderness 


87 


Last  march 
to  Canaan 


Death  of 
Aaron 


and  his  company  were  invited  to  appear  before  Jeliovah  at 
the  Tent  of  Meeting  bearing  censers,  and  **  fire  came  forth 
from  the  Lord  and  consumed  them.''^*^  When  the  people 
murmured  against  Moses  and  Aaron  saying,  "Ye  have 
killed  the  people  of  the  Lord,"  they  were  smitten  by  a  plague. 
Aaron,  however,  at  Moses'  command  took  his  censer  and 
made  atonement.  "  And  he  stood  between  the  dead  and  the 
living :  and  the  plague  was  stayed."  After  this  the  repre- 
sentative of  each  tribe  was  bidden  to  take  a  rod  and  to 
inscribe  his  name  on  it.  The  rods  were  laid  up  in  the  Tent, 
and  Aaron's  rod  for  the  tribe  of  Levi  budded  and  bore 
almonds,  in  token  that  Jehovah  had  chosen  the  tribe  of  Levi 
to  minister  to  Him.  The  rod  was  ordered  to  be  kept  in  the 
Ark  (Numb.  xvii.). 

When  the  years  of  wandering  were  ended  Moses  led  the 
Israelites  upon  the  last  stage  of  their  journey,  the  march  to 
the  Land  of  Promise.  Their  object  was  the  fords  of  the 
Jordan.  The  shortest  route  lay  through  the  territories  of 
Edom  and  Moab. 

The  country  occupied  by  Edom  extended  from  the  Red  Sea 
to  the  Gulf  of  Akabah,  and  comprised  what  is  now  known  as 
the  Wady-El-Arabah.  Edom,  at  this  time  a  beautiful  and 
extremely  fertile  district,  was  held  by  a  warlike  race  well 
able  to  protect  the  country  from  invasion.  The  Israelites 
evidently  wanted  to  enter  Edom  at  Petra,  and  to  make  their 
way  across  the  Arabah,  and  by  one  of  its  Eastern  valleys 
leading  to  the  present  pilgrim  route  from  Damascus.  An 
embassy  was  accordingly  sent  to  the  king  of  Edom  "  inform- 
ing him  how  God  had  delivered  his  brother  Israel"  from 
Egypt,  and  asking  him  for  permission  to  pass  through  his 
land.  "  We  will  not,  so  ran  the  request  of  the  Israelites,  pass 
through  field  or  through  vineyard,  neither  will  we  drink  of 
the  water  of  the  wells ;  we  will  go  along  the  king's  high- 
way, we  will  not  turn  aside  to  the  right  hand  nor  to  the  left, 
until  we  have  passed  thy  border  "  (Numb.  xx.  14  jQT.). 

The  people  had,  in  the  meantime,  advanced  as  far  as  the 
frontier,  and  halted  near  Mount  Hor,  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
the  great  fortress  of  Petra,  to  await  the  reply  of  the  Edomites. 
Here  Moses,  by  Jehovah's  command,  took  Aaron  and  his 
son  Eleazar  up  the  mountain,  and  after  Eleazar  had  been 


invested  with  the  insignia  of  the  priesthood,  Aaron  died 
"  there  on  the  top  of  the  mount,"  and  was  mourned  by  Israel 
for  thirty  days  (Numb.  xx.  24-29). 

At  this  time  Arad,  a  Canaanite  king,  attacked  the 
Israelites  and  took  some  prisoners ;  ^^  and  the  king  of  Edom 
assembled  so  formidable  an  army  to  resist  any  attempt  to 
cross  his  territory,  that  the  only  way  open  to  Israel  was  to 
turn  southward  to  the  Gulf  of  Akabah,  and  from  thence 
to  reach  their  destination  by  the  Eastern  border  of  Edom 
(Numb.  xxi.  1-3).  The  journey  was  a  terrible  one  ;  and,  as 
usual,  the  people  murmured  against  Moses.  As  a  punish- 
ment fiery  serpents  were  sent,  and  when  the  people  repented, 
Moses  was  instructed  to  make  an  image  of  a  serpent  and  to 
set  it  upon  a  standard.  *'  And  it  shall  come  to  pass,  that 
every  one  that  is  bitten  when  he  seeth  it  shall  live  "  (Numb, 
xxi.  8).22 

When  the  weary  travellers  reached  the  border  of  Moab, 
the  following  halting-places  are  recorded  in  the  book  of 
Numbers.  (1)  Oboth,  lye-Abarim,  "  in  the  wilderness  which 
is  before  Moab,  toward  the  sunrising,"  (2)  the  valley  of 
Zered,  (3)  the  river  Arnon,  on  '*  the  border  of  Moab,  between 
Moab  and  the  Amorites.  Wherefore  it  is  said  in  the  book  of 
the  Wars  of  Jehovah  : — 

"  Wahab  in  Sufeh 
And  the  valleys  of  Arnon, 
And  the  slope  of  the  valleys 
That  inclineth  toward  the  dwellingg  of  Ar, 
And  leaneth  upon  the  border  of  Moab  "  (Numb.  xxi.  14).** 

(4)  Beer  (a  well),  so  called  because  here  water  was  obtained 
by  the  labour  of  the  people,  in  which  their  chiefs  heartily 
joined.     A  short  poem  commemorates  the  event. 

"  Spring  up,  0  well ;  sing  ye  unto  it : 
The  well  which  the  princes  digged, 
Which  the  nobles  of  the  people  delved, 
With  the  sceptre,  and  with  their  staves  " 

(Numb.  xxi.  17-18). 

Finally,  after  encamping  at  (5)  Mattanah,  (6)  Nahaliel, 
(7)  Bamoth,  Israel  reached  (8)  "  the  valley  that  is  in  the  field 
of  Moab,  and  (9)  "  the  top  of  Pisgah  which  looketh  down 


88 


Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Israel  in  the  Wilderness 


89 


Bilioii 
defeated 


upon  Jeshimon."     The  days  of  wandering  were  at  an  end ; 
the  hour  of  conquest  had  come. 

Sihon,  an  Amorite  king,  had  succeeded  in  capturing 
several  of  the  cities  of  the  Moabites,  and  was  reigning  in 
Hesbon  over  a  territory  extending  southward  to  the  Arnon. 
To  this  king  the  Israelites  preferred  the  same  request  as  had 
been  made  to  the  Edomites.  No  prohibition,  however,  to 
use  force  in  case  of  necessity  prevented  them  from  attacking 
Sihon,  when  he  led  his  army  against  them  as  far  as  Jahaz 
on  the  southern  bank  of  the  Arnon.  Here  a  battle  between 
the  Israelite  and  Amorite  forces  took  place,  in  which  the 
Chosen  People  gained  their  first  victory  since  the  discom- 
fiture of  Amalek  at  Rephidim,  thus  becoming  masters  of  the 
whole  territory  of  Sihon.  They  were  now  able  to  establish 
themselves  by  the  Jordan  in  the  plains  of  Moab,  a  little  to 
the  north  of  the  Dead  Sea,  their  encampment  extending 
northwards  from  Beth-Jeshimon  to  Abel-Shittim.  They  did 
not  enter  the  country  of  the  Ammonites  "  for  the  border  of 
the  children  of  Ammon  was  strong"  (Numb.  xxi.  21-24). 
Israel  en-  The    encampment  on    the    Plains   of    Moab   is  of   equal 

^SfJ^i?«*r     importance  with  those  at  Mount  Sinai  and  Kadesh.     Here 

tne  Plains  of^j  ji  i»-r»i  •  ii* 

Moab  ^od  turned  the  curse  of  Balaam  into  a  blessing,  and  from 

thence  the  armies  of  Israel  advanced  to  attack  Midian,  and 

to   conquer   Bashan.        Here    Moses    delivered    his    solemn 

farewell  address  to  Israel,  and  in  the  neighbouring  mountain 

of   Nebo   the  great  leader  died.      It  was  in   the  plains  of 

Moab  also  that  Joshua  received  his  commission  to  lead  Israel 

across  the  Jordan  to  the  conquest  of  the  land. 

Baadiaa  Masters  of  the  territory  of  Sihon,  the  Israelites  now  began 

conquered         ^  campaign  against  Og,  the  king  of  Bashan,  which  ended  in  his 

defeat  at  Edrei.     No  less   than  seventy  walled  cities  were 

seized  by  the  victorious  Israelites,  who  by  this  means  became 

possessed  of  Eastern  Palestine  from  the  Arnon  to  the  snow-clad 

mountain  of  Hermon.     Og  was  the  last  of  the  Rephaim,  an 

aboriginal  race  believed  to  have  been  of  gigantic  stature,  and 

his  "  bedstead  or  sarcophagus  of  basalt "  was  shown  in  Rabbath 

Ammon  in  the  seventh  century  B.C.  (Numb.  xxi.  33-35  ;  Deut. 

iii.  1-11).      Part  of  his  territory  was  subsequently  occupied  by 

Jair,  the  son  of  Manasseh,  who  gave  to  the  district  the  name 

of  Havvoth-Jair  (Numb,  xxxii.  41-42  ;  Judg.  x.  4).^ 


As  in  the  case  of  Israel's  departure  from  Egypt,  the  Balaam 
principal  adversaries  of  Jehovah's  people  had  been  the 
magicians  of  that  country,  so  a  contest  with  the  greatest 
soothsayer  of  the  East  preceded  their  entrance  into  the 
Promised  Land.  The  discomfiture  of  Balaam  was  remem- 
bered as  Israel's  crowning  triumph,  and  in  the  eighth 
century  B.C.,  the  prophet  Micah  alludes  to  it  as  an  example 
of  Jehovah's  special  favour  to  His  people  (Micah  vi.  5). 

Balak,  king  of  Moab,  apprehensive  of  the  power  of  Israel 
as  shown  in  the  complete  overthrow  of  Sihon,  declared, 
"  Now  shall  this  assembly  lick  up  all  that  is  round  about  us 
as  the  ox  licketh  up  the  grass  of  the  field."  Convinced  of 
the  futility  of  any  attempt  to  meet  the  army  of  Israel  in  the 
field,  the  king  resolved  to  call  to  his  aid  a  powerful  prophet 
named  Balaam,  who  dwelt  at  Pethor,  by  the  Euphrates, 
requesting  him  to  curse  the  people,  in  order  that  by  this 
means  he  might  be  able  to  expel  them  from  the  territory  of 
Moab ;  '*  For,"  said  Balak,  *'  I  know  that  he  whom  thou 
blessest  is  blessed,  and  he  whom  thou  cursest  is  cursed." 
Envoys  were  sent  to  Balaam,  "  with  the  rewards  of  divina- 
tion in  their  hands."  At  first  the  prophet  was  forbidden  by 
God  to  go,  but  when  a  second  embassy  of  Moabite  princes, 
"  more  and  more  honourable  "  than  the  first,  arrived,  Balaam 
bade  them  wait  for  a  night,  to  see  whether  God  would  allow 
him  to  accompany  them.  On  this  occasion  he  was  permitted 
to  go  to  Balak,  but  God  warned  him,  "  Only  the  word  which 
I  speak  unto  thee  that  shalt  thou  do." 

On  Balaam's  journey  the  Angel  of  Jehovah  withstood  him, 
and,  as  a  sign,  the  ass,  on  which  the  prophet  rode,  was  made 
to  speak,  and  to  rebuke  his  madness  in  defying  the  Divine 
command. 

The  king  of  Moab  met  Balaam  at  his  city  of  Kiriath- 
huzoth,  and  the  next  morning  led  him  to  the  heights  of  Baal, 
which  overlooked  a  part  of  the  encampment  of  Israel.  By 
the  prophet's  orders  seven  altars  were  erected,  and  seven 
bullocks  and  seven  rams  oflTered  upon  each  of  them.  Balaam 
then  uttered  his  first  prophecy  with  the  question,  "  How 
shall  I  curse  whom  God  hath  not  cursed  1  And  how  shall  I 
defy  whom  the  Lord  hath  not  defied  ?  "  Israel,  he  foretold, 
would  be  countless  as  the  dust,  yet  "  a  people  that  dwell 


go  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Israel  in  the  Wilderness 


91 


alone,  and  shall  not  be  reckoned  among  the  nations  "  (Numb. 

xxiii.  8-10). 

The  second  prophecy  was  delivered  after  similar  sacrifices 
had  been  offered  in  the  "  Field  of  the  watchmen  "  (Zophim). 
Balak  conducted  the  prophet  to  this  place  in  the  hope  that 
he  might  be  allowed  to  curse  only  a  part  of  Israel.  This 
time  Balaam  addressed  Balak  in  terms  of  rebuke :  "  Rise  up, 
Balak,  and  hear ;  hearken  unto  me,  thou  son  of  Zippor  :  God 
is  not  man  that  He  should  lie;  neither  the  son  of  man  that 
He  should  repent."  In  words  like  those  with  which  Moses 
blessed  the  tribe  of  Joseph,  the  prophet  compares  Israel  to  a 
wild  ox,  and,  re-echoing  Jacob's  blessing  of  Judah,  he  says, 
**  Behold  the  people  riseth  up  as  a  lioness,  and  as  a  lion  doth 
he  lift  himself  up"  (Numb,  xxiii.  19-24). 

Horrified  at  such  blessings  being  bestowed  on  his  enemies, 
Balak  cried,  "Neither  curse  them  at  all,  nor  bless  them  at 
all ; "  but  Balaam  answered  that  he  had  already  warned  him, 
"  AH  that  Jehovah  speaketh  that  must  I  do."  In  despair 
the  king  of  Moab  led  the  seer  up  "  to  the  top  of  Peor  that 
looketh  down  on  Jeshimon,"  perhaps  to  the  very  place  from 
which  Moses  afterwards  saw  the  Land  of  Promise.  The 
whole  encampment  was  now  visible  to  Balaam,  and  he 
cried — 

"  How  goodly  are  thy  tents,  0  Jacob, 
Thy  tabernacles,  0  Israel ! 
As  valleys  are  they  spread  forth, 
As  gardens  by  the  river  side.  ..."  (Numb.  xxiv.  5-6). 

Again  the  words  of  the  second  prophecy  were  repeated,  with 
the  addition  of  the  blessing  God  had  given  to  Abraham, 
*'  Blessed  be  every  one  that  blesseth  thee,  and  cursed  be 
every  one  that  curseth  thee  "  (Numb.  xxiv.  9). 

Then,  as  Balak  "smote  his  hands  together,"  and  in  his 
wrath  bade  Balaam  "  Flee  to  thy  place  :  I  thought  to  promote 
thee  to  great  honour;  but  lo,  the  Lord  hath  kept  thee  back 
from  honour,"  Balaam  said,  "  Behold  I  go  unto  my  people  : 
come  and  I  will  advertise  thee  what  this  people  shall  do  to 
thy  people  in  the  latter  days." 

The  seer  now  looks  into  the  distant  future. 


Uidianitei 


**  I  see  him,  but  not  now  ; 
I  behold  him,  but  not  nigh  ; 
There  shall  come  forth  a  star  out  of  Jacob, 
And  a  sceptre  shall  rise  out  of  Israel." 

The  star  is  the  world-subduing  Conqueror,  before  whom  Moab 
and  Edom  are  destined  to  perish.  Israel  will  then  do 
valiantly,  whilst  Amalek,  "the  first  of  the  nations,"  falls, 
and  the  rock  fortress  of  Kain  no  longer  protects  him. 
Asshur  next  appears  as  a  conquering  people,  and  at  last  from 
the  unknown  West  the  ships  of  new  nations  appear  (Numb. 
xxiv.  l7-24).25 

"  And,"  adds  the  Sacred  Narrative,  "  Balaam  rose  up,  and 
went  and  returned  to  his  place  :  and  Balak  also  went  his  way." 

Israel  after  hearing  the  voice  of  God  on  Sinai  was  guilty   Baal-Peor 
of  worshipping  Him  under  the  degraded  form  of  a  Calf,  and   ^^^^ 
now,  scarce   had  the   blessings  of   Jehovah   pronounced   by 
Balaam's  unwilling  lips  died  away,  than  the  people  practised 
the  impure  rites  of  the  Baal  of  Peor.     For  this  terrible  re- 
lapse into  idolatry  Moses  was   commanded,    "Take   all   the 
chiefs  of  the  people,  and  hang  them  up  unto  the  Lord  before 
the  sun,  that  the  fierce  anger  of  the  Lord  may  turn  away 
from  Israel."     It  is  said  that  the  Midianites,  at  the  instiga- 
tion of  Balaam,  led  the  Israelites  astray  on  this  occasion,  and 
that  Phinehas,  the  grandson  of  Aaron,  executed  judgment  on 
a  guilty  Israelite  by  name  Zimri,  and  his  Midianitish  paramour. 
For  this  he  was  rewarded  by  the  promise  of  an  everlasting 
priesthood  (Numb.  xxv.  13  P,  Ps.  cvi.  30,  31).     Israel,  it  is 
further  related,  undertook  a  war  of  vengeance  against   the 
Midianites,  for  seducing  the  people  into  so  great  a  sin  against 
J  ehovah.    The  manner  in  which  this  is  related  shows  the  differ- 
ence between  the  more  primitive  and  the  priestly  method  of 
relating  history.     The   Midianites  are   said   in  the   Priests' 
Code  to  have  been  defeated  without  Israel's  losing  a  man, 
this  bloodless   victory  being  followed  by  a  general  massacre 
of  all  except  the  female  children.     The  conquerors,  however, 
were  ordered  to  take  great  care  to  secure  ceremonial  purity 
after  their  work  of  vengeance;  elaborate  directions   being 
given   as  to  the  way  in  which  the  booty  was  to  be  purged 
before  use.      The  whole  passage  is  illustrative  of  the  legalism 
of  a  later  age,  and  is  surely  one  which  can  without  offence  be 


92  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Israel  in  the  Wilderness 


93 


Reuben  and 
Gad  given 
tlie  lands  of 
Silion  and  Og 


Death  of 
Moses 


relegated  to  a  comparatively  late  period  in  the   history  of 
Judaism  (Numb.  xxv. — xxxi.  P).^ 

Only  one  more  act  is  recorded  of  Moses,  the  grant  of  the 
conquered  lands  of  Sihon  and  Og  to  the  tribes  of  Reuben 
and  Gad,  on  condition  of  their  sending  warriors  to  help  in 
the  conquest  of  Western  Palestine.  In  his  address  to  them 
the  aged  prophet  admonished  the  tribes,  who  had  thus  re- 
ceived inheritances,  to  be  true  to  their  promise,  adding  the 
solemn  adjuration,  "  But  if  ye  will  not  do  so,  behold  ye  have 
sinned  against  the  Lord  :  and  be  sure  your  sin  will  find  you 
out"  (Heb.  Consider  the  guilt  which  will  come  upon  you) 
(Numb,  xxxii.  23). 

It  was  believed  that  Moses  before  his  death  assembled  the 
people  in  the  Plains  of  Moab,  and  delivered  to  them  as  a 
last  charge  the  discourses  contained  in  the  fifth  book  of  tho 
Pentateuch;  the  "second  law"  as  the  Alexandrian  trans- 
lators term  it.  The  date  of  the  compilation  of  the  book  of 
Deuteronomy,  one  of  the  most  spiritual  in  all  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, is  still  a  matter  of  controversy,  but  the  teaching  it 
contains  is  worthy  of  being  an  embodiment  of  the  last  words 
of  the  great  lawgiver.  At  the  end  of  this  book  are  two 
poems  attributed  to  Moses  :  the  Song,  which  he,  and  Joshua 
the  son  of  Nun,  **  spake  in  the  ears  of  all  the  people  "  (Deut 
xxxii.),  and  the  "  Blessing,  wherewith  Moses  the  man  of  God 
blessed  the  children  of  Israel  before  his  death  "  (Deut.  xxxiii.) 
The  ninetieth  Psalm,  one  of  the  most  solemn  and  beautiful 
meditations  on  the  brevity  of  human  life,  is  called,  "The 
prayer  of  Moses  the  man  of  God." 

At  last  Moses  at  God's  command  went  up  from  the  plains 
of  Moab  unto  Mount  Nebo,  to  the  top  of  Pisgah.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  wanderings  he  ascended  the  Mount  of  the 
Law,  at  the  close  he  went  up  Nebo,  the  Mount  of  Prophecy, 
destined  in  after  days  to  be  chosen  for  the  ascension  of 
Elijah  unto  heaven  (Numb,  xxiii.  14;  2  Kings  ii.  11),  and 
recently  the  scene  of  Balaam's  unwilling  blessing  upon  Israel. 
From  the  summit  Moses  saw  the  nation  he  had  led  so  faith- 
fully, and  beyond  the  camp  of  Israel  the  Land  which  the 
people  were  to  receive  from  Jehovah.  The  lawgiver's  eye 
undimmed  by  age  saw  it  all.  "  The  l&nd  of  Gilead  unto  Dan, 
and  all  Naphtali,  and  the  land  of  Ephraim  and  Manasseh, 


and  all  the  land  of  Judah  unto  the  Western  Sea ;  and  the 
Negeb,  and  the  Arabah  of  the  valley  of  Jericho,  the  city  of 
palm  trees,  unto  Zoar."  There  in  view  of  the  Land  which  he 
had  sought,  but  might  not  enter,  Moses  died  and  was  buried 
"  in  the  valley  in  the  land  of  Moab  over  against  Beth-Peor," 
the  scene  of  Israel's  sin.  The  tombs  of  Abraham  and  Isaac, 
and  the  sepulchre  of  Aaron  are  still  the  objects  of  pious  or 
superstitious  veneration;  but  of  Moses  it  is  said,  "no  man 
knoweth  of  his  sepulchre  unto  this  day."  Yet,  as  the  un- 
known writer  of  the  seventh  century  B.C.  remarks,  "  There 
hath  not  arisen  a  prophet  since  in  Israel  like  unto  Moses, 
whom  the  Lord  knew  face  to  face"  (Deut.  xxxiv.  10).  Nor 
did  there,  till  One  came  who  said  of  the  great  Lawgiver, 
"  He  wrote  of  Me  "  (John  v.  46). 


Israel  In 

Eastern 
Palestine 


Josbua 


Chapter   V 

The  Conquest  and  Settlement  of 

Canaan 

At  the  time  of  the  death  of  Moses  the  Israelites  were 
already  in  possession  of  a  considerable  tract  of  country ; 
but  it  was  not  in  Eastern  Palestine  that  the  nation  could 
hope  to  work  out  its  high  destiny.  It  was  necessary  for  the 
progress  of  Israel,  that  the  nomadic  habits  of  their  ancestors 
should  be  abandoned  for  the  settled  life  of  an  agricultural 
community.  Moses,  reared  as  he  had  been  in  the  midst  of 
Egyptian  civilization,  could  hardly  have  desired  his  country- 
men to  know  nothing  better  than  the  undisciplined  life  of 
the  Bedawin,  and  he  naturally  set  before  Israel  the  idea  of 
possessing  a  country,  in  which  an  organized  national  life 
could  be  attained.  So  successful  were  his  labours,  that  only 
two  tribes  were  satisfied  with  continuing  to  lead  a  pastoral 
life  in  Eastern  Palestine,  and  these  were  ready  to  help  their 
brethren  to  a  settlement  in  the  country  protected  from  the 
marauders  of  the  deserts  by  the  deep  trench  of  the  Jordan 
valley. 

The  tents  of  Israel  at  this  time  extended  from  the  shores 
of  the  Dead  Sea  to  Abel-Shittim,  a  distance  of  over  six 
miles  (Numb,  xxxiii.  49).  Across  the  Jordan  lay  Jericho, 
a  Canaanite  city,  the  possession  of  which  was  indispensable 
to  the  attainment  of  a  firm  footing  in  Western  Palestine. 
It  was  spring ;  the  time  at  which  the  river  overflows  its 
banks,  and  consequently,  the  inhabitants  of  the  west  country, 
deeming  the  Jordan  to  be  unfordable,  were  little  apprehen- 
sive of  an  invasion  from  the  east  (Josh.  iii.  15). 

Moses  had  been  succeeded  by  Joshua,  his  faithful  com- 
panion, who  throughout  the  desert  wanderings  had  borne  the 
title  of  his  "  minister."      The  name  of  Joshua  shows  that 

94 


Conquest  and  Settlement  of  Canaan       95 


the  bearer  of  it  was  a  devoted  worshipper  of  Jehovah  ;  for,  by 
Moses'  command,  the  Divine  Name  had  been  added  to  his 
original  designation ;  Hoshea  being  changed  into  Joshua 
(Jehovah  is  Salvation)  (Numb.  xii.  16).^  This  practice,  com- 
mon in  later  times,  was  most  unusual  throughout  this  age ; 
not  even  the  sons  of  Aaron  being  called  by  names  com- 
pounded with  that  of  the  God  of  Israel. 

Joshua's  first  act  was  to  send  two  spies  to  Jericho  to  The  Spies 
obtain  information.  These  sought  a  lodging  in  the  house  of  ^®^*  *° 
Kahab  the  harlot.  She  was  a  member  of  a  family  well 
known  in  Jericho,  and  being  convinced  that  the  Israelites 
were  destined  to  prevail  over  her  countrymen,  she  refused  to 
surrender  the  spies  to  the  emissaries  of  the  king  of  Jericho, 
concealing  them  among  the  flax  stalks  lying  on  her  roof. 
In  return  for  this  service  they  swore  to  preserve  her  and 
her  relatives,  when  the  city  should  be  taken.  As  Rahab's 
house  was  on  the  wall,  she  was  able  to  facilitate  the  escape 
of  the  spies  from  the  city,  and  by  her  advice  they  hid  them- 
selves in  the  mountains  above  Jericho,  till  the  men  sent  by 
the  king  to  pursue  them  had  returned  from  searching  the 
valley  as  far  as  the  fords  of  Jordan. 

It  had  been  agreed  between  the  spies  and  their  hostess 
that  when  the  city  should  be  sacked  Rahab's  house  should 
be  known  by  a  scarlet  cord,  and  that  the  lives  of  all  those 
found  in  it  should  be  preserved.  On  their  arrival  at  the 
camp,  the  spies  assured  Joshua,  "Truly  the  Lord  hath 
delivered  into  our  hands  all  the  land,  and  moreover  all  the 
inhabitants  of  the  land  do  melt  away  before  us  "  (Josh.  ii.). 

Joshua  and  his  army  now  marched  about  six  miles  from   Joshua 
Shittim  to  t^^.e  Jordan,  and  remained  encamped  on  the  very  crosses  the 
brink  of  the  river  for  three  days  before  the  order  was  given  ^^^^^^ 
to  make  the  passage.    At  the  word  of  command  the  Levitical 
priests  advanced  bearing  the  sacred  Ark,  and  as  their  feet 
touched  the  water,  the  stream  was  stayed  at  a  place  called 
Adam,  about  seventeen  miles  north  of  Jericho,  and  thev  and 
all  the  people  passed  over  on  dry  ground.     Twelve  stones, 
borne  before  the  Ark  by  representatives  of  the  tribes,  were 
set  up  where  the  Israelites  encamped   that   night,   to  be  a 
perpetual  memorial  of  this  miraculous  passage  of  the  Jordan  * 
(Josh,  iii.,  iv.). 


g6  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Camp  at 
Gilgal 


Jericlio 


Joshua's 
vision 


Jericho 
destroyed 


The  spot  chosen  for  the  first  camp  of  Israel  is  said  to  have 
been  called  Gilgal,  because  there  all  who  had  been  born  in 
the  desert,  were  circumcised,  and  Jehovah  said,  "This  day 
have  I  rolled  away  (gallothi)  the  reproach  of  Egypt  from  oflf 
you."  Here  also  the  Passover  was- kept,  and  as  the  manna 
had  ceased  the  Israelites  began  to  eat  the  com  of  the  land 
(Josh.  V.  2-12). 

Jericho  was  evidently  regarded  by  the  invaders  as  a  most 
formidable  obstacle,  for  while  the  city  stood  they  had  no 
hope  of  gaining  possession  of  the  high  lands  beyond,  from 
which  the  rest  of  Canaan  had  to  be  attacked.  A  solemn 
vow  must  have  been  taken  at  Gilgal  to  make  no  profit  out 
of  the  fall  of  the  city,  but  to  consecrate  everything  to 
Jehovah,  if  He  would  but  deliver  Jericho  to  Israel.  No  living 
thing  was  to  be  spared ;  the  silver,  gold,  bronze,  and  iron 
were  to  be  given  to  the  service  of  the  Sanctuary.  This 
practice  was  not  infrequent,  and  the  violation  of  an  oath 
devoting  an  enemy  and  his  possessions  to  Jehovah  for 
destruction,   was  regarded  as  the  most  serious  of  crimes.^ 

A  vision  prepared  Joshua  for  his  enterprise  against 
Jericho.  Seeing  a  man  standing  with  a  drawn  sword  in  his 
hand,  he  asked  him,  "  Art  thou  for  us  or  for  our  adversaries  1 " 
and  received  the  mysterious  answer,  **  Nay,  but  as  Captain  of 
the  host  of  the  Lord  am  I  now  come."  Joshua  was  then 
commanded  to  put  off  his  shoes,  for  he  stood  on  holy  ground 
(Josh.  V.  13-15). 

Jericho  was  now  formally  invested,  '*  None  went  out  and 
none  came  in."  The  history  of  its  capture  is  related  in 
poetical  language.  For  six  days  did  the  priests  of  Jehovah 
bear  the  sacred  Ark  around  the  walls,  followed  by  the  army 
in  solemn  silence,  and  on  the  seventh  day  Joshua  ordered  his 
men,  "Shout,  for  the  Lord  hath  given  you  the  city."  At 
the  shout  of  Israel  the  walls  of  Jericho  fell  down,  and  all 
the  inhabitants  were  put  to  the  sword.  Everything  was 
"devoted,"  no  captives  might  be  taken  as  slaves,  nor 
might  a  head  of  cattle  be  driven  away.  The  city  was 
burned  to  the  ground,  and  a  solemn  curse  pronounced  on 
the  man  who  should  presume  to  rebuild  it.  The  death  of 
his  first-born  was  the  price  to  be  paid  by  one  presumptuous 
enough  to  lay  its  foundations ;   the  loss  of  the  youngest  son 


Conquest  and  Settlement  of  Canaan        97 


must  follow  the  setting  up  of  the  gates  (1  Kings  xvi.  34). 
The  oath  to  Rahab  was  scrupulously  observed,  and  she  was 
not  only  given  her  life,  but  was  recognised  as  a  member  of 
the  nation,  her  descendants  being  incorporated  with  Israel,  for 
it  is  said  ''She  dwelleth  in  Israel  unto  this  day"  *  (Josh,  vi.) 

With  Jericho  in  ashes  behind  them  the  victorious  Israelites,   Israel 
by  the  advice  of  their  scouts,  determined  to  assault  Ai,  a  repulsed 
small  city  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bethel.     The  place  was  **  ^ 
so  weak  that  Joshua  was  advised  to  send  no  more  than  three 
thousand  men  from  Gilgal  against  it,  but  these  completely 
failed  to  take  the  town,  being  ignominiously  put  to  flight  by 
the  inhabitants. 

The  Israelites  were  filled  with  despondency  :  "  The  hearts 
of  the  people  melted  and  became  as  water."  Joshua  and  the 
elders  remained  all  day  prostrate  before  the  Ark  with  rent 
garments  and  dust  on  their  heads,  and  were  told,  "  There  is  a 
devoted  thing  in  the  midst  of  thee,  0  Israel,  thou  canst  not 
stand  before  thine  enemies,  until  ye  take  away  the  devoted 
thing  from  among  you  "  (Josh.  vii.  2-15). 

To  ascertain  the  guilty  person  each   tribe  was  brought  Achan's 
before  Jehovah.    By  the  casting  of  lots,  or  some  other  similar  trespass 
method,  the  tribe  of  Judah  was  taken.     The  clans  of  the 
tribe   next   presented   themselves,   and   the    Zerahites    were 
indicated.       Of  the  Zerahites  the  guilt  was  declared  to  be  in 
the  family  of  Zabdi.     Finally,  when  the  house  of  Zabdi  were 
put  to  the  ordeal,  Achan,  the  son  of  Carmi,  was  pronounced 
to  be  the  culprit.     Joshua  begged  the  unhappy  man  to  **  give 
honour  to  the  God   of  Israel"   by  confessing   his  sin,  and 
Achan  admitted  that  he  had  stolen  from  the  spoils  of  Jericho 
a  mantle  from  Shinar,  two  hundred  shekels  of  silver,  and  a 
bar  of  gold  weighing  fifty  shekels.     From  the  camp  of  Gilgal 
he   was   led  up   towards    Jericho    to    the    gloomy  valley  of 
Achor  (trouble)^  and  Joshua  sternly  asked,  "  Why  hast  thou 
troubled  us  1    The  Lord  shall  trouble  thee  this  day."    Achan's 
plunder  was  then  burned,  and  he  with  all  his  family  were 
stoned.     A  great  cairn  was  raised  over  the  spot,  and  from 
this  circumstance  the  valley  is  said  to  have  received  its  name 
of  Achor  (Josh.  vii.  16-26 ;  Hosea  ii.  15).^ 

Joshua   now   made   a  second  attempt  upon  Ai,  and  this  Ai  taktn 
time  he  received  a  Divine  warning  to  take  every  precaution 


The  assembly 
at  Shechem 


The 
QibeoniUs 


98  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

to  render  it  successful.    Placing  an  ambush  of  three  thousand  « 
men  to  the  west  of  the  city,  he  attacked  it  with  the  rest  ot 
his    army.      Again    the    Israelites    were    driven   back,    and 
pursued  by  the  defenders,  who,  in  the  excitement  of  victory, 
left  the  town  unguarded.     The  men  in  ambush  thereupon 
rushed  in  and  set  Ai  on  fire  ;  and  when  they  saw  the  smoke 
rise  up  from  the  city,  the  rest  of  the  Israelites  took  courage 
and  turned  on  their  pursuers.      The  army  of  Ai,  discouraged 
by  the  loss  of  their  town,  was  hemmed  in  by  the  Israelites  and 
utterly  annihilated;  the  inhabitants  were  all  put  to  the  sword. 
Ai,  whose  very  name  means  ruins,  was  made  a  heap  for  ever 
{Tel  Olam)y  and  its  king  was  brought  before  Joshua  and  hung. 
His  body  was  taken  down  at  sunset,  and  a  great  mound  raised 
over  it  at  the  gate  of  his  ruined  city  ^  (Josh.  viii.  1-29).       ^ 
The  Deuteronomist  says  that  after  the  destruction  of  Ai, 
Joshua  led   the   Israelites  to   Shechem,  and,  in   accordance 
with  the  command  of  Jehovah  to  Moses,  built  an  altar  of 
unhewn  stones  and  "  offered  burnt  offerings  and  slew  peace 
offerings."     On  the  stones  he  wrote  a  copy  of  the  Law  of 
Moses,    and    after    stationing    half    the    people    on    Mount 
Gerizim,  and  half  on  Mount  Ebal,  the  blessings  and  curses 
were  recited.     This  incident  implies  a  long  march  through  an 
unconquered  country,  and  would  appear  to  be  historically  im- 
possible, were  it  not  for  the  fact  that  in  the  book  of  Joshua 
nothing  whatever  is  said  of  the  conquest  of  the  territory  after- 
wards given  to  Ephraim  and  Manasseh  on  the  west  of  Jordan, 
though"  it  is  assumed  to  have  been  one  of  the  few  assured 
posselisions  of  Israel  at  Joshua's  death  »  (Josh.  viii.  30-35).* 
The   Israelites  next  made  an  alliance  with  four  cities  to 
the  south-west  of  Ai,  confederated  under  the  leadership  of 
Gibeon.     It  is  related  that  a  treaty  so  contrary  to  the  spirit 
of   the  command  to  have   no   dealings  with  the  Canaanite 
population  was  obtained  by  craft.     The  Gibeonites  pretended 
to  have  come  from  a  distant  land  and  appeared  in  the  guise 
of  travellers  whose  clothes  and  provision  showed  traces  of  a 
long  and  weary  journey.     The  people  rashly  pledged  them- 
selves by  oath   to   enter  into  a  treaty  with  the  Gibeonites, 
and  not  even  the  discovery  of  the  fraud  could  annul  their 
•  Though  Shechem  is  especially  described  as  a  Canaanitish  town  in 
the  days  of  Abiniolech  the  son  of  Gideon. 


Conquest  and  Settlement  of  Canaan         99 


obligation  to  do  so.  The  lives  and  cities  of  the  Gibeonites 
were  spared,  but  as  a  punishment  for  their  deceit  they  were 
made  slaves  to  the  Sanctuary  of  Jehovah.  By  this  alliance 
Israel  obtained  a  foothold  in  the  Hill  Country  (Josh.  ix.). 

The  news  that  a  treaty  had  been  made  between  the  The  five  kings 
Gibeonites  and  Israelites  was  the  signal  for  war  in  Southern 
Canaan.  Five  Amorite  kings  attacked  the  allies  of  Israel, 
who  at  once  summoned  Joshua  to  their  aid.  The  cities  of 
the  five  kings  did  not,  like  those  of  the  Gibeonites,  lie  within 
a  few  miles  of  one  another,  but  covered  a  wide  area. 
Jerusalem  is  nineteen  miles  from  Hebron,  and  Jarmuth  lies 
to  the  west,  at  a  distance  of  fifteen  miles  from  either  city. 
Lachish  and  Eglon  were  contiguous  to  one  another,  and  were 
situated  eighteen  miles  due  west  of  Hebron.  Well  might  the 
Gibeonites  say  in  their  message  to  Joshua,  "  Slack  not  thy 
hand  from  thy  servants ;  come  up  to  us  quickly,  and  save  us 
and  help  us:  for  all  the  kings  of  the  Amorites  that  dwell  in  the 
hill  country  are  gathered  together  against  us"  (Josh.  x.  1-6). 

Joshua  made  a  night  march  from  the  Israelite  camp  at 
Gilgal,  reaching  Gibeon  before  the  Amorites  were  aware  of 
his  approach.  The  battle  that  ensued  secured  the  hills  for 
the  invaders.  The  Amorites,  in  their  endeavour  to  reach 
the  Shephelah,  fled  north-westward  by  way  of  the  descent  of 
Beth-horon.  There  a  terrific  storm  burst  upon  the  panic- 
stricken  army.  "  The  Lord,"  it  is  said,  "  cast  down  great 
stones  from  heaven  upon  them  unto  Azekah." 

The  five  kings  fled  to  Makkedah,  a  town  not  far  from  the 
coast,  and  there  took  refuge  in  a  cave,  but  even  the  news  of 
their  capture  did  not  prevent  Joshua  from  completing  his 
work  of  destruction.  "  Roll,"  said  he,  "  great  stones  unto 
the  mouth  of  the  cave,  and  set  men  by  it  for  to  keep  them ; 
but  stay  not  ye  ;  pursue  after  your  enemies ;  and  smite  the 
hindmost  of  them :  suffer  them  not  to  enter  into  their  cities, 
for  the  Lord  your  God  hath  delivered  them  into  your  hand." 
It  was  not  till  victory  was  assured,  and  "  none  moved  his 
tongue  against  any  of  the  children  of  Israel,"  that  Joshua 
came  to  the  camp  at  Makkedah,  and  ordered  the  five  kings 
to  be  brought  out  of  the  cave.  As  a  sign  that  Israel  would 
in  the  end  subdue  the  whole  land,  Joshua  made  the  Hebrew 
chieftains  put  their  feet  on  the  necks  of  the  captives   saying, 


I  oo       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


"Stasring"  of 
the  Sun  and 
Moon 


Conquest 
of  Judali 


"  Be  strong  and  of  good  courage,  for  thus  shall  the  Lord  do 
to  all  your  enemies  against  whom  ye  fight."  The  fate  of 
the  five  kings  was  the  same  as  that  of  the  king  of  Ai,  they 
were  slain,  and  their  corpses,  after  being  exposed  on  a 
gallows,  were  flung  into  the  cave,  in  which  they  had  taken 
refuge  (Josh.  x.  7-27). 

It  was  on  the  occasion  of  this  battle,  one  of  the  most 
decisive  of  all  Israel's  victories,  that  Joshua,  in  the  words 
of  the  ancient  book  of  Jashar,  prayed,  saying : — 

"  Sun,  stand  thou  still  upon  Gibeon  ; 
And  thou,  moon,  in  the  valley  of  Ajalon. 
And  the  sun  stood  still,  and  the  moon  stayed. 
Until  the  nation  had  avenged  herself  of  their  enemies. 

And  there  was  no  day  like  that  before  it  or  after  it, 

That  the  Lord  listened  to  a  man's  voice  : 

For  the  Lord  fought  for  Israel "  (Josh.  x.  12,  H).» 

This  may  be  considered  to  be  the  end  of  Joshua*s  first 
campaign.  The  camps  at  Makkedah  and  Gilgal  gave  the 
invaders  an  iron  grip  on  the  Highlands  of  Central  Palestine, 
by  making  them  masters  of  the  path  of  Beth-horon,  which 
gave  access  to  the  Shephelah  on  the  west,  and  of  the  roads, 
formerly  commanded  by  Jericho,  leading  from  the  western 
hills  to  the  Arabah. 

According  to  a  somewhat  late  summary  of  Joshua's 
campaigns,  the  Israelites  from  their  camp  at  Makkedah 
devastated  the  whole  of  South-western  Canaan.  Libnah 
was  first  taken  and  destroyed  ;  the  same  fate  befell  Lachish, 
and  its  immediate  neighbour  Eglon.  The  conquerors  then 
marched  eastward  to  sack  Hebron,  a  like  fate  attending 
Debir.  In  a  single  campaign  the  whole  country  was 
devastated  from  Gaza  on  the  coast  to  Kadesh  Barnea. 
Joshua  is  in  fact  credited  with  having  destroyed  "  all  that 
breathed,  as  the  Lord  the  God  of  Israel  commanded  "  (Josh. 
X.  29-43).  This,  with  similar  passages  in  the  Pentateuch  and 
the  book  of  Joshua,  has  caused  pious  souls  no  small  perplexity. 
But,  though  these  extensive  massacres  were  perhaps  inserted 
at  a  later  period  to  show  how  literally  the  commands  to  ex- 
tirpate the  Canaanites  were  carried  out,  before  the  faith  of 
Israel  waxed  lukewarm,  they  show  a  spirit  completely  alien 
to  that  of  the  New  Testament. 


Conquest  and  Settlement  of  Canaan       i  o  i 


A  tendency  was  manifested  in  later  days  to  regard  Moses  Massacre  of 
and  Joshua  as  leaders  of  a  sacred  nation  bound  by  a  theo-  Canaanites 
cratic  law,  and  occupied  in  ritual  observance,  which  had  only 
to  stand  still  and  see  the  salvation  of  Jehovah.  Under  such 
circumstances,  Israel  merely  awaited  the  Divine  command 
to  rush  upon  their  discomfited  enemies,  and  put  them  with 
their  wives  and  children  to  the  sword.  Such  a  picture  of 
the  conquest  of  Canaan  presents  us  with  an  awful  view  of 
the  nature  of  Jehovah,  as  a  God  who  rendered  the  enemies 
of  His  people  helpless  before  them,  and  then  encouraged 
Israel  to  give  their  fiercest  passions  the  most  abundant  scope. 
It  is  however  highly  probable  that  this  view  of  Joshua's  cam- 
paign is  that  of  the  legalists,  who  revised  the  ancient  history 
of  Israel  with  the  object  of  showing  how  literally  the  men  of 
old  carried  out  the  will  of  Heaven  by  destroying  the  idolatrous 
Canaanites.  The  earliest  records  are  not  in  favour  of  this 
theory ;  but  they  represent  the  conquest  of  Canaan  by  Israel 
as  a  slow  and  gradual  process,  attained  less  by  the  united 
efforts  of  the  whole  nation  than  by  the  isolated  enterprises  of 
the  tribes  (c/.  the  account  in  Joshua  with  Judges  i.  8-21).^^ 

There  is,  however,  good  reason  for  accepting  the  view  that 
the  sudden  incursion  of  all  the  tribes  of  Israel  under  Joshua 
had  evidently  shattered  the  power  of  the  Canaanites  to 
resist  the  progress  of  the  invaders.  The  passage  of  the 
Jordan  in  the  time  of  flood,  the  assault  on  Jericho,  the 
march  from  Gilgal  to  Gibeon  in  a  single  night,  and  the 
terrible  onslaught  on  the  following  day,  which  swept  the 
army  of  the  five  kings  from  the  hills  of  Bethel  to  the 
Maritime  Plain,  inspired  such  terror  that  the  arms  of  Israel 
were  for  a  time  irresistible.  The  conquest  of  Mount 
Ephraim  may,  for  example,  have  been  so  easy  that  no 
record  of  it  was  preserved.  But,  according  to  the  book  of 
Judges,  the  subjugation  of  the  south  was  a  slow  and  difficult 
enterprise,  the  work  of  tribes  and  powerful  families,  rather 
than  that  of  the  entire  nation  under  the  command  of  Joshua. 

Only  one  other  campaign  is  recorded  to  have  been  under-  Joshua  in 
taken    by   Joshua.     Jabin,   king    of   Hazor    in   the  North,   Northern 
made  a  confederacy  against  Israel  among  the  neighbouring    "*® 
sovereigns,  and  was  overthrown  in  a  decisive  battle  at  the 
waters  of  Merom.     The  Israelites  showed  far  less  zeal  in 


M 


I02        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Joshua  gives 
inheritances 
to  Judah 
and  Joseph 


Dissatisfac- 
tion of  the 
Josephites 


Seven  tribes 
given  un- 
conquered 
territory 


destroying  the  cities  of  their  enemies  than  in  their  earlier 
expeditions.  It  is  true  that  every  human  being  is  said  to 
have  been  massacred,  but  no  city,  save  Hazor,  was  reduced 
to  ashes.  The  Israelites  had  evidently  come  to  regard 
themselves  as  settlers,  and  to  look  upon  cities  as  desirable 
for  future  use  (Josh.  xi.  1-15). 

Only  two  tribes  received  their  inheritance  from  Joshua. 
The  house  of  Judah  obtained  the  territory  of  the  five  kings, 
and  Caleb  had  permission  from  Joshua  to  wrest  Hebron  from 
the  Anakim.  In  reward  for  having  proved  the  one  faithful 
spy  forty-five  years  before,  the  old  chieftain  had  received 
from  Moses  a  promise  of  the  district  explored  by  him,  and 
he  was  now  able  to  assure  Joshua,  "  Lo,  I  am  this  day  four- 
score  and  five  years  old.  As  yet  I  am  as  strong  this  day  as 
I  was  in  the  day  that  Moses  sent  me"  (Josh.  xiv.  6-15  ;  xv 
13-20;  Judg.  i.  10-15).^! 

For  the  powerful  house  of  Joseph,  of  which  Joshua  was 
himself  a  member,  the  rich  inheritance  of  Central  Palestine 
was  reserved.  Mount  Ephraim,  as  the  district  was  after- 
wards styled,  became  the  centre  of  Israelite  life.  Here  was 
Shechem  where  the  body  of  Joseph  was  buried ,  Shiloh  the 
resting-place  of  the  Sanctuary  ;  Timnath-serah  the  inheritance 
of  Joshua  ;  and  Gibeah  the  home  of  Eleazar  the  son  of  Aaron 
the  priest  (Joshua  xix.  49,  50). 

But  the  Josephite  tribes,  dissatisfied  with  their  lot,  com- 
plained to  Joshua  that  it  was  insuflBcient.  They  held  the 
hills,  but  could  acquire  no  land  in  the  rich  valley  of  Jezreel, 
nor  around  Bethshean,  because  of  the  invincible  war-chariots 
of  the  Canaanites.  Joshua  assured  them  that  though  the 
district  they  coveted  was  like  a  forest  they  should  hew  down 
its  powerful  inhabitants,  and  in  the  end  dispossess  the 
Canaanites,  "  though  they  have  chariots  of  iron  and  though 
they  be  strong"  (Josh.  xvii.  14-18). 

The  seven  tribes  which  had  as  yet  received  no  inheritance 
are  said  to  have  been  assigned  the  parts  of  the  land  hitherto 
unconquered.  They  assembled  at  Shiloh,  and  at  Joshua's 
command  each  tribe  sent  three  representatives  to  divide  the 
country  into  suitable  inheritances.  On  their  return,  Joshua 
*'  cast  lots  for  them  in  Shiloh  in  the  presence  of  Jehovah  " 
(Josh,  xviii.,  xix.). 


Conquest  and  Settlement  of  Canaan       103 


Before  his  death  Joshua  assembled  the  people  to  Shechem  Assembly 
and  delivered  a  discourse  on  the  history  of  the  nation.^^  **  Shechem 
He  reminded  his  hearers  that  their  fathers,  when  they  dwelt 
beyond  the  Euphrates,  had  worshipped  other  gods  :  neverthe- 
less Jehovah  called  Abraham  to  serve  Him.  Esau  received 
from  Jehovah  an  inheritance  in  Mount  Seir,  whilst  his  brother 
Jacob  went  down  to  Egypt.  Moses  and  Aaron  were  sent  to 
deliver  Jacob's  children,  and  Israel  triumphed  at  the  Red 
Sea;  because,  said  Joshua,  Jehovah  "put  darkness  between 
you  and  the  Egyptians,  and  brought  the  sea  upon  them  and 
covered  them."  Israel  dwelt  long  in  the  Wilderness,  but 
Jehovah  gave  them  the  land  of  the  Amorites  beyond  the 
Jordan,  and  turned  Balaam's  curse  into  a  blessing.  At  last 
Israel  crossed  Jordan  and  fought  with  the  men  of  Jericho. 
Jehovah  "  sent  the  hornet  before  them  "  and  they  drove  out 
the  two  kings  (according  to  the  LXX.)  of  the  Amorites.  But 
Joshua  did  not  forget  to  remind  the  Israelites  that  they  had 
won  the  land  "not  with  thy  sword,  nor  with  thy  bow." 

After  this  summary  of  the  national  history,  Joshua 
exhorted  the  people  to  put  away  the  gods  their  fathers  had 
served  beyond  the  River  and  in  Egypt,  and  to  serve  Jehovah ; 
or  if  they  were  unwilling  to  do  this,  to  choose  whether  they 
would  worship  their  ancestral  gods,  or  the  deities  of  the 
Amorites.  "  But,"  adds  the  aged  hero  with  a  fine  simplicity, 
"as  for  me  and  my  house,  we  will  serve  Jehovah."  Then 
followed  a  strange  controversy.  The  Israelites  declared  they 
would  not  forsake  Jehovah,  who  had  delivered  their  fathers 
from  Egypt  and  given  them  the  land — "  We  also,"  said  they, 
"  will  serve  Jehovah,  for  He  is  our  God."  But  Joshua  replied, 
"Ye  cannot  serve  Jehovah;  for  He  is  an  holy  God;  He  is 
a  jealous  God ;  He  will  not  forgive  your  transgression  nor 
your  sins."  The  people  reiterated  their  resolve,  "  Nay,  but 
Jehovah  our  God  will  we  serve ;  and  unto  His  voice  will  we 
hearken."  Joshua  then  made  a  covenant  with  the  people, 
and  established  a  statute  and  ordinance  for  them  at  Shechem. 
In  true  patriarchal  fashion  he  set  up  a  great  stone  in  attesta- 
tion of  this  resolution,  "  Under  the  oak  that  was  in  the 
Sanctuary  of  Jehovah"  (Joshua  xxiv.   1-25). 

Joshua  died  at  the  age  of    110,  and  was  buried  on  his   Death  of 
own  land  in  Timnath-Serah.     With  him   the   Mosaic   age  Joshua 


104       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Period  of 
transition 


ended,  and  the  pure  worship  of  antiquity  only  endured  till 
all  his  companions  were  dead.  "  Israel,"  it  is  said,  "  served 
Jehovah  all  the  days  of  Joshua  and  all  the  days  of  the  elders 
that  outlived  Joshuaand  had  known  all  the  work  of  the  Lord 
that  he  had  wrought  for  Israel"  (Josh.  xxiv.  29-31). 

The  period  that  follows  the  death  of  Joshua  was  for  the 
Israelites  one  of  transition.     Their  nomad  habits  were  per- 
force abandoned,   and   they  gi-adually   acquired  those  of  a 
settled  nation.     The   territory  occupied  was  a  narrow  one, 
and  intercommunication  must  have  been  very  difficult.     The 
tribal  spirit  tended  to  increase,  and  to  obliterate  those  national 
feelings  which  had  actuated  Israel  in  the  days  of  Moses  and 
Joshua.     The  wars  of  this  age  are  for  the  most  part  waged 
by  individual  tribes,  and  mutual  jealousies  were  at  times  so 
bitter,  that  they  could  not 'be  allayed  without  civil  blood- 
shed.     Only  on   rare   occasions  of  extreme  peril,  and  then 
only  for  a  short  time,  could  the  Israelites  be  persuaded  to 
act    together    as    a    nation.     The    bands   of   political  unity 
between  the  different  tribes  seem  to  have  been  as  feeble  as 
possible.     Nor  did  any  strong  religious  impulse  contribute 
to  weld  Israel  together.     The  practice  of  agriculture,  in  the 
view  of  most  ancient  nations,  was  due  to  the  Divine  teach- 
ing received  by  the  men  of  old.      The  farmer,  according  to 
Isaiah,  knows  how  to  grow  his  produce,  because  "his  god 
instructs  him."     Among  Semitic  people,  every  field,  every 
well,  every  tree,   had  its  tutelary   god,  who   needed  to  be 
approached  before  the  crop  could  be  reaped.     In  adopting 
the  occupation  of   the  Canaanites,  the  Israelites  almost  of 
necessity  practised  those  religious  observances  in  honour  of 
the  deities  of  the  locality  which  were  considered  indispen- 
sable to  successful  farming.    In  thus  attempting  to  propitiate 
the  gods  of  the  place,  the  Israelite  cultivator  was  not  perhaps 
conscious  of    deliberately  forsaking  Jehovah,  but  imagined 
that  he  was  only  paying  what  was  due  to  the  Baalim  and 
Astaroth,  who   gave  him  his   corn   and   wine  (Hos.   ii.   8). 
It  has  been  suggested  that  to  the   uninstructed    Israelite, 
Jehovah  was  a  shepherd's  god,  delighting  in  offerings  from 
the   flock  and  herd,  whilst  the  gods  of  the  Canaanites,  as 
protectors  of  the  fruitful  soil,  claimed  its  produce.     It  was 
in  this  way  that  the   Canaanite  nature-worship   was    com- 


Conquest  and  Settlement  of  Canaan       105 


The  construc- 
tion of  the 
book  of 
Judges 


bined  with  the  monotheism  of  the  service  of  Jehovah,  and 
became  a  pregnant  source  of  calamity  to  Israel. ^^ 

The  book  of  Judges  in  its  present  form  attributes  all  the 
troubles  of  the  nation  to  its  inclination  to  worship  the  Baals 
and  Astartes  of  Canaan,  and  endeavours  to  show  how 
apostasy  from  Jehovah  is  the  sole  source  of  woe  to  Israel. 
Being  written  to  enforce  this  lesson,  the  structure  of  the 
greater  portion  of  the  book  is  somewhat  artificial.  In  every 
case  apostasy,  invasion,  punishment,  repentance,  and  deliver- 
ance follow  in  regular  succession.  For  this  reason  the 
chronology  seems  to  be  constructed  on  the  assumption  that 
the  Judges  formed  a  continuous  succession  like  the  kings 
who  succeeded  them. 

As,  however,  during  this  period  Israel  was  not  brought  Tribal  Mstory 
into  connection  with  nations  like  Assyria  or  Egypt,  whose 
chronology  is  in  any  way  known,  the  question  of  the  date  of 
each  ev6nt  is  comparatively  unimportant,  and  for  the  sake  of 
clearness  the  history  of  the  time  may  be  related  in  a  series 
of  tribal  narratives. 

I.  The  Reubenites  and  Gadites  had  asked  Moses  to  assign 
them  the  district  conquered  from  Sihon,  as  their  flocks  were 
numerous,  and  they  preferred  to  continue  to  lead  a  pastoral 
life.  On  receiving  the  lawgiver's  consent  they  occupied  the 
cities  which  Sihon  had  originally  taken  from  the  Moabites. 
This  territory,  especially  the  southern  portion  assigned  to 
Keuben,  was  always  a  debatable  land,  held  alternately  by 
Israelites  and  their  Moabite  and  Ammonite  rivals.  The 
two  tribes  shared  in  the  campaign  in  Western  Palestine,  and 
at  its  conclusion  were  dismissed  by  Joshua  to  their  own 
country.  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  occupation  of  the 
district  of  Bashan  by  the  Manassite  clans  was  in  reality 
caused  by  the  western  tribe  sending  its  surplus  population 
across  the  Jordan  to  found  a  new  settlement.  Jair,  the 
founder  of  this  colony,  was  one  of  the  minor  judges,  though 
in  the  book  of  Numbers  it  is  implied  that  he  was  a  contem- 
porary of  Moses  (Niimb.  xxxii.  41  ;  Judg.  x.  3-5). 

The  trans- Jordanic  tribes  never  played  a  really  important 
part  in  the  national  history,  and  in  early  days  it  was  feared 
that  they  might  soon  cease  to  regard  themselves  as  Israelites. 
No   sooner   had  the   Reubenites    and   Gadites  departed  to 


Eastern 
Tribes 


The  altar 
erected  by 
Reuben  and 
Gad 


io6        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Choice  of 
Jephtliali 


their  inheritance,  than  they  erected  an  altar  by  the  Jordan. 
The  part  of  the  nation,  that  occupied  the  western  country, 
regarding  this  as  an  act  of  apostasy  from  Jehovah,  prepared 
to  march  against  them,  but  before  doing  this  they  sent  an 
embassy  headed  by  Phinehas  the  son  of  Eleazar,  asking,  "  Is 
the  iniquity  of  Peor  too  little  for  us,  that  ye  must  turn  away 
this  day  from  following  the  Lord  1 "  Sooner  than  be  guilty 
of  such  a  crime  it  were  better  that  the  eastern  territory 
should  be  abandoned.  "  If  the  land  of  your  possession  be 
unclean,  then  pass  ye  over  into  the  land  of  the  possession  of 
the  Lord,  wherein  the  Lord's  Tabernacle  dwelleth,  and  take 
possession  among  us  :  but  rebel  not  against  the  Lord,  nor 
rebel  against  us,  in  building  you  an  altar  besides  the  altar  of 
the  Lord  our  God." 

The  Eastern  tribes  earnestly  repudiated  any  such  intention, 
declaring  that  they  had  only  built  the  altar  in  token  that 
they  too  had  a  portion  in  Israel,  and  to  silence  the  objection 
that  the  children  of  their  Western  brethren  might  make  by 
asking,  "What  have  ye  to  do  with  Jehovah  the  God  of 
Israel  1  for  Jehovah  hath  made  Jordan  a  border  between  us 
and  you,  ye  children  of  Reuben  and  children  of  Gad."  They 
added  that  they  had  no  idea  of  using  the  altar  for  sacrificial 
purposes :  it  was  to  be  simply  a  memorial.  This  answer 
satisfied  the  Western  tribes,  and  the  altar  was  called  Ed, 
"  for  it  is  a  witness  (ed)  between  us  that  the  Lord  is  God  " 
(Josh,  xxii.).^* 

Still  these  tribes  had  no  great  sympathy  with  those 
beyond  the  Jordan,  for,  when  Gideon  the  Manassite  was 
pursuing  the  Midianites,  his  demand  for  assistance  was 
refused  by  the  inhabitants  of  Succoth  and  Penuel.  On 
another  occasion,  about  to  be  related,  an  attempt  of  the 
Ephraimites  to  interfere  with  the  affairs  of  the  trans- 
Jordanic  tribes  led  to  a  war.  The  Ammonites  had  oppressed 
not  only  the  inhabitants  of  Gilead  but  also  Judah,  Benjamin, 
and  Ephraim  for  eighteen  years,  and  when  the  people  cried  to 
Jehovah,  He  replied,  "  Ye  have  forsaken  Me  and  served  other 
gods  ;  wherefore  I  will  save  you  no  more."  At  last,  however, 
Jehovah  had  pity  on  His  people.  The  Gileadites  in  their 
despair  had  decided  that  the  man  who  would  save  them  from 
their  enemy  should  be  their  head,  and  they  sent  to  Jephthah 


Conquest  and  Settlement  of  Canaan       107 

a  man  of  illegitimate  or  servile  birth,  like  Abimelech,  who  had 
been  driven  out  from  his  father's  house,  and  had  taken  refuge 
in  the  land  of  Tob  where  he  became  the  head  of  a  band  of  free- 
booters. At  the  earnest  request  of  the  chiefs  of  Gilead  he 
was  induced  to  lead  the  army  against  Ammon  on  condition 
that  he  should  be  made  their  ruler  in  case  of  success. 

Jephthah  began  by  asking  the  king  of  Ammon  the  cause 
of  the  war  with  Israel,  and  was  informed  that  it  was  because 
Israelites,  when  they  came  up  out  of  Egypt,  had  taken  the 
Moabite  territory  from  the  Arnon  to  the  Jabbok.  A  long 
argument  is  put  into  the  mouth  of  Jephthah,  in  defence  of 
Israel's  right  to  the  territory  in  dispute.  It  had  been  taken 
not  from  Ammon  or  Moab  but  from  Sihon ;  it  had  not  been 
claimed  by  Balak  king  of  Moab  when  Israel  occupied  it, 
nor  by  his  successors  during  three  centuries.  Jehovah  dis- 
possessed the  Amorites  before  the  Israelites,  and  gave  them 
the  land  ;  and  the  Ammonites  should  be  content  with  that 
which  "Chemosh  their  god  had  given  them"  (Judg.  xi.  12-28). 

Arguments  like  these  could  not  prevent  hostilities. 
Jephthah  invaded  the  debatable  land,  attacked  the  Am- 
monites at  Aroer  on  the  Arnon,  and  drove  them  northward 
to  Minnith  near  the  Dead  Sea  (Judg.  xi.  29-33). 

The  Ephraimites  evidently  considered  Jephthah's  action 
in  attacking  Ammon  as  a  presumptuous  encroachment  on 
their  privilege  of  taking  the  lead  in  Israel,  and,  after  mutual 
recriminations,  a  battle  took  place  in  which  the  Ephraimites 
were  defeated  and  fled  to  the  Jordan.  The  fords,  however, 
were  seized  by  the  Gileadites,  and  every  one,  who  betrayed 
his  Ephraimitic  origin  by  pronouncing  the  test-word  Shibbo- 
leth as  Sibboleth,  was  slain  (Judg.  xii.  1-6). 

Jephthah  is  best  known  for  his  tragic  vow  to  Jehovah 
made  before  the  war  with  Ammon.  "  If  thou  wilt  indeed 
deliver  the  children  of  Ammon  into  mine  hand,  then  it 
shall  be,  that  whosoever  cometh  forth  of  the  doors  of  my 
house  to  meet  me  when  I  return  in  peace  from  the  children 
of  Ammon,  he  shall  be  Jehovah's  and  I  will  offer  him  up  for 
a  burnt  offering."  At  Mizpah  his  only  daughter  came  to 
meet  him.  "  And  it  came  to  pass  when  he  saw  her  that  he 
rent  his  clothes  and  said,  Alas,  my  daughter,  thou  hast  brought 
me  very  low  ...  for  I  have  opened  my  mouth  to  Jahveh 


Jephthah 's 
embassy 
to  the 
Ammoiiites 


Jephthah'f 
daughter 


io8        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Conquest  and  Settlement  of  Canaan       109 


i 


I 


Character  of 
Reuben 


and  I  cannot  go  back."  Her  reply  was  worthy  of  a  hero's 
daughter,  "  My  father,  thou  hast  opened  thy  mouth  unto  the 
Lord,  do  unto  me  according  to  that  which  hath  proceeded 
out  of  thy  mouth  :  forasmuch  as  the  Lord  hath  taken 
ventreance  for  thee  of  thine  enemies,  even  of  the  children  of 
Ammon."  She  asked  only  a  respite  of  two  months,  to  depart 
with  her  companions  to  the  mountains.  When  she  returned, 
the  sacred  story  with  dignified  reserve  adds,  '*  He  did  with 
her  according  to  his  vow,  which  he  had  vowed."  The  fate 
of  Jephthah's  daughter  was  celebrated  by  the  maidens  of 
Israel  every  year  (Judg.  xi.   34-40).^^ 

The  story  illustrates  the  wild  character  of  the  natives  of 
Gilead,  and  the  fidelity  with  which  a  solemn  vow  was 
literally  fulfilled.  The  terrible  picture  is  in  a  measure 
redeemed  by  the  fact  that  no  selfish  desire  for  victory  led 
Jephthah  to  make  a  sacrifice  of  his  only  child,  and  that  the 
maiden  with  heroic  magnanimity  urged  her  heart-broken  sire 
to  be  true  to  the  solemn  oath  he  had  sworn.  The  sorrow  of 
the  father  and  the  willingness  of  his  victim  gave  a  noble 
pathos  to  the  story. 

The  trans-Jordanic  tribes  are  alluded  to  in  the  early 
poetry  of  the  Hebrews,  in  the  Blessings  of  Jacob,  and  of 
Moses,  and  the  Song  of  Deborah. 

There  is  a  remarkable  unanimity  in  the  Sacred  Records 
that  the  tribe  of  Reuben  could  never  be  safely  relied  upon. 
The  patriarch  himself  appears  to  have  tried  to  claim  the 
headship  of  the  family  in  his  father's  lifetime  by  appro- 
priating Bilhah,  the  concubine  of  Jacob.  For  this  he  was 
deprived  by  his  father  of  the  right  of  leading  the  chosen 
race.     Jacob,  in  blessing  the  tribe,  says  of  Reuben  : 

"  Unstable  as  water,*  have  thou  not  the  excellency  ; 
Because  thou  wentest  up  to  thy  father's  bed, 
Then  defiledst  thou  it "  .  .  .  (Gen.  xlix.  3-4).i« 

In  the  Desert,  the  rebellion  of  the  Reubenites,  Dathan, 
Abiram  and  On,  was  directed  against  the  authority  of  Moses ; 

*  Heb.  *  Bubbling  up  like  water.'  In  Arabian  poetry  the  metaphor 
of  a  boiling  pot  is  used  of  a  warrior  eager  for  battle.  Though  Reuben 
is  a  warrior,  his  father  will  not  choose  him. 


and  in  Deuteronomy  the  Lawgiver  predicts  that  no  noble 
future  is  for  this  tribe : 

**  Let  Reuben  live  and  not  die 
But  let  him  be  men  that  can  be  numbered  "  (Deut.  xxxiii.  6). 

At  a  later  time  Deborah  taunts  the  Reubenites  for  not 
joining  the  league  against  Sisera,  because  of  their  instability 
and  lack  of  power  to  arrive  at  any  decision. 

"  Why  satest  thou  among  the  sheep-folds, 
To  hear  the  bleatings  of  the  flocks  ? 
At  the  watercourses  of  Reuben 
There  were  great  searchings  of  heart  "  (Judg.  y.  16), 

Intent  on  present  ease,  the  Reubenites  had  chosen  the 
earliest  conquest  of  Israel.  The  land  of  Sihon,  which  could 
never  be  securely  held,  was  a  district  ill-suited  to  the 
development  of  a  tribe  worthy  to  lead  a  nation.  The 
warriors  of  the  tribe  of  Gad,  on  the  other  hand,  were  dis-  The  Gadites 
tinguished  for  their  skill  in  border  warfare.  When  Gad  was 
born,  Leah  said,  "  Fortune  (or  a  troop)  cometh,"  the  word 
Gad  having  both  significations.  Jacob  plays  on  his  son's 
name  when  he  says : — 

**  Gad  ;  a  troop  shall  troop  on  him, 
But  he  shall  troop  on  their  rear  "  (Gen.  xlix.  19). 

Moses  pronounces  a  blessing  upon  the  man  who  shall  "enlarge 
Gad,"  and  adds,  alluding  to  the  warlike  character  of  the  tribe, 

"  He  dwelleth  as  a  lioness"  .  .  .  (Deut.  xxxiii.  20). 

The  Manassite  settlement  across  the  Jordan  is  spoken  of  Manassites 
by  Jacob  when  he  says  that  Joseph  is  like  a  fruitful  bough, 
whose  branches  "ran  over  the  wall,"  i.e.  the  barrier  of 
Jordan  (Gen.  xlix.  22).  Moses  compares  Joseph  to  a  wild 
ox,  whose  spreading  horns  were  symbolical  of  the  extended 
character  of  the  dominions  of  his  descendants  (Deut. 
xxxiii.   17). 

II.  The  two  south-western  tribes  of  Judah  and  Simeon 
acted  in  concert ;  in  the  Song  of  Moses,  Simeon  is  not 
mentioned,  and  the  prayer  for  Judah  is : — 

"  Hear,  0  Lord,  the  voice  of  Judah, 
And  bring  him  in  unto  his  people  :  • 
With  his  hands  he  contended  for  himself,"  etc.  (Deut.  xxxiii.  7). 


South- 
western 
Tribes 


1  lo       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Conquest  and  Settlement  of  Canaan       1 1 1 


If  the  last  line  is  correctly  rendered  by  the  Revised 
Version,  it  exactly  describes  the  attitude  of  Judah  during 
the  period  of  the  Judges.  The  tribe  mingled  but  little  with 
the  other  tribes;  in  Deborah's  song  it  is  not  even  men- 
tioned. Save  Othniel  it  produced  no  great  deliverer,  but 
spent  its  strength  in  petty  wars  against  the  tribes  of  the 
South.  The  isolation  of  Judah  from  the  other  tribes  is  an 
important  feature  throughout  its  history.  The  patriarch 
himself  is  recorded  to  have  gone  down  "from  his  brethren 
and  turned  in  to  a  certain  Adullamite  whose  name  waa 
Hirah,"  and  the  somewhat  repulsive  story  related  in  Genesia 
xxxviii.  apparently  points  to  tribal  alliances  with  the 
Canaanites  of  the  south,  some  of  which  ended  disastrously. 

This  tribe  shewed  great  readiness  to  welcome  aliens  and 
foreigners.  Both  Caleb  and  Othniel  appear  to  have  joined 
it  as  allies.  Rahab  of  Jericho  married  into  the  tribe,  as  did 
Ruth  the  Moabitess.  The  Negeb  or  southern  district  was 
partitioned  among  the  Jerahmeelites,  the  Kenites  and  the 
Judahites.  This  certainly  tended  to  give  Judah  a  position 
distinct  from  the  rest  of  Israel. 

The  only  members  of  the  house  of  Israel  with  whom  the 
tribe  of  Judah  seems  to  have  maintained  a  constant  friend- 
ship were  the  Simeonites  and  Levites.  The  position  of  the 
tribe  of  Levi,  so  closely  connected  in  the  story  of  Jacob  with 
Simeon,  is  difficult  to  determine,  since  the  precise  time  at 
which  the  Levites  began  to  be  recognised  as  a  sacred  order  is 
not  known.  The  Levites  mentioned  in  Judges  are  con- 
nected with  Bethlehem  in  Judah,  and  it  may  be  conjectured 
that  their  close  relationship  to  the  Judeans  ensured  them  a 
more  hospitable  reception  there  than  elsewhere.^'^ 

Despite  his  isolation  from  his  brethren,  the  great  qualities 
of  Judah  were  recognised  by  Jacob,  who,  after  denouncing 
the  cruelty  and  violence  of  Simeon  and  Levi,  promised  a 
brilliant  future  to  his  third  son : 

**  The  sceptre  shall  not  depart  from  Judah, 
Nor  a  law-giver  from  among  his  descendants. 
Till  He  come,  Whose  it  is."  i" 

The  position  of  the  great  tribe  amid  its  mountain  for- 
tresses is  graphically  described  by  the  patriarch  as  that  of  a 


lion  crouching,  whom  no  man  dares  to  provoke  fGen.  xlix. 
8-12). 

With  the  permission  of  Jehovah,  Judah  and  Simeon, 
accompanied  by  the  sons  of  Hobab  the  Kenite,  went  up 
from  the  city  of  Palms  (Jericho)  against  the  Canaanite  king 
Adonibezek  of  Bezek,  a  ferocious  monarch,  under  whose 
table  seventy  kings  deprived  of  their  thumbs  and  great 
toes  used  to  be  fed  on  broken  meats.  His  conquerors 
treated  him  with  like  barbarity,  and  he  died  at  Jerusalem 
acknowledging  the  justice  of  his  fate,  "As  I  have  done,  so 
God  hath  requited  me  "  (Judg.  i.  7). 

The  city  of  Hebron  was  taken  by  Caleb  from  the  Anakim 
chiefs  Sheshai,  Ahimam,  and  Talmai,  and  the  conqueror  pro- 
mised his  daughter  Achsah  to  the  man  who  should  take 
Kiriath-Sepher,  afterwards  called  Debir.  By  the  capture  of 
this  city  of  Kenaz,  Othniel,  the  son  of  Caleb's  kinsman,  won 
her.  Achsah's  dowry  was  a  district  of  the  Negeb,  but  at 
the  suggestion  of  her  husband,  she  pretended  to  fall  from  the 
ass  on  which  she  was  about  to  leave  her  home,  and  when  her 
father,  anxious  for  her  safety,  enquired  what  had  happened, 
she  begged  him  to  add  to  her  portion  the  upper  and  lower 
springs  so  necessary  to  make  the  barren  district  of  any  real 
value  (Judg.  i.  10-15  j  Josh.  xv.  13-19). 

Othniel,  at  a  later  time,  became  the  first  judge  or  deliverer 
of  Israel  from  a  foreign  invader,  Cushan-rishathaim,  who  is 
styled  king  of  Syria  of  the  two  rivers  (Judg.  iii.  7-1 1).!^ 

III.  North  of  Judah  lay  the  small  tribe  of  Benjamin,  Benjamin 
which  played  a  most  important  part  in  the  history  of  earlj 
Israel.  Never  sufficiently  strong  to  excite  the  jealousy  of 
other  tribes,  and  protected  alike  by  the  tribes  of  Joseph,  and 
by  Judah,  the  Benjamites  were  distinguished  for  their  power- 
ful individuality.  "Benjamin,"  says  Jacob,  "is  a.  wolf  that 
raveneth  "  (Gen.  xlix.  27)  ;  but  Moses,  thinking  of  the  secure 
position  of  his  tribe,  says  of  him,  "The  beloved  of  the  Lord 
shall  dwell  in  safety  by  Him"  (Deut.  xxxiii.  12).  It  was 
Benjamin  that  produced  the  second  deliverer  of  Israel. 

Eglon,   king   of    Moab,    crossed    the    Jordan    and    seized  Moabite 
Jericho,  which,  though  not  yet  fortified,  had  apparently  been  oppression 
rebuilt.     Here  he  established  himself,  and  tyrannised  over 
the  neighbourmg  district  by  exacting  a  heavy  tribute  from 


112        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Conquest  and  Settlement  of  Canaan       1 13 


The  Ben- 
jamite  war 


the  inhabitants.  The  bearer  of  the  tribute  was  a  Benjamite, 
Ehud,  son  of  Gerar,  who  had  lost  the  use  of  his  right  hand. 
He  offered  the  present  he  had  brought,  sent  away  his  com- 
panions, and  returned  alone.  When  he  came  into  the 
presence  of  Eglon,  he  declared  that  he  had  a  private  com- 
munication for  the  king,  and,  on  being  left  alone  with  him, 
announced  that  his  message  was  from  God.  Eglon  there- 
upon rose  up  in  reverence,  and  Ehud  seizing  his  dagger  in 
his  left  hand  plunged  it  into  the  king,  escaped  to  the  High- 
lands of  Ephraim,  and  sounded  the  alarm.  The  people 
forthwith  assembled,  and  seizing  the  fords  of  the  Jordan 
slew  10,000  Moabites  (Judges  iii.   12-30). 

During  the  lifetime  of  Phinehas,  and  therefore  not  long 
after  the  conquest  of  Canaan,  the  Benjamites  for  a  time 
defied  all  the  rest  of  Israel.  A  Levite,  returning  with  his 
wife  from  Bethlehem  in  Judah  to  his  home  in  Ephraim, 
after  refusing  to  lodge  in  the  non-Israelite  town  of  Jebus, 
reached  Gibeah  a  city  of  Benjamin.  He  was  hospitably 
welcomed  by  an  aged  man,  but  the  people  of  Gibeah  attacked 
the  house,  and,  to  save  his  own  life,  the  Levite  gave  them 
his  unfortunate  companion.  In  the  morning  he  found  her 
corpse  on  the  threshold.  Forthwith  he  divided  the  body 
into  twelve  pieces,  and  sent  them  round  Israel.  The  tribes 
met  at  Mizpah,  and  demanded  of  the  Benjamites  the  sur- 
render of  the  criminals.  On  their  refusal,  a  war  broke  out 
in  which  Benjamin,  after  some  initial  successes,  was  defeated, 
and  all  the  tribe  massacred,  save  600  warriors  who  took 
refuge  in  the  Cliff  of  Rimmon.  With  these  the  rest  of 
Israel  made  peace,  but  could  not  give  them  wives  because 
of  an  oath  which  they  had  sworn.  To  prevent  the  loss  of 
an  entire  tribe,  the  survivors  of  Benjamin  were  allowed  to 
seize  the  maidens  as  they  danced  at  the  vintage  festival  at 
Shiloh.  A  later  account  says  that  wives  were  also  provided  by  a 
wholesale  massacre  of  the  inhabitants  of  Jabesh-Gilead, because 
they  refused  to  join  in  the  war  against  Benjamin  ;  400  virgins 
alone  were  spared  and  given  to  the  tribe  (Judg.  xix. — xxi.). 

There  is,  however,  reason  to  believe  that  this  terrible 
vengeance  on  Jabesh  Gilead  was  no  part  of  the  original 
story.  A  relationship,  however,  certainly  did  exist  between 
that  distant  city  and  Benjamin,  as  is  attested  by  the  history 


of  Saul,  who   began  his   warlike  career  by   saving   it  from 
Nahash  the  Ammonite  (1  Sara.  xi.). 

IV.  The  northern   group    of  tribes    appear   prominently  The  Northern 
on  one  occasion  during  this  period.  Tribes 

Jacob  foretells  the  future  of  the  tribe  of  Issachar  in  a 
striking  simile,  in  which  he  compares  his  son  to  an  ass 
crouching  down  between  the  sheepfolds.  Nothing  can 
better  describe  the  territory  of  Issachar  in  the  great  plain 
of  Esdraelon.  The  land  is  exceptionally  fertile,  but  ill 
protected  from  invasion,  and  Issachar  had  to  pay  for  so 
rich  an  inheritance,  by 

' '  Bowing  his  shoulders  to  bear, 
And  becoming  a  servant  under  taskwork  "  (Gen.  xlix.  16). 

The  tribe  of  Issachar  had  little  peace  in  their  rich  valley. 
Sisera,  the  captain  of  Jabin  the  Canaanite  king  of  Hazor, 
seized  Harosheth  of  the  Gentiles  on  the  eastern  spurs  of 
Carmel,  and  from  thence  "  he  mightily  oppressed  the  children 
of  Israel."  The  nation  was  roused  to  action  by  a  prophetess, 
named  Deborah,  who  sent  to  Kadesh  in  Naphtali,  summoning 
a  chieftain,  named  Barak,  to  assemble  the  northern  tribes  to 
Mount  Tabor  and  from  thence  to  make  an  attack  on  Sisera. 
Barak  refused  to  undertake  so  great  an  enterprise  unless 
accompanied  by  Deborah,  and  the  prophetess  agreed  to  go, 
after  warning  him  that  he  would  not  gain  honour  by  the 
expedition,  for  Jehovah  ''  would  sell  Sisera  into  the  hand  of 
a  woman  "  (Judg.  iv.  9). 

This  war  against  Sisera  was  a  national  undertaking,  in 
which  all  the  tribes  were  urged  to  co-operate.  The  Israelites 
living  in  Eastern  Palestine  refused  the  invitation.  Gilead 
"remained  beyond  Jordan,"  and  Reuben  held  "great  de- 
bates "  but  never  came  to  the  war.  The  maritime  tribes  of 
Dan  and  Asher  were  evidently  in  no  position  to  answer  to  the 
call,  but  Benjamin,  Ephraim  and  Manasseh  joined  the  con- 
federacy (Judg.  v.  14,  15). 

The  details  of  the  defeat  of  Sisera  are  very  obscure,  the  The  victory 
prose  account  of  the  battle  in  Judges  iv.  placing  the  scene  at  °^^^  Sisera 
Mount  Tabor,  and  the  poetical  in  the  following  chapter,  at 
Taanach  by  the  streams  of  Megiddo,  about  sixteen  miles  to  the 
south-west.     It  may  however  be  possible  to  reconcile  this 


4 


p  '. 


1 14       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Conquest  and  Settlement  of  Canaan       115 


11- 
II 


apparent    discrepancy    by    supposing    that    two    Israelitisli 
armies  attacked  the  Canaanites.     Barak  with  tlie  northern 
contingent,  consisting  of  the  tribes  of  Zebulon  and  Naphtali, 
occupying  Mount  Tabor,  whilst  the  forces  of  Ephraim  and 
the   southern    tribes    mustered    near    Taanach,    the    valley 
between    being    held    by    the    Canaanites.     The    charge    of 
Barak's  troops  down  the  slopes  of  Tabor  threw  the  chariots 
of    Sisera    into    confusion.     The    southern   contingent  then 
made  an  attack  on  the  Canaanites  at  Taanach,  driving  them 
northward  to  the  banks  of   the  Kishon,  whither  the  array 
routed  by  Barak  was  also  forced  to  flee.     As  the  river  was 
in  flood,  and  the  rain  had  made  the  ground  too  heavy  for  the 
Canaanites  to  manoeuvre  their  chariots  to  advantage,  every- 
thing favoured  the  tactics  of  the  Israelite  infantry,  whose 
forces,  as  they  approached  one  another,  were  able  to  drive  the 
fugitives  into  the  swollen  stream.     Thus,  it  is  said,  *'  The 
river  Kishon  swept  them  away,  that  ancient  river,  the  river 
Kishon."       Sisera  tried  to  escai)e  to  his  camp  at  Harosheth, 
but,   finding   his   retreat   cut    off*,    he    turned    southward   to 
a   place   called   Kadesh   {Tel  Abu  Kadeis),   to   the    tent  of 
his  ally,  Heber  the  Kenite.       There  he  was  met  by  Jael, 
Heber's  wife,  who  offered   him   hospitality,  and    when    the 
wretched  man  had  been  hilled  to  security  by  her  reception, 
either  smote  him  down  with  the  great  tent  hammer,  or  drove 
a  peg  through  his  temple  as  he  slept.     When  Barak  arrived 
at  her  tent  Jael  came  to  the  door  and  said,  "  Come,  and  I 
will  shew  thee  the  man  whom  thou  seekest"  (Judg.  iv.).^^ 
The  victory  of  Barak  is  the  greatest  episode  in  this  period 
of    Israel's    history.     It    was    the    only  occasion  on    which 
a  large  number  of  tribes  acted  in  concert  against  a  foreign 
enemy,  and  its  result  was  absolutely  decisive.     Never  again 
did  the  Canaanites  disturb  Israel.     For  years  their  chariots 
of  iron  had   prevented   any  attempt  to  conquer  the  fertile 
lowlands,  but   Barak   had  shewn   that  even  these  were  not 
invincible.     His  great  victory  was  commemorated  in  one  of 
the  finest  war-songs  in  Hebrew  literature.     To  Deborah  it 
seemed  as  though  Jehovah  had  left  Sinai  to  lead  His  people 
to  victory  in  Canaan  : 

**  Lord,  when  thou  wentest  forth  out  of  Seir, 
When  thou  marchedst  out  of  the  field  of  Edom, 


The  earth  trembled,  the  heavens  also  dropped, 
Yea  the  clouds  dropped  water  ;  the  mountains  flowed  down, 
Even  yon  Sinai  at  the  presence  of  the  Lord,  the  God  of  Israel  " 

(Judg.  V.  4,  5  ;  Ps.  Ixviii.  7,  8). 

V.  The  tribes  of  Manasseh  and  Ephraim,  the  sons  of  The  house 
Joseph,  for  centuries  occupied  the  first  place  in  Israel.  It  is  °^  Joseph 
recorded  that  Jacob  on  his  deathbed  placed  his  right  hand 
on  the  head  of  Ephraim,  and  his  left  on  that  of  Joseph's  elder 
son  Manasseh,  in  token  that  the  younger  tribe  had  the  greater 
destiny  in  store ;  and  though  no  great  hero  of  antiquity  after 
Joshua  was  of  Ephraimitish  descent  (though  Samuel  was  born 
in  Ephraim),  this  tribe's  right  to  pre-eminence  seems  to  have 
been  generally  conceded.  Throughout  this  period  Ephraim's 
attitude  to  the  other  tribes  was  characterised  by  an  assumption 
of  superiority  not  always  justified  by  events. 

The  one  great  deliverer  of  Israel  who  sprang  from  the 
house  of  Joseph  was  Gideon  a  Manassite.  In  his  days  the 
Midianites,  a  wild  desert  tribe,  had  joined  with  Israel's 
bitterest  enemies  the  Amalekites,  and  with  the  children  of 
the  East,  in  oppressing  the  nation.  The  Israelites,  expelled 
from  their  cities,  were  forced  to  take  refuge  in  the  mountain 
caves,  their  crops  were  destroyed  and  their  cattle  carried  off", 
and  this  appalling  devastation  of  the  land  reached  up  to  the 
walls  of  the  Philistine  city  of  Gaza.  A  prophet  appeared 
in  Israel  charged  with  a  message  of  Jehovah  that  the  neglect 
of  His  service  was  the  cause  of  these  calamities.  When  this 
state  of  things  had  lasted  for  seven  years,  the  Angel  of 
Jehovah  came  and  sat  under  a  sacred  tree  in  Ophrah,  be- 
longing to  Joash  the  Abiezrite.  Whilst  his  son  Gideon  was 
threshing  his  wheat  in  the  winepress,  instead  of,  as  was 
customary,  on  a  hill  top,  in  hopes  of  eluding  the  vigilance  of 
the  Midianites,  he  was  saluted  by  the  angel  with  the  words, 
"The  Lord  is  with  thee,  thou  mighty  man  of  valour,"  and 
told  to  go  and  smite  Midian.  Gideon  replied,  "  My  clan  is 
the  poorest  in  Manasseh,  and  I  am  the  least  in  my  father's 
house."  The  Angel,  however,  assured  him  that  Jehovah 
would  be  with  him,  and,  seeing  that  his  visitor  was  no 
ordinary  person,  Gideon  begged  him  to  accept  a  present  in 
token  of  his  submission.  A  most  interesting  description  of 
the  primitive  ritual  of  sacrifice  follows  :  Gideon  brings  a  kid, 


1 1 6       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


which  he  had  boiled,  with  unleavened  cakes.  The  flesh  of 
the  kid  he  puts  in  a  basket,  and  the  broth  in  a  pot.  The 
Angel  orders  him  to  lay  the  flesh  and  the  cakes  on  a  rock, 
and  to  pour  out  the  broth.  The  acceptance  of  the  sacrifice 
is  shewn  by  fire  going  forth  from  the  rock  and  consuming 
the  ofiering  at  the  touch  of  the  Angel's  staff. ^^  Gideon, 
perceiving  that  he  had  seen  Jehovah,  built  an  altar  called 
Jehovah-shalom  {Jehovah  is  peace)y  which,  says  the  narrator, 
still  existed  in  his  day.  That  night  Jehovah  ordered  Gideon 
to  destroy  the  altar  of  Baal  and  cut  down  the  Asherah  that 
stood  by  it.  This  he  did  under  cover  of  darkness,  and  when 
his  father  was  ordered  to  bring  his  son  to  be  punished  for 
sacrilege,  he  replied,  "  Let  Baal  plead."  Gideon  was  from 
this  known  as  Jerub-baal  (let  Baal  plead*  or  Baal  strives).^^ 

After  this  the  spirit  of  God  came  on  Gideon  and  he 
assembled  first  his  own  clan  of  Abiezer,  and  then  the  tribes 
of  Manasseh,  Asher,  Zebulon,  and  Naphtali.  Having  done 
this,  he  requested  a  sign  from  God,  to  prove  that  he  was 
chosen  to  deliver  Israel.  The  fleece  he  spread  on  the 
threshing-floor  was  first  wet  with  dew,  when  the  ground  was 
dry,  and  then  dry  when  all  around  was  wet.  In  this  way 
was  signified  the  indispensable  quality  of  a  nation's  leader ; 
vigour  and  energy  when  all  others  were  destitute  of  spirit, 
and  calmness  when  all  were  eager  for  the  fray  (Judg.  vi.). 

Gideon's  army  was  chosen  by  a  twofold  trial.  First,  all 
who  feared  were  ordered  to  depart,  and  out  of  32,000  there 
remained  but  1 0,000.  In  order  that  Jehovah  might  save  Israel, 
without  giving  the  nation  the  possibility  of  boasting,  another 
test  was  imposed.  The  10,000  were  taken  to  the  Spring 
of  Harod  (Trembling).  Those  who  bowed  to  drink  were 
rejected,  because  they  shewed  undue  haste ;  the  300  who 
exhibited  self-restraint,  and  drank  by  putting  their  hands 
to  their  mouths,  alone  were  chosen. 

Gideon  decided  upon  a  desperate,  though  wisely  conceived, 
attempt  on  Midian.  The  300  men  were  to  approach  the 
enemy's  camp  at  night  with  torches  concealed  in  pitchers, 
and  to  throw  the  Midianites  into  confusion  by  suddenly 
breaking  the  pitchers  and  showing  the  lights.  Gideon  him- 
self with  his  servant  Phurah  had  previously  gone  down  to 
♦  Literally,  "  Baal  strives,"  Baal  being  used  for  Jehovah. 


I 


Conquest  and  Settlement  of  Canaan      117 

the  Midianites'  camp,  and  heard  a  soldier  telling  his  companion 
how  he  had  dreamed  of  a  barley  cake  rolling  into  the  camp 
and  upsetting  his  tent.  The  friend  interpreted  the  dream 
by  saying,  "  This  is  nothing  else  save  the  sword  of  Gideon 
the  son  of  Joash,  a  man  of  Israel :  into  his  hand  God  hath 
delivered  Midian  and  all  the  host."  Gideon,  assured  of  the 
success  of  his  expedition,  gave  the  words  of  the  interpreter 
of  the  dream  as  the  watchword  for  the  night.  His  ruse 
succeeded  perfectly.  The  Midianites,  hearing  the  shout  of 
the  Israelites  and  suspecting  treason  in  their  own  camp, 
possibly  on  the  part  of  their  Amalekite  allies,  began  to 
fight  with  one  another,  and  to  flee  in  confusion.  Then 
Naphtali  and  Asher  and  all  Manasseh  rose  and  joined  in  the 
pursuit,  and  when  the  fugitives  reached  the  fords  of  the 
Jordan  they  found  that  the  men  of  Ephraim  had  been 
warned  to  intercept  their  passage.  The  two  chiefs  of 
Midian,  Oreb  (the  Raven)  and  Zeeb  (the  Wolf),  were  slain 
by  the  Ephraimites  at  a  rock  and  winepress,  which  after- 
wards bore  their  names.  Finding  that  Gideon  had  crossed 
the  Jordan,  the  Ephraimites  bore  the  heads  of  the  chieftains 
to  him,  bitterly  reproaching  him  with  not  having  called  them 
to  the  battle.  He  answered  them  with  the  question,  "  Is  not 
the  gleaning  of  the  grapes  of  Ephraim  better  than  the  vintage 
of  Abi-ezer  1 "  meaning  that,  as  the  grapes  gleaned  in  Ephraim 
were  more  than  the  whole  vintage  of  Gideon's  native  place, 
so  their  slaughter  of  Oreb  and  Zeeb  was  of  more  importance 
than  all  his  previous  exploits.  The  hero's  modest  answer 
turned  aside  the  wrath  of  Ephraim  (Judg.  vii.  and  viii.  1-3). 
On  the  east  of  the  Jordan  Gideon  continued  the  pursuit 
of  the  rest  of  the  Midianites  and  of  their  kings  Zeba  and 
Zalmunna.  He  had  led  his  three  hundred  warriors  as  far 
as  the  river  Jabbok,  and  had  been  rebufied  by  the  elders  of 
Succoth  and  Penuel.  After  a  grim  threat  of  vengeance,  he 
went  "  by  the  way  of  them  that  dwell  in  tents  on  the  east  of 
Nobah  and  Jogbehah,"  and  surprised  the  Midianite  army. 
Zeba  and  Zalmunna  were  taken  prisoners,  and  Gideon 
returned  to  give  the  princes  and  elders  of  Succoth,  whose 
names  he  had  obtained  from  a  native  of  the  town,  the  severe 
punishment  he  had  promised,  and  to  break  down  the  tower 
at  Penuel.     The  lives  of  Zebah  and  Zalmunna  would  have 

N 


1 1 8        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


been  spared,  had  they  not  slain  Gideon's  brothers  at  Mount 
Tabor,  whom  they  described  in  answer  to  the  hero's  ques- 
tion, "  As  thou  art,  so  were  they :  each  one  resembled  the 
children  of  a  king"  (Judg.  viii.  IS).^^  As  a  reward  for  his 
great  services  the  Israelites  offered  to  make  Gideon  their  king  ; 
but  he  replied,  "  I  will  not  rule  over  you,  neither  shall  my  son 
rule  over  you,  Jehovah  shall  rule  over  you."  He  contented 
himself  with  asking  for  the  earrings  of  the  Midianites,  and 
the  chains  about  their  camels'  necks.  With  these  he  made  an 
ephod  *  and  established  a  sanctuary  at  Ophrah.  The  passage 
in  which  Gideon  is  blamed  for  this  act  of  apostasy  is 
probably  later;  it  is  more  probable  that  the  object  of  the 
original  story  was  to  shew  how  he  devoted  all  his  share  of 
the  spoil  to  God.  Like  Moses  and  Joshua,  Gideon  refused 
to  use  his  position  as  a  conqueror  for  any  selfish  ends  ;  but 
unlike  them  he  lived  in  some  state,  and  had  a  large  harem 
and  numerous  sons.  A  concubine  bore  him  a  son  named 
Abimelech,  who  was  destined  to  prove  the  ruin  of  his  family 
(Judg.  viii.  4-32). 
AWmelech  After  the  death  of  Gideon  Israel  "went  a  whoring  after 

the  Baalim  and  made  Baal-berith  their  God."  The  worship 
of  Baal-berith  (tha  Lord  of  the  covenant)  probably  means  that 
the  Israelites  and  Canaanites  of  Shechem  and  the  neigh- 
bourhood formed  a  confederacy  under  the  protection  of  a 
deity,  who  may  possibly  have  been  regarded  as  Jehovah 
Himself.  That  such  a  confederacy  actually  existed  is  perhaps 
implied  in  the  old  story  of  Jacob's  dealings  with  Hamor  the 
father  of  Shechem.  The  mother  of  Abimelech  was  in  all  pro- 
bability not  counted  as  a  wife  because  she  was  of  Canaanite 
birth.  The  Shechemites  at  Abimelech's  suggestion  gave  him 
the  whole  support  of  their  confederacy,  and  supplied  him 
with  money  taken  out  of  the  temple  of  their  covenant. 
Abimelech  hired  a  gang  of  ruffians  and  put  sixty-nine  of  his 
brothers  to  death,  leaving  only  one  survivor  in  Jotham,  the 
youngest  son  of  Gideon.  The  Shechemites,  far  from  censur- 
ing this  crime,  anointed  Abimelech  king  by  "  the  oak  of  the 
pillar  that  was  in  Shechem."  Jotham  on  being  informed  of 
what  had  happened,  took  his  stand  upon  Mount  Gerizim, 
from  whence  he  spoke  a  parable  or  fable.  The  trees, 
*  Here  the  ephod  is  not  a  coat,  but  an  image. 


Conquest  and  Settlement  of  Canaan       119 


% 


said  he,  wanted  a  king,  so  they  invited  the  most  valued  of 
their  number  to  undertake  the  office.  The  olive,  the  fig  and 
the  vine  all  declined  to  leave  their  useful  function  of  bearing 
fruit  to  wave  themselves  over  the  other  trees.  When  how- 
ever the  bramble  was  asked,  he  agreed  with  alacrity,  saying, 
"  Come,  and  put  your  trust  in  my  shadow,  and  if  not  let  fire 
come  out  of  the  bramble  and  devour  the  cedars  of  Lebanon." 
The  meaning  of  this  fable  appears  to  be  that  worthy  men 
cannot  leave  their  work  for  the  unprofitable  office  of  a 
ruler,  at  which  the  worst  of  men  like  Abimelech  eagerly 
grasp.  These,  like  the  bramble,  are  impotent  for  good, 
but,  as  the  forest  fires  attest,  powerful  for  harm  (Judg. 
ix.  6-21). 

The  men  of  Shechem  soon  became  tired  of  Abimelech,  and 
during  the  annual  vintage  festival  they  openly  renounced 
allegiance  to  him.  At  the  instigation  of  a  certain  Gaal,  the 
son  of  Ebed,  the  native  Canaanite  element  in  Shechem 
raised  the  cry,  "  Serve  ye  the  men  of  Hamor,  the  father  of 
Shechem."     Abimelech    was    absent    at   the   time,   and   the  ^ 

manner  in  which  he  crushed  the  revolt  proves  him  to  have 
been  a  cruel  but  able  tyrant.  Gaal  was  defeated,  and 
Shechem  taken.  A  last  stand  was  made  in  the  temple  of 
the  god  of  the  covenant,  but  Abimelech  with  his  own 
hands  cut  down  a  branch,  and  bidding  his  men  to  follow  his 
example,  raised  a  fire  around  the  building,  and  burned  a 
thousand  Shechemites  alive.  The  insurgents  made  a  further 
resistance  at  Thebez,  a  town  north  of  Shechem,  where 
Abimelech  was  smitten  by  a  woman  who  cast  a  millstone  on 
his  head  and  broke  his  skull.  He  called  upon  his  armour- 
bearer  to  kill  him  lest  he  should  merit  the  reproach  of  having 
died  by  a  woman's  hand  ^  (Judg.  ix.). 

VI.  The  small  tribe  of  the  Danites  had  an  eventful  "me  Danitee 
history.  Jacob  makes  a  play  on  the  name  of  the  patriarch 
when  he  says,  "  Dan  shall  judge  his  people."  Moses  speaks 
of  him  in  his  northern  home  as  a  young  lion  who  "  leaps 
from  Bashan."  Deborah,  however,  taunts  him  with  "going 
forth  in  ships"  when  he  ought  to  have  been  warring 
with  Sisera,  a  proof  that  at  the  time  of  the  Canaanite 
oppression,  the  tribe  had  its  home  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
the  Maritime  Plain.^^ 


!S 


The 
PhiliBtliies 


1 20        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

The  Philistines,  the  most  formidable  foes  to  Israel,  had 
probably  arrived  in  Canaan  in  the  days  of  the  Judges,  and 
soon  made  their  presence  felt.  The  coming  of  this  able  and 
energetic  race  introduced  a  completely  new  element  into  the 
country.  With  the  other  nationalities  the  Hebrews  had 
many  points  in  common,  and  were  in  danger  of  adopting 
their  customs,  but  they  had  no  such  leanings  towards  the 
Philistines.  Circumcision,  universally  practised  by  the 
Hebrew  races  and  their  neighbours,  was  neglected  by  the 
new-comers,  who  were  accordingly  branded  with  the  epithet 
"  uncircumcised."  The  Greek  word  employed  to  translate 
Philistine  means  an  "alien."  But  strangers  though  they 
were  they  gave  their  name  to  the  whole  country,  and  the 
land  of  the  Amorites,  Canaanites,  and  Israelites,  is  most 
commonly  known  as  Palestine.^^ 

As  conquerors  the  Philistines  acted  in  a  totally  different 
manner  from  the  earlier  oppressors.  The  Midianites  and 
Moabites  had  come  to  plunder,  but  the  Philistines  conquered 
in  order  to  rule.  They  disarmed  the  Israelites  and  forced 
them  to  do  their  bidding.  The  struggle  between  the  two 
nations  lasted  for  generations,  and  ended  in  the  Israelites 
becoming  masters  of  Palestine.  In  early  days,  however, 
the  tribes  bordering  on  the  territory  of  the  Philistines  were 
reduced  to  a  condition  of  abject  submission. 

The  Danites,  at  the  time  of  the  birth  of  their  great  hero, 
had  been  driven  by  the  Philistines  from  the  coast  to  the 
upper  part  of  the  Valley  of  Sorek,  and  had  begun  to  establish 
themselves  near  the  territory  of  Judah.  The  wife  of  a 
Danite  named  Manoah,  belonging  to  the  town  of  Zorah,  had 
long  been  barren,  but  was  warned  by  a  Divine  Messenger 
that  she  was  destined  to  bear  a  son,  who  was  to  be  no 
ordinary  child.  From  the  womb  he  was  to  be  dedicated  to 
Jehovah  as  a  Nazarite,  in  token  of  which  his  mother  was 
commanded  to  abstain  from  wine  and  strong  drink,  and  to 
observe  the  laws  of  ceremonial  purity  with  unusual  care  ; 
**  For,"  said  the  Messenger,  "  the  child  shall  be  a  Nazarite 
unto  God  from  the  womb  to  the  day  of  his  death." 

Manoah,  on  hearing  that  he  was  to  become  the  father  of 
so  wonderful  a  child,  prayed  that  Jehovah  would  deign  once 
more  to  send  His  Messenger  to  teach  him  and  his  wife  what 


Conquest  and  Settlement  of  Canaan       1 2 1 

they  were  to  do.  Once  more  Jehovah's  Angel  presented 
himself,  and  on  this  occasion  proved  that  he  was  no  mere 
man  by  ascending  in  the  flame  of  the  sacrifice,  which  Manoah 
offered.  He  had  previously  refused  to  reveal  his  name, 
"  seeing  it  is  wonderful,"  and  Manoah  in  terror  cried  to  his 
wife,  "  We  shall  surely  die,  because  we  have  seen  God." 
But  she  consoled  her  husband,  "  If  Jehovah  were  pleased  to 
kill  us,  he  would  not  have  received  a  burnt  offering  and  a 
meal  offering  at  our  hand,  neither  would  he  have  shewed  us 
all  these  things,  nor  would  as  at  this  time  have  told  such 
things  as  these  "  (Judg.  xiii.). 

When  the  child  was  born  he  received  the  name  of  Samson 
(Shimson  diminutive  of  Shemesh,  the  sun),  and  as  he  grew  up 
he  shewed  clearly  that  he  was  moved  by  the  spirit  of  Jehovah. 

The   Philistines  were  at  this  time  dwelling  in   apparent   Samson'a 
amity  with  the  Danites,  and  their  town  of  Timnah  was  not  °J^^^® 
more  than  four  miles  distant  from  Manoah's  home  at  Zorah.   consequencee 
Here  Samson  saw  a  Philistine  woman,  who  pleased  him,  and 
he  asked  his  father  to  demand  her  in  marriage.     Manoah  was 
greatly  perplexed  at  his  son's  desiring  a  wife  from  among  "  the 
un circumcised  Philistines,"  not  knowing  "  that  it  was  of  the 
Lord ;  for  he  sought  an  occasion  against  the  Philistines." 

On  his  way  to  Timnah  to  see  his  bride  Samson  performed 
his  first  recorded  feat  of  strength.  When  a  lion  attacked 
him  in  the  vineyards,  "  the  spirit  of  the  Lord  came  mightily 
upon  him,  and  he  rent  him  as  he  would  have  rent  a  kid,  and 
he  had  nothing  in  his  hand."  On  his  return  he  found  honey 
in  the  lion's  carcass ;  and  when  the  day  of  his  marriage  feast 
arrived  he  propounded  a  riddle — 

*'  Out  of  the  eater  came  forth  meat, 
And  out  of  the  strong  came  forth  sweetness  "  ; 

making  a  wager  of  thirty  linen  garments  and  changes  of 
raiment  that  none  of  his  thirty  companions  could  guess  it. 
During  the  week  the  feast  lasted,  his  wife  tormented  him  to 
tell  her  the  answer,  and  when  Samson,  worn  out  by  her 
importunity,  revealed  it,  she  told  it  to  the  bridal  guests, 
who  had  threatened  to  burn  her  in  her  house  if  she  did  not 
discover  her  husband's  secret.  On  the  last  day  of  the  feast 
Samson's  friends  asked  him,  "  What  is  sweeter  than  honey  1 
and  what  is  stronger  than  a  Jion  % "     Seeing  that  the  riddle 


122        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


II 
II 


was  discovered,  Samson  replied  in  rude  rhyme,  which  may 
perhaps  be  rendered — 

**  Had  ye  ploughed  not  with  ray  cow, 
My  riddle  had  perplexed  you  now  !  "  ^ 

Leaving  his  bride,  he  then  made  a  journey  of  two  days  to 
Ashkelon,  and  smote  thirty  Philistines,  paying  his  wager 
with  their  garments  (Judg.  xiv.). 

But  the  tragedy  of  the  bridal  feast  did  not  end  thus. 
Samson's  father-in-law  gave  his  wife  to  his  companion  during 
his  absence,  and,  in  revenge,  the  Danite  hero  caught  three 
hundred  foxes  and  turned  them  in  pairs  (with  a  firebrand 
tied  between  the  tails  of  each  pair)  into  the  Philistines'  com. 
In  revenge  for  the  loss  of  their  crops  the  men  of  Timnah 
burnt  Samson's  wife  and  her  father.  After  attacking  the 
Philistines  single-handed  and  "smiting  them  hip  and  thigh 
with  great  slaughter,"  Samson  retired  to  the  Cliff  of  Etam 
(Judg.  XV.  1-8). 

From  this  stronghold  the  Philistines  were  unable  to  dis- 
lodge him,  so  they  marched  into  the  surrounding  country 
belonging  to  Judah.  The  inhabitants,  terrified  at  the  pros- 
pect of  an  invasion,  agreed  to  surrender  the  champion  of 
Israel.  Three  thousand  of  them  came  to  the  Cliff  of  Etam, 
and  induced  him  to  allow  himself  to  be  bound  with  ropes. 
But  when  the  Philistines  approached  to  seize  him,  "the 
spirit  of  Jahveh  came  mightily  upon  him,  and  the  ropes  that 
were  upon  his  arms  became  as  flax  that  was  burnt  with  fire, 
and  his  bands  melted  from  off  his  hands."  Seizing  a  jaw- 
bone of  an  ass,  Samson  smote  a  thousand  Philistines  and 
then  cast  it  aside,  crying — 

**  With  the  jawbone  of  an  ass,  heaps  upon  heaps, 
With  the  jawbone  of  an  ass  have  I  smitten  a  thousand  men  " 

(Judg.  XV.  16). 

From  this  circumstance  the  hill  was  called  Ramath-lehi 
{Height  of  the  Jaivbone).  At  his  prayer  God  clave  the 
hollow  place  in  Lehi  and  water  gushed  forth.  Hence  the 
name  of  the  well  was  En-hakkore  (the  well  of  him  that  called) 
(Judg.  XV.  9-20).  28 

It  is  also  recorded  in  another  narrative  that  Samson  was 
taken  by    the  Philistines   in   Gaza,   whither    he   had   been 


Conquest  and  Settlement  of  Canaan       123 

attracted,  as  usual,  by  some  woman,  and  that  he  bore  the 
gates  of  the  city  to  the  mountain  before  Hebron,  a  distance 
of  twelve  miles. 

Again  the  hero  fell  under  female  influence,  which  this  Delilah 
time  proved  his  ruin.  Near  his  home  in  the  Vale  of  Sorek 
dwelt  Delilah,  who  for  a  great  reward  agreed  to  betray  him 
to  the  Philistines.  Thrice  did  Samson  deceive  his  betrayer ; 
by  telling  her  that  his  strength  would  depart  if  he  was  bound 
by  seven  new  bow-strings,  or  with  new  ropes,  or  if  the  seven 
locks  of  his  hair  were  woven  into  the  web  of  the  loom. 
Thrice  did  Delilah  put  him  to  the  test  by  binding  him,  and 
crying,  "  The  Philistines  be  upon  thee,  Samson." 

At  last,  however,  he  revealed  the  fatal  secret  that  his 
strength  lay  in  his  hair,  and  that  if  his  locks  were  shorn  he 
would  be  like  an  ordinary  man.  In  his  sleep,  the  traitress 
called  a  man  to  shave  the  seven  locks,  into  which  his  hair 
was  braided,  and  awoke  him  with  the  cry,  "  The  Philistines 
be  upon  thee,  Samson ! "  This  time  he  wist  not  that  the 
Lord  had  departed  from  him  till  he  was  seized  and  blinded. 

The  last  scene  of  Samson's  life  is  in  Gaza  in  the  temple  of 
Dagon,  the  corn  god  of  Philistia.  His  strength  had  returned 
as  his  hair  began  to  grow,  and  he  was  led  forth  to  make  sport 
for  his  masters.  As  he  rested  with  his  hands  on  the  two 
pillars,  on  which  the  house  was  supported,  he  prayed,  "  O 
Jehovah,  God,  remember  me,  I  pray  thee,  and  strengthen  me, 
I  pray  thee,  only  this  once,  O  God,  that  I  may  be  at  once 
avenged  of  the  Philistines  for  my  two  eyes.  .  .  .  And  Samson 
said.  Let  me  die  with  the  Philistines.  And  he  bowed  himself 
with  all  his  might ;  and  the  house  fell  upon  the  lords,  and 
upon  all  the  people  that  were  therein.  So  the  dead  which 
he  slew  at  his  death  were  more  than  they  which  he  slew  in 
his  life  "  (Judg.  xvi.). 

The  stories  concerning  the  individual  exploits  of  the  great  Tlie  Danite 
Danite  judge,  are  supplemented  by  the  account  of  how  600  Sanctuary 
Danite  warriors  left  the  camp  of  Dan,  and  formed  a  settle- 
ment in  the  extreme  north  of  Palestine,  where  they  set  up 
a  famous  sanctuary  to  Jehovah. 

The  Danites,  having  apparently  at  this  time  no  more 
territory  than  the  district  round  Zorah  and  Eshtaol,  the 
scene  of  the  exploits  of  Samson,  resolved  to  seek  another 


I 


Moral 
difficulties 
in  Judaea 


1 24       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

home.  Accordingly  they  sent  five  representatives  of  their 
clans,  to  see  whether  they  could  discover  a  suitable  settle- 
ment. As  they  passed  through  the  Highlands  of  Ephraim, 
they  recognised  by  his  voice  a  young  Levite  of  Bethlehem, 
with  whom  they  had  been  acquainted. 

The  youth,  perhaps  a  grandson  or  descendant  of  no  less  a 
person  than  Moses,  told  them  that  he  had  been  hired  by  a 
certain  Micah  to  minister  in  a  sanctuary,  which  Micah  and 
his  mother  had  dedicated  to  Jehovah.  It  contained  various 
sacred  objects  such  as  an  ephod  and  teraphim,  and  was  evidently 
regarded  with  deep  veneration  in  the  neighbourhood.  Micah 
— as  his  name  suggests,  a  fervent  worshipper  of  Jehovah — was 
very  proud  to  have  secured  the  services  of  a  Levitical  priest, 
and  felt  sure  that,  for  this  reason,  "  the  Lord  would  do 
him  good."  29 

The  Danites  inquired  of  the  priest  whether  their  enter- 
prise had  the  sanction  of  God,  and  were  told,  "  Before  the 
Lord  is  your  way  wherein  ye  go."  Encouraged  by  this 
response  they  proceeded  northward  towards  the  sources  of 
the  Jordan,  where  they  found  a  city,  called  Laish,  inhabited 
by  a  peaceful  colony  of  Zidonians,  which  could  be  seized 
without  difficulty.^^ 

On  their  return  they  advised  their  tribesmen  to  secure 
so  favourable  a  spot,  and  600  Danite  warriors  forthwith 
marched  to  a  place  near  Kirjath-jearim,  hereafter  known  as 
Mahaneh-Dan.  From  thence  they  advanced  through  the 
Highlands  of  Ephraim,  and  stopping  at  Micah's  house,  seized 
his  sacra,  and  induced  his  priest  to  desert  his  service.  "  Is 
it  better,"  they  asked,  "  for  thee  to  be  priest  unto  the  house 
of  one  man,  or  to  be  priest  unto  a  tribe  and  family  in  Israel  ? " 
In  vain  did  Micah  attempt  to  recover  his  property  :  the 
Danites,  threatening  him  with  violence  if  he  remonstrated, 
continued  their  journey  to  Laish.  The  city  was  soon  taken, 
and  its  name  changed  to  Dan.  Here  Micah's  ephod  and 
teraphim  found  a  permanent  home,  and  the  faithless  Levite 
became  the  ancestor  of  the  priests  of  the  northern  sanctuary, 
and  ministered  there  **  until  the  day  of  the  captivity  of  the 
land  "  (Judg.  xvii.,  xviii.). 

No  reader  of  the  book  of  Judges  can  fail  to  notice  that 
many  incidents  are  recorded  without  a  word  of  disapproval, 


Conquest  and  Settlement  of  Canaan 


^25 


which  merit  the  most  severe  condemnation.  The  savaee 
treachery  of  Jael  and  Ehud,  the  senbuaUty  of  Spm«on  and 
the  awful  sacrifice  made  by  Jephthah,  are  told  without  'com- 
ment, if  not  commended.  In  addition  to  these,  many  of 
the  narratives,  like  that  of  the  criminal  career  of  Abimelech, 
seem  to  contain  little  material  for  edification,  nor  is  it  easy 
to  account  for  their  presence  in  a  Sacred  Book. 

But  before  pronouncing  the  book  of  Judges  to  be  unprofit- 
able, it  may  not  be  out  of  place  to  consider  the  object  of  the 
teacher  who  reduced  these  ancient  records  into  their  present 
form.  The  age  of  the  Judges  was  one  during  which  the  ties, 
binding  the  Israelites  together  in  the  wilderness,  had  become 
relaxed.  As  long  as  the  people  were  under  the  stern  dis- 
cipline of  the  desert,  ruled  by  a  Moses,  or  a  Joshua,  con- 
stantly within  sight  of  the  national  sanctuary,  they  made 
steady  progress.  But  once  they  were  in  possession  of  a 
territory  of  their  own,  and  each  tribe  lived  in  isolation, 
discipline  became  relaxed,  and  the  pure  worship  of  Jehovah 
began  to  be  corrupted  by  the  idolatrous  practices  of  the 
Canaanites.  The  consequence  was  that  the  strength  of 
Israel  rapidly  waned ;  the  nation  seemed  not  only  unable  to 
conquer  new  territories,  but  incapable  of  holding  its  own; 
there  was  little  united  action  among  the  tribes,  and  less  and 
less  of  the  spirit  of  true  religion.  With  the  decay  of  Israel's 
faith  the  whole  fabric  of  society  was  threatened  with  dis- 
solution, and  the  legends  of  the  period,  preserved  by  the 
compiler  of  the  Judges,  shew  to  what  a  state  the  Chosen 
Race  had  sunk.  The  very  absence  of  any  sign  that  those 
who  related  these  stories  were  conscious  of  their  being 
specially  worthy  of  censure,  is  an  eloquent  proof  of  the 
absence  of  any  moral  sense  in  the  days  "  when  there  was  no 
king  in  Israel,  and  every  man  did  what  was  right  in  his  own 
eyes  "  (Judg.  xxi.  25). 

But  history  not  unfrequently  relates  the  crimes  and 
blunders  of  the  rulers  of  nations,  and  has  nothing  to  say 
concerning  that  silent  life  wherein  their  strength  or  weak- 
ness really  lies.  On  the  private  life  of  an  Israelite  township 
in  the  iron  age  of  the  Judges,  the  Sacred  Record  throws  a 
gleam  of  light. 

Elimelech  and  his  family,  by  stress  of  famine,  were  driven  Story  of  Ruth 


126        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


from  Bethlehem-Judah  to  Moab.  There  his  sons  married, 
and  both  he  ^nd  thej  died,  leaving  the  widowed  Naomi  and 
her  two  daughters-in-law.  Both  wished  to  accompany  the 
mother  of  their  husbands  to  her  old  home,  and  one  of  them 
named  Ruth  refused  to  leave  her,  saying,  *'  Intreat  me  not  to 
leave  thee  and  to  return  from  following  after  thee :  for 
whither  thou  goest,  I  will  go  ;  and  where  thou  lodgest,  I 
will  lodge ;  thy  people  shall  be  my  people,  and  thy  God  my 
God.  Where  thou  diest  will  I  die,  and  there  will  I  be 
buried;  Jehovah  do  so  to  me,  and  more  also,  if  aught  but 
death  part  thee  and  me." 

The  two  friendless  women  found  a  kindly  reception  at 
Bethlehem,  and  Ruth,  when  she  went  to  the  field  of  Boaz, 
the  kinsman  of  her  husband,  who  had  heard  of  her  fidelity 
to  Naomi,  was  treated  with  marked  favour  and  allowed  to 
glean  among  the  maidens  of  his  household. 

Knowing  that  Ruth  had  a  legal  right  to  claim  the  pro- 
tection of  Boaz,  Naomi  told  her  to  lay  herself  at  his  feet  as 
he  slept  after  the  feast  which  concluded  the  threshing  of  the 
corn.  On  discovering  her,  Boaz  declared  that  he  would  take 
her  to  wife,  if  the  man  who  was  more  closely  akin  to  her 
husband  than  he,  and  might  marry  her  if  he  desired,  should 
refuse  to  do  so. 

Boaz  himself  took  his  seat  at  the  city  gate,  and  after 
inviting  the  nearest  kinsman  of  Mahlon,  Ruth's  husband, 
to  sit  by  him  together  with  ten  of  the  ciders,  asked  him 
whether  he  was  ready  to  accept  the  obligation  of  continuing 
Mahlon's  line  by  marrying  Ruth,  for  by  this  means  only 
could  he  redeem  the  property  of  the  dead  man.  On  his 
refusal  Boaz  formally  accepted  the  duty  of  acting  as  next  of 
kin  to  Mahlon,  and  took  Ruth  to  be  his  wife.  The  son  of 
this  marriage  was  Obed,  the  grandfather  of  David.  Thus 
Ruth    the    Moabitess    became    one    of    the    ancestresses    of 

Christ. 

There  is  no  more  beautiful  story  in  the  Old  Testament 
than  this;  the  resignation  of  Naomi,  the  fidelity  of  Ruth, 
the  dignity  and  purity  of  every  action  of  Boaz,  are  told  with 
inimitable  grace  and  delicacy.  If  this  is  a  true  picture  of 
home  life  in  early  Israel,  the  nation  had  indeed  hopes  of 
future  greatness,  and  the  little  town  of  Bethlehem  was  no 


Conquest  and  Settlement  of  Canaan       127 


unfit  spot  to  be  the  birthplace  of  the  Christ,  whose  descent 
is  traced  through  Boaz  and  Ruth  the  Moabitess. 

Though  the  majority  of  modern  critics  consider  the 
book  of  Ruth  to  belong  to  the  age  of  the  Captivity, 
tliore  is  not  sufficient  unanimity  on  this  point  to  reject 
the  received  opinion  that  it  is  a  continuation  of  Judges. 


i 


I   I 


Ell 


Tlie 

Sanctuary 
at  Sliiloh 


Chapter  VI 

Priest,   Prophet  and  King 

After  the  death  of  Phinehas  the  book  of  Judges  makes 
no  mention  of  the  national  sanctuary.  The  venerable  Ark 
of  the  Covenant  itself  appears  to  have  been  completely 
neglected,  nor  do  the  descendants  of  Aaron  seem  to  have 
had  any  influence.  Suddenly,  however,  without  any  explana- 
tion being  vouchsafed,  Israel  is  found  to  be  under  the 
guidance  of  a  priest  at  Shiloh.  The  restoration  of  sacerdotal 
authority  by  Eli  is  sufficient  proof  that  he  was  no  ordinary 
man.  Unlike  the  earlier  Judges,  he  is  credited  with  no 
great  deliverance  or  deed  of  personal  valour.  He  was  not 
even  a  member  of  the  family  of  Eleazar  and  Phinehas,  but  a 
descendant  of  Ithamar,  the  youngest  son  of  Aaron.  Yet  it 
must  have  been  owing  to  his  influence  that  the  Ark  had 
again  become  the  centre  of  the  religious  life  of  Israel.  He 
is  represented  in  the  book  of  Samuel  as  a  grave  and 
venerable  man  of  kindly  demeanour  and  gentle  nature,  a 
strange  figure  in  a  violent  and  lawless  age.  May  we  not 
conjecture  that  the  Israelites,  seeing  no  present  hope  of 
deliverance  from  their  Philistine  oppressors,  had  turned  for 
consolation  to  the  sanctuary  of  Jehovah,  and  had  found  in 
His  priest  a  wise  and  upright  Judge  1 

EU's  temple  or  tabernacle,  for  it  bears  both  names,  was 
illustrative  of  the  transitional  character  of  the  nation  at  this 
time.  It  was  placed,  like  some  Canaanite  sanctuary,  on  an 
eminence  within  the  city,  and,  as  ruins  marked  the  spot  in 
the  days  of  Jeremiah,  its  materials  were  evidently  more 
durable  than  those  of  the  ancient  Tabernacle  (Jer.  viL  12). 
Yet  it  is  not  impossible  that  some  of  the  curtains  which 
covered  the  shrine  in  the  wilderness  may  have  survived  the 
neglect  of  centuries,  and  in  a  measure  justified  the  sacred 

138 


Priest,  Prophet  and  King  129 


\\ 


writer  in  applying  to  this  building  the  name  of  the  Tent  of 
Meeting  (1  Sam.  ii.  22  ;  Ex.  xxxviii.  8). 

The  arrangements  were  evidently  of  the  simplest.  Nothing 
is  said  of  the  numerous  Levites  who  aided  the  priests  in  their 
ministrations  in  the  desert,  nor  of  the  profuse  splendour  of  the 
Mosaic  sanctuary.  The  Ark  alone  is  mentioned,  with  a  lamp, 
which  can  scarcely  have  been  the  seven-branched  candlestick,' 
burning  before  it.  Eli,  his  two  sons  Hophni  and  Phinehas,  and 
their  servant  appear  to  have  been  the  only  officials,  except  the 
women,  who,  as  in  the  days  of  the  wanderings,  ministered  at 
the  door  of  the  Tabernacle.  The  ceremonies  were  probably 
anything  but  elaborate.  The  people  resorted  to  Shiloh  to 
offer  annual  sacrifices  of  peace-oflTerings  concluding  with  a 
meal,  part  of  the  victims  being  reserved  by  custom  for  the 
priests  (1  Sam.  i.  4  ;  ii.  12-17).  In  front  of  the  temple  was 
the  official  seat  of  Eli,  who  acted  in  the  twofold  capacity  of 
priest  and  judge,  regulating  the  conduct  of  the  worshippers, 
and  deciding  the  disputes  of  the  people  (1  Sam.  i.  9).i 

Rude  and  simple,  however,  as  the  arrangements  at  Shiloh   eu's  sons 
may  have  been,  they  mark  a  great  advance  on  the  anarchy  of 
the  previous  age.     At  the  least  some  sort  of  central  authority 
was   now   recognised   in   Israel,   some  desire  for  a    regular 
administration  of  law  evinced.     As  long  as  Eli  was  able  to 
control  aflfairs,  all  seems  to  have  gone  well,  and  it  was  not 
till  his  sons  undertook  the  exercise  of  the  priestly  functions 
that  the  sacerdotal  judgeship  fell  into  disrepute.     Even  then 
they  were  guilty  of  no  formal  act  of  apostasy,  nor  is  any 
charge  of  idolatry  brought  against  them.     Their  sin  is  said 
to  have  consisted  in  the  greed  they  displayed  in  exacting 
more  than  the  priestly  due,  and  possibly  in  acts  of  immorality] 
like  those  which  were  unblushingly  practised  in  Canaanite 
temples  (1  Sam.  ii.  22).     In  vain  did  Eli  attempt  to  repress 
these  excesses.     He  pointed  out  that  his  sons  were  guilty  of 
no  ordinary  ofience.      "  Ye  make  the  Lord's  people  to  trans- 
gress.    If  one  man  sin  against  another,  God  shall  judge  him," 
meaning  that  God,  or  His  representative  the  judge,\cts  as 
arbiter  when  it  is  a  case  of  man  sinning  against  man.     The 
case  of  the  priests,  however,  was  that  of  men  outraging  the 
majesty  of  Jehovah,  and  nothing  could  stand  between  them 
and  His  wrath.     "  If  a  man  sin  against  the  Lord,  who  shall 


130       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Priest,  Prophet  and  King  1 3 1 


Birth  of 
Samuel 


Song  of 
Harm  ah 


intreat  for  him  'i "  But  the  reproof  of  their  father  had  no 
effect ;  the  sons  of  Eli  had  already  filled  up  the  measure  of 
their  iniquity.  "  They  hearkened  not  unto  the  voice  of  their 
father,  because  the  Lord  would  slay  them  "  (1  Sam.  ii.  23-25). 
At'shiloh,  in  a  sanctuary  presided  over  by  a  priest  too 
feeble  to  restrain  his  sons,  whose  profligacy  had  made  the 
very  service  of  Jehovah  to  become  a  byword,  one  of  the 
most  blameless  characters  of  ancient  Israel  was  being  edu- 
cated. The  circumstances  of  his  birth  were  different  from 
those  which  attended  that  of  Samson,  the  last  of  the  ancient 
Judges.  No  angelic  visitant  announced  it ;  it  was  due  "to 
the  prayers  of  a  devout  mother,  who  voluntarily  dedicated 
her  son  to  the  service  of  Jehovah." 

Elkanah,  a  native  of  Ramathaim-Zophim  in  the  highlands 
of  Ephraim,  had  two  wives,  Hannah  and  Peninnah.      It  was 
his  custom  to  visit  Shiloh  with  his  family  once  in  every  year 
to  make  his  off'erings   to  Jehovah.      On  one   occasion,   his 
favourite  wife  Hannah,  who  was  barren,  had  been  so  pro- 
voked by  the  continued  taunts  of  her  rival,  that  she  refused 
to  partake  of   the  sacrificial  meal.     After  Elkanah  had  in 
vain  endeavoured  to  console  her,  she  went  forth  and  stood 
before  the  sanctuary.     In  her  misery,  she  made  a  vow  before 
Jehovah  that  if  He  would  give  her  a  son,  he  should  be  a 
Nazarite,   dedicated  to  the  service  of   God,   as  long  as  he 
lived.     Eli,   mistaking   her  deep   emotion  for  drunkenness, 
which  may  have  been  but  too  common  an  accompaniment  of 
the  sacrifices  at  Shiloh,  rebuked  her;   but,  on  hearing  the 
true  cause  of  her  emotion,  he  dismissed  her  with  his  blessing. 
Hannah's  prayer  was  heard :  she  bore  a  son,  and  called  him 
Samuel.     As  soon  as  he  was  weaned,  he  was  brought  to  Eli, 
and  solemnly  dedicated  to  minister  before  Jehovah  (1  Sam.  i.). 
His  birth  was  the  occasion  of  a  Song,  attributed  to  his 
mother  Hannah,  which  finds  an  echo  in  the  Magnificat  of  the 
Blessed  Virgin.     This  Song  though  probably  composed  for 
some  other  occasion,  is  more  applicable  to  the  circumstances  of 
the  time  than  may  at  first  sight  appear.*    It  may  be  regarded 
as  the  prophetic  utterance  of  a  holy  woman,  who  recognises  the 
fact  that  her  own  personal  experience  is  but  a  type  of  God's 

♦  It  is  however  most  unlikely  that  it  emanated  from  Hannah.     All 
that  is  possible  is  to  justify  its  presence  in  1  Samuel  as  a  late  addition. 


dealings  with  Israel.  The  barren  wife,  scorned  by  her  rival, 
represents  the  people  of  Jehovah,  despised  by  the  nations  of 
the  world.  It  was  a  period  of  deep  abasement  for  Israel, 
but  the  removal  of  Hannah's  reproach  by  the  birth  of  Samuel 
was  a  sign  that  a  happier  day  was  about  to  dawn.  Jehovah, 
the  rock  of  Israel,  alone  is  holy:  there  can  be  none  like 
Him.  How,  then,  can  men  boast  in  His  presence  ?  All  the 
vicissitudes  of  human  life  are  attributable  to  Him.  "The 
Lord  killeth  and  maketh  alive ;  He  bringeth  down  to  Sheol 
and  bringeth  up."  He  it  is  who  can  exalt  the  humble 
from  the  very  dunghill  to  a  seat  among  the  princes.  "  For 
the  pillars  of  the  earth  are  the  Lord's,  and  He  hath  set  the 
world  upon  them."  Surely  then  Israel,  the  chosen  race,  may 
take  courage.  The  Philistine  oppression  cannot  last  for 
ever.  ''  They  that  strive  with  the  Lord  shall  be  broken  to 
pieces;  against  them  shall  He  thunder  in  heaven."  His 
own  people  shall  triumph  under  a  king,  whom  Jehovah  shall 
recognise  as  His  Anointed.  Well  does  this  Song  of  Hannah 
express  the  hopes  of  the  mother  of  a  child,  destined  by  God 
to  be  His  instrument  in  raising  Israel  from  degradation,  and 
in  animating  it  with  a  new  spirit  (1  Sam.  ii.  1-1 0).^ 

Before,  however,  the  youthful  Samuel  could  enter  upon  Message 
the  active  work  of  his  life,  he  had  to  witness  the  most  *°  ^ 
crushing  disaster  endured  by  Israel  since  the  Exodus. 
By  their  crimes  the  sons  of  Eli  had  brought  ruin  upon 
this  branch  of  the  house  of  Aaron,  but  not  before  their 
father  had  been  twice  warned  of  the  impending  calamity. 
*'  A  man  of  God "  came  to  Eli  with  a  message  prefaced  by 
the  solemn  words,  "Thus  saith  Jehovah."  The  aged  priest 
was  reminded  that  God  had  revealed  Himself  to  Aaron  in 
F^gypt,  and  that  his  family  had  been  chosen  by  Him  out  of 
all  tlie  tribes  of  Israel  "  to  offer  upon  Mine  altar,  to  burn 
incense,  to  wear  an  ephod  before  Me."  It  had  been  God's 
purpose  to  allow  the  priestly  family  of  Eli  to  *'walk  before 
Him  for  ever,"  but  the  sin  of  his  sons  had  made  this  im- 
possible. Jehovah  would  not  depart  from  His  own  law. 
"Them  that  honour  Me  I  will  honour,  and  they  that  despise 
Me  shall  be  lightly  esteemed."  The  days  were  coming  in 
which  the  house  of  Eli  would  fall  from  its  high  estate,  and 
his  descendants  would  see  a  rival  officiating  in  the  habitation 


I 

I 


i-f,  1 


Saznnel  at 
Bhiloh 


1 


II 


132 


Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Priest,  Prophet  and  King 


^33 


of  Jehovah,  at  the  very  time  when  God's  blessings  were 
being  freely  bestowed  on  Israel.  The  whole  family  were  to 
be  under  a  curse  ;  none  were  to  attain  to  old  age.  If  any 
were  spared,  it  was  to  be  for  shame  and  sorrow,  *'  to  consume 
thine  eyes,  and  to  grieve  thine  heart."  In  place  of  Eli's 
apostate  stock,  God  would  raise  up  a  faithful  priest,  to  whom 
the  remnant  of  this  once  famous  house  would  come  and  cringe 
for  a  living  in  one  of  the  meanest  of  the  priestly  offices.  As  a 
sign  to  Eli  that  these  calamities  would  befall  his  family,  Hoplini 
and  Phinehas  were  to  die  on  the  same  day  (1  Sam.  ii.  27-36). 
From  childhood  Samuel  seems  to  have  been  regarded  as  a 
priest  rather  than  as  an  attendant  at  the  sanctuary.  In 
common  with  the  rest  of  the  hierarchy,  he  wore  the  linen 
ephod ;  and  every  year  his  mother  brought  him  a  tunic, 
specially  made  for  her  son,  which  only  persons  of  rank  appear 
to  have  worn.  He  did  not  minister  to  Eli  as  Joshua  had 
done  to  Moses,  but  he  is  described  as  ministering  **unto  the 
Lord  before  Eli "  (1  Sam.  iii.  l).^ 

Night  was  drawing  to  a  close,  when  Samuel,  who  was 
asleep  in  one  of  the  chambers  of  the  temple,  possibly  in  the 
very  presence  of  the  Ark,  was  called  by  name.  Thrice  did 
he  run  to  Eli,  thinking  he  had  been  summoned,  and  the  third 
time  "  Eli  perceived  that  the  Lord  had  called  the  child."  He 
told  Samuel  to  answer  the  voice,  **  Speak,  Lord  j  for  Thy 
servant  heareth."  Thus  the  child  learned  the  doom  decreed 
by  Jehovah  against  His  priests.  Eli  solemnly  adjured 
Samuel  to  tell  him  what  he  had  heard,  and  on  learning  it, 
exclaimed  in  resignation,  *'It  is  the  Lord:  let  Him  do 
what  seemeth  Him  good"  (1   Sam.  iii.   18). 

No  mention  has  been  made  of  the  Philistines  since  the 
taken  against  days  of  Samson,  but  it  appears  probable  that  the  Israelites 
the  Philistines   j^^^j  ^^  ^j^jg  ^-^^  £g^^  ^j^g  weight  of  their  oppression  for  many 

years.  For  reasons  that  are  not  given  the  Israelites  seem  to 
have  resolved  to  become  the  aggressors.  A  battle  was  fought 
at  Aphek,  in  which  the  Philistines  had  the  advantage.  The 
Israelites,  however,  decided  to  renew  the  contest,  and,  to 
make  victory  more  certain,  fetched  the  Ark  from  Shiloh. 
When  it  arrived  under  the  charge  of  Hophni  and  Phinehas, 
the  whole  army  shouted  to  welcome  the  pledge  of  Jehovah's 
presence  in  its  midst.     The  Philistines,  hearing  that  the  Ark 


The  Ark 


had  arrived  in  the  camp  of  the  Hebrews,  were  discouraged  at 
the  thought  that  *'  these  are  the  gods  that  had  smote  the 
Egyptians  with  all  manner  of  plagues  in  the  wilderness" 
(1  Sam.  iv.  8);  but  at  the  same  time  they  resolved  to  fight 
bravely,  and  never  to  submit  themselves  to  the  state  of 
servitude  to  which  they  had  formerly  reduced  Israel.  In 
the  end  they  won  a  complete  victory.  The  Ark  proved  no 
talisman  to  protect  an  unfaithful  people.  Thirty  thousand 
Israelites  perished;  Hophni  and  Phinehas  were  slain,  and 
the  Ark  of  God  was  taken. 

A  single  fugitive  carried  the  dreadful  tidings  to  Shiloh,  Death  of  EU 
where  Eli,  seated  in  his  accustomed  place  before  the 
Sanctuary,  was  eagerly  awaiting  news  of  the  Ark.  The 
venerable  priest,  now  ninety-eight  years  of  age,  was  quite 
blind,  and  could  hear  only  the  sound  of  lamentation.  When 
he  asked  the  reason  of  the  uproar  in  the  city,  they  brought 
the  messenger  into  his  presence.  Hearing  that  he  had  come 
from  the  army,  Eli  asked,  "What  is  there  done,  my  son?" 
and  was  told,  "  Israel  is  fled  before  the  Philistines,  and  there 
hath  been  a  great  slaughter  among  the  people,  and  thy  two 
sons  also,  Hophni  and  Phinehas,  are  dead."  National 
disgrace  and  disaster,  and  family  bereavement  were  calamities 
indeed,  but  the  worst  had  yet  to  be  related.  When  Eli 
heard  that  the  Ark  of  God  was  taken,  he  fell  back  from  his 
lofty  seat  and  died.  On  learning  what  had  happened,  his 
daughter-in-law,  the  wife  of  Phinehas,  gave  birth  to  a  son 
prematurely,  calling  him  with  her  dying  breath  **Ichabod"  (no 
glory)y  for  the  Ark,  the  glory  of  Israel,  was  gone  "  (1  Sam.  iv.). 

But  if  Jehovah  had  for  a  while  withdrawn  His  protection  The  Ark  in 
from  Israel,  He  had  not  ceased  to  defend  the  sacred  treasure  J??i^^* 
of  the  nation.  The  Philistines  soon  found  to  their  cost  that 
the  Ark  of  the  God  of  Israel  could  not  be  insulted  with 
impunity.  At  Ashdod,  the  city  nearest  to  the  battle-field, 
the  Ark  was  set  up  in  the  house  of  Dagon,  the  tutelary  god 
of  Philistia.  Twice  was  the  image  of  this  divinity  hurled 
from  its  pedestal  as  by  some  invisible  hand,  being  the  second 
time  broken  in  pieces  as  it  fell  prone  on  the  threshold  of  the 
temple.  "  Therefore  neither  the  priests  of  Dagon,  nor  any 
that  come  into  Dagon's  house,  tread  on  the  threshold  of 
Dagon  in  Ashdod  unto  this  day."     The  men  of  Ashdod  were 


keeping 


132        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Samuel  at 
Sbiloli 


of  Jehovah,  at  the  very  time   when  God's  blessings  were 
being  freely  bestowed  on  Israel.       The  whole  family  were  to 
be  under  a  curse  ;  none  were  to  attain  to  old  age.     If  any 
were  spared,  it  was  to  be  for  shame  and  sorrow,  **to  consume 
thine   eyes,  and   to  grieve   thine  heart."     In  place  of  Eli's 
apostate  stock,  God  would  raise  up  a  faithful  priest,  to  whom 
the  remnant  of  this  once  famous  house  would  come  and  cringe 
for  a  living  in  one  of  the  meanest  of  the  priestly  offices.     As  a 
sign  to  Eli  thatthese  calamities  would  befall  his  family,  Hoplini 
and  Phinehas  were  to  die  on  the  same  day  (1  Sam.  ii.  27-36). 
From  childhood  Samuel  seems  to  have  been  regarded  as  a 
priest   rather  than  as   an  attendant  at  the  sanctuary.     In 
common  with  the  rest  of  the  hierarchy,  he  wore  the  linen 
ephod;    and   every   year  his   mother  brought  him  a  tunic, 
specially  made  for  her  son,  which  only  persons  of  rank  appear 
to  have  worn.      He  did  not  minister  to  Eli  as  Joshua  had 
done  to  Moses,  but  he  is  described  as  ministering  **unto  the 
Lord  before  Eli "  (1  Sam.  iii.  1).^ 

Night  was  drawing  to  a  close,  when  Samuel,  who  was 
asleep  in  one  of  the  chambers  of  the  temple,  possibly  in  the 
very  presence  of  the  Ark,  was  called  by  name.  Thrice  did 
he  run  to  Eli,  thinking  he  had  been  summoned,  and  the  third 
time  "  Eli  perceived  that  the  Lord  had  called  the  child."  He 
told  Samuel  to  answer  the  voice,  ''  Speak,  Lord  ;  for  Thy 
servant  heareth."  Thus  the  child  learned  the  doom  decreed 
by  Jehovah  against  His  priests.  Eli  solemnly  adjured 
Samuel  to  tell  him  what  he  had  heard,  and  on  learning  it, 
exclaimed  in  resignation,  *'It  is  the  Lord:  let  Him  do 
what  seemeth  Him  good"  (1  Sam.  iii.  18). 
^^^  «^^  No  mention  has  been  made  of  the  Philistines  since  the 

takeragainst  days  of  Samson,  but  it  appears  probable  that  the  Israelites 
the  Philistines  j^^^  ^^  ^.j^^g  ^jj^e  felt  the  weight  of  their  oppression  for  many 
years.  For  reasons  that  are  not  given  the  Israelites  seem  to 
have  resolved  to  become  the  aggressors.  A  battle  was  fought 
at  Aphek,  in  which  the  Philistines  had  the  advantage.  The 
Israelites,  however,  decided  to  renew  the  contest,  and,  to 
make  victory  more  certain,  fetched  the  Ark  from  Shiloh. 
When  it  arrived  under  the  charge  of  Hophni  and  Phinehas, 
the  whole  army  shouted  to  welcome  the  pledge  of  Jehovah's 
presence  in  its  midst.     The  Philistines,  hearing  that  the  Ark 


The  Ark 


Priest,  Prophet  and  King 


^33 


had  arrived  in  the  camp  of  the  Hebrews,  were  discouraged  at 
the  thought  that  "  these  are  the  gods  that  had  smote  the 
Egyptians  with  all  manner  of  plagues  in  the  wilderness" 
(1  Sam.  iv.  8);  but  at  the  same  time  they  resolved  to  fight 
bravely,  and  never  to  submit  themselves  to  the  state  of 
servitude  to  which  they  had  formerly  reduced  Israel.  In 
the  end  they  won  a  complete  victory.  The  Ark  proved  no 
talisman  to  protect  an  unfaithful  people.  Thirty  thousand 
Israelites  perished;  Hophni  and  Phinehas  were  slain,  and 
the  Ark  of  God  was  taken. 

A  single  fugitive  carried  the  dreadful  tidings  to  Shiloh,  Death  of 
where  Eli,  seated  in  his  accustomed  place  before  the 
Sanctuary,  was  eagerly  awaiting  news  of  the  Ark.  The 
venerable  priest,  now  ninety-eight  years  of  age,  was  quite 
blind,  and  could  hear  only  the  sound  of  lamentation.  When 
he  asked  the  reason  of  the  uproar  in  the  city,  they  brought 
the  messenger  into  his  presence.  Hearing  that  he  had  come 
from  the  army,  Eli  asked,  "  What  is  there  done,  my  son  1 " 
and  was  told,  "  Israel  is  fled  before  the  Philistines,  and  there 
hath  been  a  great  slaughter  among  the  people,  and  thy  two 
sons  also,  Hophni  and  Phinehas,  are  dead."  National 
disgrace  and  disaster,  and  family  bereavement  were  calamities 
indeed,  but  the  worst  had  yet  to  be  related.  When  Eli 
heard  that  the  Ark  of  God  was  taken,  he  fell  back  from  his 
lofty  seat  and  died.  On  learning  what  had  happened,  his 
daughter-in-law,  the  wife  of  Phinehas,  gave  birth  to  a  son 
prematurely,  calling  him  with  her  dying  breath  ^'Ichabod"  (no 
glory\  for  the  Ark,  the  glory  of  Israel,  was  gone  "  (1  Sam.  iv.). 

But  if  Jehovah  had  for  a  while  withdrawn  His  protection  The  Ark  In 
from  Israel,  He  had  not  ceased  to  defend  the  sacred  treasure  f^^tlne 
of  the  nation.  The  Philistines  soon  found  to  their  cost  that 
the  Ark  of  the  God  of  Israel  could  not  be  insulted  with 
impunity.  At  Ashdod,  the  city  nearest  to  the  battle-field, 
the  Ark  was  set  up  in  the  house  of  Dagon,  the  tutelary  god 
of  Philistia.  Twice  was  the  image  of  this  divinity  hurled 
from  its  pedestal  as  by  some  invisible  hand,  being  the  second 
time  broken  in  pieces  as  it  fell  prone  on  the  threshold  of  the 
temple.  "  Therefore  neither  the  priests  of  Dagon,  nor  any 
that  come  into  Dagon's  house,  tread  on  the  threshold  of 
Dagon  in  Ashdod  unto  this  day."     The  men  of  Ashdod  were 


134       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


at  the  same  time  smitten  with  foul  diseases,  and  in  their 
terror  they  sent  the  Ark  to  Gath.  Pestilence  attended  its 
arrival ;  and  it  was  despatched  to  Ekron,  but  the  Ekronites 
protested  against  receiving  so  dreadful  a  guest  into  their 
city.  For  seven  months  the  ark  remained  in  the  land  ;  till 
the  five  sevens  or  lords  of  the  Philistines  assembled  to  decide 
what  was  to  be  done.  The  priests  and  diviners  advised  that 
an  atonement  to  Jehovah  should  be  made  in  the  form  of  five 
golden  mice  and  five  models  of  the  boils  by  which  the  plague 
had  manifested  itself.  These,  they  suggested,  should  be  put 
in  a  cofier  which  was  to  accompany  the  Ark.  In  order  that 
the  Philistines  might  be  sure  that  the  plague  was  sent  by 
Jehovah  as  a  punishment  for  the  seizure  of  the  Ark,  the  priests 
ordered  a  new  cart  to  be  made  and  two  milch  kine  to  be  yoked 
to  it  (as  in  2  Sam.  vi.  3).  Their  calves  were  to  be  shut  up ; 
and  if  the  mothers,  ignoring  the  voice  of  nature,  were  willing  to 
desert  their  ofispring  and  draw  the  cart  bearing  the  Ark  into 
the  territory  of  the  Israelites,  it  would  be  manifest  to  all  that 
the  plague  had  been  sent  by  Jehovah  (1  Sam.  vi.  1-11). 
Plague  at  The  cows,  lowing  as  they  went,  drew  the  cart  to  Beth- 

BotliBliemesli  shemesh.  It  was  the  time  of  harvest :  the  inhabitants  were 
reaping  in  their  valley,  and  rejoiced  to  see  the  Ark,  which 
came  to  a  great  stone  in  the  field  of  a  certain  Joshua.  The 
Levites  reverently  placed  the  Ark  and  the  coffer  containing 
the  trespass  offerings  on  this  stone,  and  solemnly  sacrificed 
the  cows  which  had  brought  it.  But  the  presence  of  the 
Ark  was  as  terrible  to  the  Israelites  as  it  had  been  to  their 
enemies,  and  seventy  men  were  smitten  with  death  for  gazing 
on  it  with  irreverent  curiosity*  (1  Sam.  vi.  12-18). 
The  Ark  at  Appalled  by  this  disaster,  the  men  of  Beth-shemesh  be- 

Kirjath-  sought  the  inhabitants  of  Kirjath-jearim  to  come  down  and 

receive  the  Ark.  Here  it  found  a  resting-place  for  many 
years  in  the  house  of  Abinadab  on  the  hill.  His  son,  who 
bore  the  priestly  name  of  Eleazar,  was  specially  set  apart  to 
watch  this  inestimable  treasure  (1  Sam.  vi.  19-21,  vii.  1). 

The  capture  of  the  Ark  marks  the  conclusion  of  a  period, 
for  even  whilst  it  abode  in  the  Israelite  city  of  Kirjath- 
jearim,  it  was  in  reality  lost  to  Israel.  The  Philistines,  it 
is  true,  were  unable  to  keep  it  as  a  trophy  of  victory  in  the 
temple  of  Dagon,  but  the  Israelites  were  equally  powerless 


Jearim 


Priest,  Prophet  and  King  135 


the  Ark 


to  restore  it  to  their  national  sanctuary.  It  may  be  that, 
like  the  Philistines,  they  were  deterred  by  dread  of  Divine 
vengeance  from  removing  it ;  but  it  is  equally  probable  that 
their  victorious  enemies  sternly  prohibited  any  attempt  to 
revive  the  worship  of  Jehovah  in  its  vicinity.  Kirjath- 
jearim  was  not  far  from  the  frontier,  and  the  Ark  was  still 
under  their  control.  For  all  practical  purposes  the  venerable 
palladium  of  Israel  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  uncircum- 
cised,  and  without  it  no  sanctuary  could  command  the 
veneration  of  the  entire  nation. 

Thu3  the  worship  of  Jehovah  sustained  a  serious  check  Effects  of 
when  the  Ark,  whereby  He  had  so  often  manifested  His  the  loss  of 
presence  and  revealed  His  will,  was  taken.  How  the  temple 
at  Shiloh  fell  is  not  recorded,  but  to  later  generations  its 
ruins  remained  an  abiding  testimony  of  how  once,  as  a  just 
punishment  for  their  sins,  Jehovah  had  abandoned  His  people 
to  their  enemies.  (Jer.  vii.  12-16,  xxvi.  6.) 

By  Shiloh's  fall  an  important  link  with  the  age  of  Moses 
was  broken.  The  Sanctuary  containing  the  Ark  was  a 
perpetual  witness  to  the  spiritual  blessings  enjoyed  by  all 
the  tribes  in  the  days  of  old,  and  must  have  acted  as  a  means 
of  maintaining  a  certain  unity.  Bereft  of  these  visible  tokens 
of  its  glorious  past,  the  nation  was  in  serious  danger  of 
apostasy,  and  it  is  not  inconceivable  that  the  fatal  movement 
which  subsequently  led  Northern  Israel  to  worship  first  the 
calves  at  Dan  and  Bethel,  and  finally  the  Tyrian  Baal,  dates 
from  this  period. 

By  the  capture  of  the  Ark,  which  was  rightly  believed 
to  have  been  a  punishment  for  the  sins  of  their  order, 
the  priesthood  also  lost  their  power,  xs£>y  did  they  ever, 
at  least  in  Northern  Israel,  regain  the  spiritual  influence 
that  they  had  once  possessed.  The  tribe  of  Ephraim 
suffered  by  the  fall  of  Shiloh  in  no  longer  having  the 
national  sanctuary  within  its  borders,  nor  could  it  reassert 
its  political  supremacy  among  the  tribes  for  a  considerable 
time. 

But  the  loss  of  the  Ark  was  felt  most  bitterly  as  being 
the  sign  of  the  withdrawal  of  Jehovah's  presence  from 
Israel.  Like  all  other  nations  of  antiquity,  the  Israelites 
took  no  matter  in  hand  without  trying  to  ascertain  whether 


136       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Samnel  and 
Prophatiflm 


it  was  the  will  of  Heaven  that  it  should  succeed.  It  was 
the  duty  of  the  priest  to  declare  if  an  enterprise  had  the 
approval  of  Jehovah,  and  to  discover  this,  he  made  use  of 
the  jewels  on  the  ephod,  and  perhaps  of  the  Ark  itself. 
The  Israelites  in  primitive  ages  required  that  the  local 
presence  of  Jehovah  in  their  midst  should  be  manifestly 
assured  to  them,  that  they  might  be  able  to  learn  His  will ; 
and  with  the  Ark  no  longer  at  hand,  and  the  priesthood 
discredited  by  its  loss,  they  must  have  fallen  ahnost  into 
a  condition  of  despair. 

That  Samuel  was  able  to  raise  them  out  of  this  state, 
and  animate  them  with  new  hopes,  is  his  greatest  claim  to 
be,  after  Moses,  the  second  founder  of  the  nation. 

From  childhood  he  was  known  to  live  in  constant  com- 
munion with  Jehovah,  and  as  a  man  he  was  known  as  "  the 
seer."  But  after  his  time  the  seer  (roeJi),  the  man  who  saw 
visions,  made  way  for  the  nabi  or  prophet,  whom  the  spirit  of 
Jehovah  moved  to  declare  His  will  (1  Sam.  ix.  9).  Samuel's 
chief  glory  is  that  the  prophetical  dispensation  is  traced  to 
him.  Not  that  he  was  the  earliest  regarded  by  posterity 
as  a  nabi,  this  title  being  applied  to  Abraham,  Moses, 
Miriam  and  others.  But  the  great  development  of  prophet- 
ism  in  Israel,  fraught  with  such  momentous  consequences, 
was  due  to  his  initiative.  He  must  have  recognised  the 
truth  that,  though  the  divine  call  to  the  prophetic  office  may 
come  to  any  man,  they  are  most  likely  to  receive  it  who 
prepare  themselves  for  it  by  devout  communion  with  God. 
For  this  object  men  were  banded  together  in  societies  or 
schools  for  the  purpose  of  devotional  exercises  in  which 
music  was  largely  employed.  These  companies  of  prophets 
gave  Israel  a  constant  supply  of  teachers  in  men  called  by 
God  to  their  office,  prepared  for  their  work  in  company  with 
others  who,  like  them,  desired  to  receive  the  Divine  spirit. 
As  servants  of  God  drawn  from  every  tribe  and  every  class 
of  the  community,  they  became  the  constant  witnesses  of 
Jehovah  throughout  Israel,  upholding  His  claims  with 
greater  zeal  than  could  be  expected  from  any  caste  of 
hereditary  priests. 

Nothing  is  known  of  the  system  of  preparation  for  the 
prophetic  office.     Those  who  received   this  special  training 


Priest,  Prophet  and  King 


^37 


were  known  as  the  "  sons  of  the  prophets,"  but  it  was  not 
considered  indispensable  for  a  recognised  prophet  to  have 
belonged  to  one  of  the  schools.  The  prophets  adopted  in 
later  times  a  distinguishing  dress,  and  no  doubt  submitted 
to  certain  austerities  ^  they  were  usually  married,  however, 
and  possessed  homes  of  their  own.  In  the  ranks  of  the 
order  men  of  every  kind  were  to  be  found,  from  teachers  of 
the  loftiest  spiritual  truths  to  insane  fanatics  and  venal 
impostors.  But  every  prophet  of  Jehovah  was  His  professed 
champion,  pledged  to  resist  any  disloyalty  to  the  God  of 
Israel.  Attempts  to  encourage  the  worship  of  foreign 
deities  were  consequently  certain  to  provoke  the  hostility  of 
the  entire  fraternity.  In  organising  prophetism  Samuel 
made  a  complete  national  apostasy  from  Jehovah  impossible. 

Though  not  a  priest,  Samuel  provided  for  the  sacrificial 
worship  which  by  the  ruin  of  Shiloh  may  have  been  for  a 
while  suspended.  His  procedure  is  not  sanctioned  by  the 
Mosaic  law,  which  was  either  unknown  at  this  time  or 
rendered  impracticable  by  circumstances.  He  permitted,  if 
he  did  not  encourage,  sacrifices  to  Jehovah  on  the  high 
places.  At  his  home  at  Ramah  it  was  his  custom  to  pre- 
side when  the  people  sacrificed  on  a  hill-top  in  or  near  the 
city,  and  similar  gatherings  are  recorded  at  Gilgal  and  at 
Bethlehem. 

Like  Moses,  Samuel  considered  it  a  part  of  his  duty  to 
exercise  judicial  functions.  Every  year  he  made  a  circuit 
from  his  house  in  Ramah  to  Bethel,  Gilgal  and  Mizpeh,  and 
in  his  old  age  he  placed  his  sons  in  the  south  of  Judah  at 
Beersheba  (1  Sam.  vii.  16;  viii.  1,  2). 

He  had  secured  the  confidence  of  the  people  by  gaining  a  Ebenezer 
victory  over  the  Philistines,  though  on  this  occasion  his 
conduct  was  that  of  a  priest  rather  than  of  a  general.  He 
assembled  the  nation  at  Mizpah,  and  exhorted  them  to  put 
away  the  Baalim  and  Ashtaroth  and  to  serve  none  but 
Jehovah.  In  token  of  their  penitence  all  Israel  fasted  "  and 
drew  water  and  poured  it  out  before  Jehovah."  When  the 
Philistines  saw  that  the  Israelites  had  assembled  together, 
they  at  once  marched  against  them,  and  the  affi-ighted  people 
begged  Samuel,  "  Cease  not  to  cry  unto  the  Lord  our  God  for 
us,  that  He  will  save  us  out  of  the  hand  of  the  Philistines." 


138        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Samuel  as 
a  Judge 


The  demand 
for  a  king 


A  complete  victory  was  gained  by  Israel,  in  memory  of  which 
Samuel  set  up  the  stone  of  help  (Ebenezer)  between  Mizpah 
and  Shen  (1  Sam.  vii.  5-12). 

Samuel's  judgeship  was  marked  by  peace  and  prosperity. 
It  is  surprising  to  notice  that  so  ardent  a  servant  of 
Jehovah  allowed  the  Israelites  to  make  a  treaty  with  their 
old  foes  the  Amorites,  but  this  alliance  evidently  checked 
the  encroachments  of  the  Philistines.  The  Israelite  cities 
which  they  had  taken  were  restored  "  from  Ekron  even 
unto  Gath  "  (1  Sam.  vii.  14);  and  in  the  enjoyment  of  the 
benefits  of  a  purer  religion  and  an  orderly  government,  the 
people  entered  upon  a  more  vigorous  period  of  national  life. 
By  ruling  Israel  not  only  in  the  name,  but  under  the  direct 
guidance  of  Jehovah,  Samuel  had  in  fact  revived  the  theocracy 
of  the  age  of  Moses.  Like  the  Lawgiver,  he  kept  no  state, 
exacted  no  tribute,  and  bore  no  title  of  honour.  To  the 
people  of  Kamah  he  wais  known  as  "  the  seer  " ;  and  he  was 
accustomed  to  give  advice  even  on  trivial  matters  to  those 
who  sought  it.  But  he  had  so  impressed  the  people  with  the 
desire  for  a  settled  government,  that,  no  sooner  did  they  find 
that  his  sons  were  not  likely  to  walk  in  his  steps,  and  that 
the  Philistines  had  again  become  dangerous,  than  they  de- 
manded that  he  should  give  them  a  king  (1  Sam.  viii.  4,  5), 

It  was  not  an  unnatural  request.  The  weakness  of  Israel 
had  been  due  to  a  lack  of  unity.  In  early  days  the  love  of 
independence  had  been  manifested  by  a  dislike  of  any  exercise 
of  authority,  and  the  result  had  been  that  the  very  existence 
of  the  nation  had  been  threatened.  Surrounded  as  they  were 
by  foes,  holding  a  mere  strip  of  territory  on  a  most  precarious 
tenure,  it  now  seemed  indispensable  to  force  all  the  tribes  of 
Israel  to  act  in  unison  under  a  single  head. 

Equally  intelligible  was  Samuel's  reluctance  to  set  a  king 
over  the  people  of  Jehovah.  The  institution  of  a  human 
monarchy  seemed  to  him  to  be  an  act  of  disloyalty  to  God, 
and  besides  this  the  prophet  had  all  the  prejudices  of  an 
ancient  Israelite  against  the  exercise  of  arbitrary  power. 
He  warned  the  people  that  their  king  would  force  them  into 
military  service,  that  they  would  have  to  perform  compulsory 
labour  on  the  royal  estates,  that  their  property  would  be  no 
longer  their  own,  but  liable  to  taxation,  and  even  to  confisca- 


Priest,  Prophet  and  King 


139 


tion.  But  his  words  had  no  effect :  the  nation  was  determined 
to  be  like  other  nations,  with  a  king  "  to  judge  them  and  fight 
their  battles  "  ;  and  when  Samuel  cried  unto  Jehovah  he  was 
told  to  grant  the  people  their  desire,  "for  they  have  not 
rejected  thee,  but  they  have  rejected  Me  that  I  should  not 
reign  over  them"  (1  Sam.  viii.  6-18).^* 

Thus,  despite  the  remonstrances  of  the  first  of  the  prophets, 
Israel  became  a  people  under  a  monarch  of  its  own. 

The  history  of  the  election,  appointment  and  reign  of  Difficulties 
Saul  abounds  in  obscurities  and  contradictions ;  and  the  "^  ^^®  ^^  ^^^ 
diflSculty  in  relating  it  is  enhanced  by  the  fact  that  the  text 
of  this  portion  of  the  first  book  of  Samuel  is  in  many  places 
defective.  The  chief  facts  concerning  him  are:  (1)  he  was 
appointed  king  by  the  influence  of  Samuel ;  (2)  he  relieved 
the  town  of  Jabesh-Gilead,  when  besieged  by  the  Ammonites  ; 
(3)  he  conducted  a  successful  expedition  against  the  Amalek- 
ites,  and  for  various  reasons  he  incurred  the  displeasure  of 
Samuel ;  (4)  aided  by  his  son  Jonathan,  he  waged  war  with 
varying  fortune  against  the  Philistines;  (5)  after  raising 
David  to  a  position  of  honour,  he  spent  years  in  pursuing 
him  with  relentless  hostility ;  (6)  he  met  his  death  on  Mount 
Gilboa  in  battle  with  the  Philistines. 

But  every  attempt  to  examine  closely  into  the  circum- 
stances of  the  reign  of  Saul  is  met  by  statements  of  a 
conflicting  character. 

In  one  place  he  is  represented  as  a  mere  youth,  so 
ignorant  of  public  affairs  that  he  has  not  so  much  as  heard  of 
Samuel  (1  Sam.  ix.;  x.  6-14);  in  another,  as  a  man  in  the  full 
maturity  of  his  powers  at  the  time  of  his  election  (1  Sam.  xi.). 
He  is  told  by  Samuel  to  await  him  at  Gilgal  (1  Sara.  x.  8), 
yet  Samuel  assembles  the  people  to  elect  him  king  at  Mizpah 
(1  Sam.  x.  17).  He  is  acclaimed  by  all  the  nation  as  king, 
and  instantly  retires  into  private  life,  only  to  emerge,  when 
Jabesh-Gilead  is  attacked  by  the  Ammonites  (1  Sam.  x.  26  and 
xi.).  After  he  had  reigned  but  two  years  (according  to  one  in- 
terpretation of  1  Sam.  xiii.  1)  he  has  a  son  old  enough  to  be 
acknowledged  one  of  the  first  warriors  in  Israel.  The  length 
of  his  reign  and  the  order  of  events  cannot  be  determined, 
and  the  only  satisfactory  explanation  of  the  biblical  narrative 
is  to  assume  that  it  consists  of  a  number  of  popular  tales 


140        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Advantages 
in  having'  a 
Benjamite 
king 


Religious 
character 
of  kingsliip 


Saul  goes  in 
searcli  of 
the  asses 


concerning  the  first  King  of  Israel,  arranged  in  no  very 
systematic  fashion.^ 

Saul  was  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  the  son  of  Kish,  and 
the  nephew  of  Ner,  two  men  of  wealth  and  importance. 
There  is  nothing  unnatural  in  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  giving 
Israel  a  monarch.  Its  smallness  disarmed  envy,  and  the  fine 
qualities  of  its  men  commanded  respect.  Every  place  con- 
nected with  the  life  of  Samuel,  save  Shiloh,  and  possibly 
Ramah,  was  within  its  borders.  It  bore  the  brunt  of  the 
long  Philistine  wars,  and  was  also  the  centre  of  the  national 
revival.  As  kinsmen  of  the  haughty  Ephraimites,  and  good 
neighbours  to  the  great  southern  tribe  of  Judah,  the  Ben- 
jam  ites  served  to  unite  the  most  powerful  members  of  the 
Hebrew  confederacy.  Saul  was  no  unworthy  representative 
of  his  valiant  tribe.  His  appearance  is  described  as  "  choice 
and  goodly "  :  "  there  was  not,"  it  is  said,  "  among  the 
children  of  Israel  a  goodlier  person  than  he."  He  was 
undoubtedly  possessed  of  that  personal  valour  so  necessary 
to  a  leader  in  a  primitive  age.  His  impetuous  nature  was 
admirably  calculated  to  arouse  enthusiasm,  and  to  animate 
men  in  a  time  of  danger  and  difficulty. 

The  kingship,  as  established  ])y  Samuel,  was  an  eminently 
religious  institution.  The  ruler  of  Jehovah's  people  received 
a  special  consecration  for  his  office,  and  was  regarded  as 
specially  set  apart  from  the  rest  of  the  people  for  the 
discharge  of  a  sacred  duty.  In  the  books  of  Samuel  and 
Kings,  "the  Book  of  the  Kingdoms,"  as  the  LXX.  styles 
them,  Saul  is  distinguished  as  the  Anointed,  the  Christ  of 
Jehovah.  To  no  other  king,  not  even  to  David,  is  this  title 
given  in  the  historical  books.  The  choice  of  Saul  and  the 
manner  of  his  appointment  gave  his  person  a  peculiar 
sanctity,  and  for  this  reason  the  sacred  historian  relates  it  at 
some  length. 

The  asses  of  Kish,  the  most  valued  property  of  an  Israelite 
landowner,  had  strayed,  and  his  son  Saul,  accompanied  by  a 
servant,  was  sent  in  search  of  them.  Leaving  their  home  at 
Gibeah,  Saul  and  his  companion  went  through  the  hill 
country  of  Ephraim,  and  descending  into  the  Maritime  Plain, 
traversed  the  district  of  Baal-Shalisha  without  success.  They 
next  turned  southwards  to  the  **  land  of  Shalim  "  and  to  the 


Priest,  Prophet  and  King  141 


western  frontier  of  Benjamin,  till  after  three  days  of  fruitless 
search  they  came  to  the  "land  of  Zuph,"  the  home  of 
Samuel.  The  servant  recognised  the  city  they  were 
approaching  as  the  dwelling-place  of  a  celebrated  seer  (roeh), 
whom  he  described  as  "  a  man  that  is  held  in  honour ;  all 
that  he  saith  cometh  surely  to  pass."  He  suggested  that 
Saul  should  inquire  of  the  seer  as  to  the  whereabouts  of  the 
lost  asses  and  offer  him  the  fourth  part  of  a  shekel  of  silver 
as  a  fee  for  his  service.  On  approaching  the  city  Saul 
found  the  maidens  going  forth  to  draw  water,  and  learned 
that  the  seer  having  just  returned,  was  about  to  hold  a 
solemn  sacrifice  on  the  high  place  (1  Sam.  ix.   1-14). 

Samuel  had  previously  received  a  Divine  intimation  that  saui  comes 
Jehovah  was  about  to  send  to  him  the  man  who  should  save  to  Ramah 
Israel  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Philistines.  When  therefore 
Saul  met  him  and  inquired  for  the  house  of  the  seer,  Samuel 
told  him  who  he  was,  commanding  him  and  his  servant  to 
come  up  to  the  high  place ;  "  For  ye  shall  eat  with  me  to-day  : 
and  in  the  morning  I  will  let  thee  go,  and  will  tell  thee  all 
that  is  in  thine  heart."  As  a  proof  of  his  power  to  divine 
his  inmost  thoughts,  Samuel  assured  Saul  that  the  asses  he 
was  in  search  of  were  found,  but  that  such  things  were  no 
longer  of  importance.  "For  whom,"  said  he,  "is  all  that 
is  desirable  in  Israel  ?  Is  it  not  for  thee,  and  for  all  thy 
father's  house  1 "  Saul  replied  that  he  was  a  member  of  an 
insignificant  family,  and  of  the  smallest  of  the  tribes,  and 
asked  Samuel  why  he  used  such  language ;  but  no  explana- 
tion was  vouchsafed.  In  the  guest-chamber  on  the  high 
place  Saul  and  his  servant  found  some  thirty  persons 
assembled,  and  were  placed  by  Samuel  in  the  seat  of  honour. 
To  Saul's  amazement,  a  portion  of  the  sacrifice  had  been 
reserved  for  him;  for  the  cook,  in  obedience  to  Samuel's 
commands,  elevated  the  right  leg  of  the  victim  before 
Jehovah  and  then  set  it  in  front  of  the  youthful  Ben- 
jamite. The  honour  thus  conferred  upon  Saul  was  one 
usually  paid  only  to  men  of  priestly  rank  (1  Sam.  ix.  15-24).^ 

When  the  feast  was  over  Saul's  bed  was  made   on   the  saul 
roof  of  Samuel's  house,  and  at  dawn  he  was  summoned  by  anointed 
the  seer,  and  escorted  to  the  city  gate.     Samuel  then  bade 
the  servant  go  on,  and  when  he  and  Saul  were  alone,  took 


142        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Tliree  signs 


Saul  chosen 
king  by  lot 


the  vial  of  oil  which  he  had  prepared,  and  pouring  the  con- 
tents on  Saul's  head,  exclaimed,  "Is  it  not  that  the  Lord 
hath  anointed  thee  to  be  prince  over  His  inheritance  1 " 

That  Saul  might  be  assured  that  he  had  been  truly  ap- 
pointed to  this  high  office,  three  signs  were  given  to  him, 
each  with  its  own  peculiar  significance.  As  he  came  to  the 
sepulchre  of  Rachel,  the  ancestress  of  the  Benjamites,  two 
men  would  come  bounding  (so  LXX.  aXXofxevov^  juLeyaXa) 
towards  him  with  news  that  the  lost  asses  were  found.  In 
this  way  his  private  cares  would  cease,  that  he  might  be 
able  to  devote  himself  to  more  important  matters.  By  the 
oak  of  Tabor  three  men  would  meet  him  bearing  offerings 
to  God  on  their  way  to  Bethel.  They  would  present  to 
Saul  two  loaves  made  from  the  first-fruits,  in  token  of  the 
honour  in  store  for  him  as  God's  representative.  The  third 
sign  was  to  be  given  near  one  of  the  garrisons  of  his  life- 
long enemies,  the  Philistines.  From  the  hill  (Gibeah)  of 
God  a  band  of  prophets  would  descend  in  festal  array,  with 
psaltery,  timbrel,  pipe  and  harp.  Then  the  spirit  of  Jehovah 
would  spring  (so  Heb.,  LXX.  and  Vulgate)  upon  Saul,  and  he 
would  *'  be  turned  into  another  man  "  and  he  would  prophesy 
like  one  inspired.  "  And,"  added  Samuel,  "  it  shall  come  to 
pass,  when  these  signs  are  come  unto  thee,  that  thou  do  for 
thee  as  thine  hand  shall  find  ;  for  God  is  with  thee."  Saul 
was  further  instructed  to  go  to  Gilgal  and  to  wait  for 
Samuel  for  seven  days.  The  signs  came  to  him  as  Samuel 
had  foretold ;  and  when  Saul  was  seen  prophesying,  the 
people,  wondering  at  the  change  which  had  come  over  him, 
asked,  "  Is  Saul  also  among  the  prophets  1 "  But  a  man  who 
was  present  with  deeper  insight  exclaimed,  "And  who  is 
their  father?"  signifying  that  the  prophetic  office  was  no 
hereditary  distinction,  but  a  call  direct  from  God  (1  Sam.  x. 
M3).7 

On  his  return  home  Saul  maintained  a  discreet  silence 
concerning  what  Samuel  had  revealed,  merely  telling  his 
uncle  that  the  seer  had  told  him  that  the  asses  had  been 
found. 

It  is  not  easy  to  say  precisely  what  happened  after  this. 
As  the  sacred  narrative  now  stands,  Samuel  is  said  to  have 
assembled  the  people  at  Mizpeh  to  choose  a  king  by  lot. 


Priest,  Prophet  and  King 


43 


The  lot  fell  upon  Saul,  who  was  found  concealed  among  the 
baggage.  When  he  was  brought  forth  "  higher  than  any  of 
the  people  from  his  shoulders  and  upward,"  Samuel  ex- 
claimed, "See  ye  him  whom  the  Lord  hath  chosen,  that 
there  is  none  like  him  among  all  the  people  1  And  all  the 
people  shouted,  and  said,  *  God  save  the  King.' " 

Nothing  more  was  done.     The  people  returned  to  their 
homes ;    while  some  evilly   disposed   men    said    mockingly, 
"  How  shall  this  man  save  us  ?  "  and  brought  Saul  no  present, 
as  a  sign  of  respect.     Shortly  afterwards,  however,  Nahash, 
an  Ammonite    king,    besieged   Jabesh-Gilead.       When    the 
inhabitants  asked  for  terms,  he  refused  to  show  mercy,  and 
thi-eatened  that  when  they  surrendered  the  place  he  would 
put  out  their  right  eyes  as  a  reproach  to  all  Israel.     The 
wretched  elders  of  the  city  asked  for  a  week's  respite,  pro- 
mising to  yield  on  the  seventh  day  if  no  help  appeared.     On 
hearing  of  their  distress  Saul  hewed  in  pieces  the  oxen  with 
which  he  was  ploughing,  and  sent  them  throughout  Israel 
with  the  message,  "  Whosoever  cometh  not  forth  after  Saul 
and  after  Samuel,  so  shall  it  be  done  unto  his  oxen."     An 
immense  army  of  300,000  Israelites  and    30,000  Judaans 
obeyed  his   call,   and   the  Ammonites   were  so    thoroughly 
routed  that  "not  two  of  them  were  left  together."     After 
this  striking  victory  Saul  refused  to  punish  those  who  had 
not  acknowledged  him  as  king,  and  Samuel  assembled  the 
people  together  at  Gilgal  for  the  purpose  of  "  renewing  the 
kingdom"  (1  Sam.  xi.). 

There  are  however  several  serious  difficulties  in  accepting  Difficultiea 
this  narrative  as  an  orderly  presentation  of  facts.  In  the  "^  account 
first  place,  whereas  Samuel  instructed  Saul  to  go  to  Gilgal 
and  wait  for  him  there,  he  assembled  the  people  at  Mizpeh 
to  choose  a  king.  Then  although  Saul  was  appointed  to 
deliver  Israel  from  the  Philistines,  who  had  evidently  reduced 
the  nation  to  the  greatest  straits,  his  first  exploit  was  the 
relief  of  Jabesh-Gilead  in  Eastern  Palestine  across  the 
Jordan.  Further,  it  seems  hardly  possible  to  conceive  of 
Saul  being  able  to  induce  the  entire  nation  to  take  part  in 
so  distant  an  expedition  and  yet  soon  after  this  victory  to 
have  only  3000  troops  wherewith  to  encounter  the  Philistines 
(1  Sam.  xiii.  2). 


144       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


FliUlBtine  war 


kn  attempt  From  a  few  scattered  hints  in  the  book  of  Samuel,  it  may 

to  solve  them  perhaps  be  inferred  that  the  Benjamites  were  actually  being 
driven  out  of  their  territory  by  the  Philistines,  and  that 
many  were  already  taking  refuge  beyond  Jordan  when 
Samuel  anointed  Saul.  The  privacy  with  which  the  cere- 
mony was  performed  may  have  been  due  to  the  danger  of 
arousing  the  suspicions  of  the  Philistine  conquerors.  Samuel 
may  well  have  sent  Saul  to  Gilgal,  the  ancient  camp  of 
Joshua,  to  rally  the  fugitives,  and  from  there  he  may  have 
found  supporters  among  the  Eastern  Israelites.  Under 
these  circumstances  an  Ammonite  war  may  have  been 
undertaken,  and  the  successful  relief  of  Jabesh-Gilead  may 
have  induced  the  Israelites  to  make  a  fresh  effort  to  expel 
the  Philistines  from  the  heights  of  Benjamin.  Saul,  like 
Joshua  had  to  conquer  Western  Palestine  from  Gilgal. 

The  long  war  with  the  Philistines  waged  by  Saul,  beginning 
at  the  camp  of  Gilgal  and  ending  with  the  battle  at  Ephes- 
dammim,  where  David  slew  Goliath,  is  his  greatest  title  to 
fame.  A  glance  at  the  map  will  shew  that  whereas  at  the 
commencement  of  his  reign  Saul  was  fighting  to  conquer  the 
passes  leading  from  the  Jordan  valley  to  the  highlands  of 
Benjamin,  he  was  in  the  course  of  a  few  years  able  to  carry 
war  into  the  Philistine  country.  The  difficulties  with  which 
he  had  to  contend  were  very  great.  Every  important 
strategical  position  in  Benjamin  was  garrisoned  by  Philis- 
tines, and  the  Israelites  had  been  completely  disarmed,  not 
even  a  smith  being  allowed  to  ply  his  trade  among  them. 
If  an  Israelite  wanted  his  agricultural  implements  sharpened 
it  is  said  that  he  had  to  go  into  the  Philistine  territory  and 
pay  a  very  high  price  for  the  privilege  (1  Sam.  xiii.  19-23).^ 
Only  Saul  and  his  son  Jonathan  possessed  complete  suits  of 
armour.  Their  army  consisted  of  3000  ill-armed  peasants, 
but  the  struggle  for  freedom  had  the  sanction  of  Samuel 
the  prophet,  and  Ahijah  the  son  of  Ahitub  of  the  priestly 
house  of  Eli. 

The  campaign  opened  disastrously.  Jonathan,  ever  ready 
to  perform  an  act  of  daring,  successfully  assaulted  the 
Philistine  garrison  at  Geba  ;  but  no  sooner  did  the  watch- 
word, "The  slaves  are  in  revolt"  (so  LXX.),  spread  through 
their  country  than  an  immense  army  of  Philistines  appeared 


Priest,  Prophet  and  King  145 


in  Benjamin  (1  Sam.  xiii.  3-5).  The  Israelites  hid,  as  they 
had  done  in  the  days  of  Gideon,  in  caves  and  holes,  and 
some  even  took  refuge  across  the  Jordan.  Saul  retreated  to 
Gilgal,  where  apparently  all  but  six  hundred  faithful  warriors 
deserted  him.  Even  Samuel's  coming  was  delayed ;  and 
fearing  that  the  Philistines  would  attack  him  before  he  had 
appeased  Jehovah,  Saul  offered  sacrifice  without  awaiting  the 
arrival  of  the  prophet.  For  this  want  of  faith  Samuel  fore- 
told that  the  kingdom  would  not  remain  in  Saul's  family. 
In  the  meantime  the  Philistines  systematically  devastated 
the  country,  sending  three  separate  marauding  bands  from 
their  camp  at  Michmasb,  northward  to  Ophrah,  westward  to 
Beth-horon,  and  southward  to  the  valley  of  Zeboim  (1  Sam. 
xiii.  5-18). 

As  long  as  the  Philistines  held  Michmash  they  had  the  The  war  of 
command  of  the  pass  leading  from  the  Jordan  valley  to  the  Miclimasli 
heights  of  Bethel.       Jonathan  was  in  Geba  on  the  other  side 
of  the  valley,  whilst  Saul  and  six  hundred  men  were  encamped 
in  the  district  of  Gibeah  by  the  pomegi-anate  of  Migron  in 
sight  of  Michmash. 

Jonathan  as  he  looked  from  Geba,  discovered  a  point  where 
the   Philistine   stronghold    could    be    successfully    stormed. 
Between  Geba  and  Michmash  is  the  Wady-es-Suweinit,   in 
which  are  two  conical   hills   known   at  this  time  as  Bozez 
(shining)    and    Seneh    (the    thorn    bush);    between    these 
Jonathan  proposed  to  pass  accompanied  only  by  his  armour- 
bearer,   to  whom   he  disclosed  the  desperate  nature  of  the 
undertaking.       The  armour-bearer  was  as  eager  for  the  fray 
as  Jonathan  himself:  "  Do  all  that  is  in  thine  heart,"  said  he  ; 
*'Turn   thee;    behold   I   am   with    thee   according  to   thine 
heart."      They  decided  between  them  that  if  the  Philistines, 
when  they  discovered  themselves,  should  dare  them  to  come 
up  to  the  garrison  they  should  not  hesitate  to  do  so;   for, 
as  Jonathan  had  said,  "  There  is  no  restraint  (or  difficulty) 
to   the   Lord   to    save    by  many   or  by  few."     When   the 
Philistines  beheld  them  they  cried  mockingly,   **  Behold  the 
Hebrews  come  forth  out  of  the  holes  where  they  had  hid 
themselves,"  adding,  "  Come  up  to  us,  and  we  will  shew  you 
a    thing."     Jonathan,    interpreting    this    as    a   good    omen, 
called  upon  his  armour-bearer  to  follow,  and  being  renowned 


146       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Priest,  Prophet  and  King 


47 


for  activity,  was  able  to  climb  up  the  rock,  which  the 
Philistines  probably  deemed  inaccessible.  Followed  by  his 
brave  armour-bearer,  who  despatched  the  Philistines  after  his 
master  had  laid  them  low,  as  a  ploughshare  turns  over  the 
earth,  Jonathan  speedily  slew  twenty  men.  This  gallant 
exploit  led  to  the  total  discomfiture  of  the  enemy.  Surprised 
at  the  suddenness  of  the  attack,  and  probably  thinking  that 
Jonathan  and  his  armour-bearer  were  not  unsupported,  the 
Philistines  were  struck  by  a  sudden  terror,  which  was 
intensified  by  a  violent  earthquake.  From  the  heights  of 
Gibeah  Saul's  watchmen  saw  the  army  of  the  Philistines 
melting  away,  and  their  camp  in  confusion.  Hastily  muster- 
ing his  troops,  the  king  found  that  Jonathan  and  his  armour- 
bearer  were  absent.  Before  attacking  an  enemy,  it  was 
customary  to  consult  the  Sacred  Ephod,  and  Ahijah  was 
summoned  for  this  purpose.  But  it  was  no  time  to  wait  for 
oracles.  Saul,  recognising  that  the  moment  to  strike  had 
arrived,  said  to  Ahijah,  "  Withdraw  thine  hand,"  and  put 
himself  at  the  head  of  his  men.  The  Philistines  had  by  this 
time  become  utterly  demoralised,  "every  man's  sword  was 
against  his  fellow,"  and  their  army  was  soon  routed.  The 
whole  country  rose ;  the  slaves,  or  Hebrews  employed  by  the 
Philistines,  deserted,  and  Mount  Ephraim  seemed  to  swarm 
with  men  who  had  previously  concealed  themselves  from  the 
enemy.  The  battle  rolled  onwards  past  Bethaven  to  Bethel, 
and  from  thence  down  into  the  valley  of  Ajalon.  The 
Philistines  fled  before  Saul,  as  the  Canaanites  had  fled 
centuries  earlier  before  Joshua.^** 

The  war  of  Michmash,  as  this  campaign  is  styled,  secured 
the  possession  of  the  territory  of  Benjamin  for  the  Israelites, 
and  probably  caused  Saul  to  be  acknowledged  king  by  the 
whole  nation.  The  battle  is  further  remarkable  for  two 
incidents,  both  eminently  characteristic  of  the  age. 

In  the  excitement  of  the  fight  Saul  committed  a  great 
error.  Fearing  lest  the  pursuit  might  be  delayed  if  his 
army  stopped  to  refresh  themselves,  he  pronounced  a  solemn 
adjuration,  "Cui*sed  be  any  man  that  eateth  food  until  the 
evening,  and  I  be  avenged  on  my  enemies."  The  pursuit  of 
the  Philistines  led  the  wearied  army  of  Israel  through  a 
wood,  which  literally  flowed  with  honey,  but  not  a  man  so 


much  as  tasted  it,  for  fear  of  the  king's  curse.     Jonathan, 
however,  who  had  now  joined   the  army  but  had  not  heard 
his  father's  prohibition,  put  his  stafi"  into  the  comb  of  honey, 
and  refreshed  his  parched  lips.     His  eyes  were  immediately 
"  enlightened,"  that  is  to  say  he  felt  capable  of  fresh  exertion, 
and  on  hearing  that  his  father  had  forbidden  the  people  to 
take  food  till  evening,  he  remarked  that  a  far  greater  victory 
might  have  been  gained  had  they  been  allowed  to  refresh  them- 
selves with  the  spoil,  for,  "  See,  I  pray  you,"  said  he,  ''how  mine 
eyes  have  been  enlightened  because  I  tasted  a  little  honey." 
That  evening,  the  famishing  troops,  forgetful  of  law  and 
custom,  began  to  devour  the  cattle  they  had  captured  with- 
out first   removing  the   blood.      On  hearing  of  this,   Saul 
commanded  a  great  stone  to  be  rolled  into  the  camp  to  serve 
as  an  altar,  on  which  the  victims  could  be  slain  and  eaten 
with  due  formality.     This  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  altar 
set  up  by  Saul  to  Jehovah.     After  the  people  had  finished 
their  meal,    Saul   proposed  to  attack   the  remnant    of   the 
Philistine   army   at  night.      Ahijah   tried  to  ascertain    the 
Divine  will,   but   as    he  could   obtain  no  response,  it  was 
inferred  that  Jehovah  was  displeased.     To  discover  whether 
the  cause  of  offence  lay  with  Saul  and  Jonathan  or  with  the 
army,  the  king  and  his  son  were  placed  on  one  side,  and  the 
people  on  the  other.     Saul  then  prayed  God,  **  If  tliis  iniquity 
is  in  me  or  in  Jonathan,  O  Lord  God  of  Israel,  give  Urim, 
and  if  it  is  Thy  people  Israel,  give  Thummim"  (1  Sam.  xiv! 
41,  LXX.).     The  Urim  shewed  that  the  guilt  lay  with  Saul 
and  Jonathan  :  lots  were  cast  between  them,  and  Jonathan 
was  taken.     He  admitted  that  he  had  tasted  the  honey  in 
ignorance  of  his  father's  oath.     In  those  hard  times  no  excuse 
was  allowed  :  the  crime  had  been  committed,  and  the  penalty 
must  be  paid.     Saul  pronounced  sentence  of  death  upon  his 
Bon,  but  the  army  protested,  "Shall  Jonathan  die,  who  hath 
wrought  this  great  salvation  in  Israel?  God  forbid.     As  the 
Lord  liveth  there  shall  not  one  hair  of  his  head  fall  to  the 
ground ;  for  he  hath  wrought  with  God  this  day.     So  the 
people  rescued  Jonathan  that  he  died  not"  (1  Sam.  xiv.). 

When  the  Philistines  again  came  into  conflict  with  Saul,   Battle  of 
it  was  on  the  borders  of  their  own  territory  in  the  neighbour-  Ephes- 
hood  of   Gath.       The   Philistines   had   encamped   at   Ephes-  ^^'^^^^^ 


148        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Priest,  Prophet  and  King 


149 


dammim  between  Azekah  and  Socho,  and  the  Israelites  had 
entrenched  themselves  on  the  eastern  side  from  which  they 
could  retreat  with  safety  up  the  valley.  The  position  of 
either  army  was  too  strong  to  be  attacked  by  the  other,  aa 
the  assailants  would  have  to  cross  a  deep  depression  formed 
by  a  watercourse.  The  battles  between  the  Israelites  and 
Philistines  belong  to  the  heroic  age,  in  which  the  exploits  of 
individuals  are  more  important  than  the  movements  of  armies. 
As  the  war  of  Michmash  had  been  decided  by  the  personal 
valour  of  Jonathan,  so  the  victory  of  Ephes-dammim  was  due 
to  the  courage  of  a  new  Israelite  warrior.  This  was  Saul's 
armour-bearer,  David,  a  native  of  Bethlehem  in  Judah. 
David  had  been  introduced  to  the  king  not  only  as  a  skilful 
musician,  but  also  as  "  a  mighty  valiant  man,  and  a  man  of 
war."  He  won  Saul's  favour  by  playing  the  harp  and  thereby 
charming  away  his  deep  fits  of  melancholy,  and  it  is  recorded 
that  "  Saul  loved  him  gi-eatly,"  and  that  David  became  his 
armour-bearer  (1  Sam.  xvi.  21-23). 

The  battle  began  with  a  scene  which  cannot  fail  to  recall 
similar  ones  in  classical  antiquity.  The  Philistine  champion 
of  the  day  was  a  native  of  Gath,  whose  name  Goliath  as  well 
as  his  gigantic  stature  marks  him  as  one  of  the  survivors  of 
the  ancient  Canaanite  dwellers  in  the  Shephelah.  In  his 
panoply  he  stood  over  nine  feet,  but  giant  though  he  was,  it 
was  his  magnificent  armour  which  attracted  most  attention. 
His  brazen  helmet,  his  corselet  of  scales,  weighing  5000 
shekels,  with  the  greaves  protecting  his  legs,  formed  his 
defensive  armour ;  whilst  on  his  back  was  slung  a  javelin, 
and  his  great  spear  like  a  weaver's  beam,  with  its  iron  head 
600  shekels  in  weight,  together  with  his  sword,  composed 
his  weapons  of  offence.  A  shield-bearer  accompanied  the 
champion.  Day  by  day  Goliath  challenged  the  Hebrews  to 
gend  a  man  to  decide  by  single  combat  whether  Israel  or 
Philistia  should  in  future  be  the  ruling  nation. 

One  beautiful  version  of  the  story  of  the  acceptance 
of  Goliath's  challenge  relates  that  David  the  son  of  Jesse 
came  from  feeding  his  father's  flock  to  visit  his  brethren, 
and  that  the  boy,  hearing  the  boastful  Philistine  defy 
the  armies  of  the  Living  God,  oflfered  to  fight  with  him. 
But  it  appears  more  probable  that  David   was  already «. 


chieftain  in  Saul's  army,  and  as  such  was  accepted  by  the 
king  as  Israel's  champion.  Such  confidence  had  Saul  in  his 
young  armour-bearer,  that  he  oflfered  to  lend  him  his  own 
arms ;  but  David  must  have  known  that  to  fight  the  Philistine 
on  even  terms  was  to  rush  upon  death.  He  had  not  proved 
Saul's  armour,  so  he  preferred  to  trust  to  his  shepherd's  staflf 
and  sling,  which  he  had  used  with  such  eflfect  to  defend  his 
father's  sheep.  Above  all,  he  trusted  in  Jehovah,  the  God 
of  the  armies  of  Israel.  As  the  two  champions  faced  one 
another  they  indulged  in  mutual  taunts  :  Goliath  vowing  by 
his  gods  to  give  David's  carcass  to  the  birds  and  beasts ;  and 
David  replying,  *'  Thou  comest  to  me  with  a  sword  and  with 
a  spear  and  with  a  javelin  ;  but  I  come  to  thee  in  the  name 
of  the  Lord  of  Hosts,  the  God  of  the  armies  of  Israel,  whom 
thou  hast  reproached."  As  the  Philistine  drew  near,  David's 
sling-stone  smote  him  in  the  forehead,  and  he  fell  down  dead. 
David  immediately  took  possession  of  his  sword,  and  struck 
oflfhis  head  (1  Sam.  xvii.  1-54).* 

Then,  if  various  obscure  notices  in  2  Samuel  and  1 
Chronicles  refer  to  this  event,  a  furious  fight  ensued.  The 
Israelites  attacked  the  Philistines,  but  the  victory  was  not 
easily  won.  The  Philistines  made  a  stand  in  a  field  of 
barley  and  drove  back  their  opponents  till  David,  and  his 
friend  Eleazar,  the  son  of  Dodo  or  Dodai,  the  Ahohite, 
perhaps  with  the  assistance  of  Shammah  the  son  of  Agee, 
put  them  to  flight.  Jashobeam  the  Hachmonite  is  said  to 
have  slain  300,  or  even  800  Philistines  on  that  day  (2 
Sam.  xxiii.  9-11  ;  1  Chron.  xi.  11-14).  The  victory  gained  by 
Israel  was  as  complete  as  possible.  The  Philistines  took 
refuge  in  Gath  and  Ekron,  and  their  camp  was  spoiled  by 
the  Israelites.  The  men  who  helped  David  were  not  for- 
gotten when  he  became  king,  and  were  known  as  the  first 
three  among  his  warriors.^ 

The    appearance   of    David   is   the   turning-point   in    the  Rejection 
career  of  Saul;  but  in  the  sacred  narrative  Saul's  rival  is  of  Saul 
not  introduced,  till  it  has  been  related  how  the  king  lost 
the  favour   of    Samuel.     Too   little  is   known    of    Saul  to 
justify  any  definite  pronouncement  as  to  his  character,  or 

*  The  Hebrew  here  however  implies  that  David  was  an  armed  warrior, 
and  with  his  own  sword  smote  off  Goliath's  head. 


H 


r 


150        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

to  give  a  satisfactory  explanation  why  be  was  rejected  by 
Jehovah.  It  is  however  impossible  to  read  the  first  book  of 
Samuel  and  not  to  feel  that,  despite  his  undoubted  merits, 
there  was  something  which  made  it  impossible  for  Saul  to 
further  the  highest  development  of  his  people,  and  to  ac- 
complish such  a  work  as  Samuel  had  expected  him  to  perform. 

Saul  had  a  task  of  great  difficulty  before  him  when  he 
became  King  of  Israel.  He  was  called  as  it  were  to  stand 
at  the  parting  of  the  ways.  An  age  of  barbarism  was 
making  way  for  one  of  higher  civilisation,  and  a  leader  was 
required  capable  of  understanding  the  one,  and  preparing 
for  the  other.  The  early  Judges  had  been  nothing  but 
successful  warriors  :  most  of  them  fought  the  battles  of 
Israel,  and  then  retired  into  private  life.  Saul,  however, 
was  called  upon  to  do  something  more  than  gain  victories. 
As  a  king  he  had  to  rule  hLs  people,  as  well  as  to  save 
them  from  their  enemies.  For  this,  other  qualifications 
besides  personal  bravery  and  military  skill  were  demanded. 
It  was  necessary  that  the  King  of  Israel  should  unite  with 
these  the  higher  virtues  which  are  engendered  by  the  dis- 
cipline of  self-restraint.  In  this  Saul,  though  the  greatest 
military  leader  of  Israel  since  Joshua,  was  conspicuously 
deficient.  In  the  war  of  Michmash,  his  rash  vow  lost  him 
the  opportunity  of  reaping  the  fruits  of  victory.  On 
another  occasion  he  outraged  the  best  feelings  of  his  day 
by  violating  the  ancient  treaty  made  by  Joshua  with  the 
Gibeonite  cities  of  Benjamin,  and  by  a  cruel  massacre  of 
their  inhabitants  raised  up  implacable  enemies  to  his  house. 
Finally,  his  insane  jealousy  of  David  led  to  a  civil  war, 
which  enabled  the  Philistines  once  more  to  subdue  Israel. 

But  in  addition  to  this  lack  of  statesmanlike  qualities, 
Saul  shewed  a  complete  misapprehension  of  the  duties  of 
religion.  The  theocratic  system  established  by  Samuel  and 
the  prophets  was  based  on  the  recognition  of  the  obligation 
to  carry  out  the  revealed  will  of  Jehovah.  This  was 
a  great  advance  on  the  notion  prevalent  among  all  ancient 
nations,  that  if  the  god  received  his  dues  in  sacrifices  and 
ofierings,  all  was  well.  The  contest  between  Saul  and 
Samuel  was  not  one  between  monarchical  and  sacerdotal 
pretensions,    since    it    is    not    by    any    means    certain    that 


Priest,  Prophet  and  King  1 5 1 


Samuel  came  of  even  a  Levitical  stock.  Nor  was  Samuel, 
as  a  prophet,  jealous  of  Saul's  royal  prerogative,  for  as  has 
been  shewn,  it  had  been  his  object  to  invest  the  royal 
person  with  peculiar  sanctity.  The  real  difference  between 
them  was  that  whilst  Samuel  was  insisting  on  a  cheerful 
obedience  to  the  living  voice  of  God,  Saul  could  not  divest 
himself  of  the  idea  that  the  essence  of  religion  was  the 
performance  of  acts  of  ritual  observance.  Thus,  at  Gilgal, 
when  the  king  saw  his  army  melting  away,  and  feared 
that  the  Philistines  would  attack  him,  he  dare  not  rely 
on  the  protection  of  Jehovah,  unless  he  had  first  pro- 
pitiated him  by  sacrifices;  and  in  bis  own  words,  "forced 
himself  and  offered  a  burnt-offering,"  without  awaiting  the 
arrival  of  Samuel.  On  another  occasion,  his  lack  of  appre- 
ciation of  his  duty  to  God  was  even  more  manifest. 

The  southern  frontier  of  Judah  was  constantly  exposed  to  The 
attack  by  the  marauding  tribes  of  the  desert,  the  most  power-  Amaleldtei 
ful  of  whom  were  the  Amalekites.  The  feud  between  this 
people  and  the  Israelites  was  of  long  standing.  It  had  begun 
in  the  days  of  the  Wandering  (Ex.  xvii.  8-13)  and  had  con- 
tinued throughout  the  time  of  the  Judges.  When  Eglon  King 
of  Moab  oppressed  Israel,  the  Amalekites  joined  him,  and  in 
the  days  of  Gideon  they  united  with  the  Midianites  in  pillaging 
Central  Palestine  (Judg.  iii.  1 3 ;  vi.  3,  33 ;  vii.  1 2 ;  x.  1 2).  They 
seem  to  have  regarded  the  Israelites  as  interlopers  for  occupy- 
ing the  rich  territory  which  they  had  in  remote  times  called 
their  own.  Against  these  implacable  foes  Samuel  proclaimed 
a  holy  war  in  the  name  of  Jehovah.  **  Thus  saith  the  Lord 
of  Hosts,  I  will  visit  that  which  Amalek  did  to  Israel,  how  he 
set  himself  against  him  in  the  way,  when  he  came  up  out  of 
Egypt.  Now  go  and  smite  Amalek,  and  devote  (to  God 
for  destruction)  all  that  they  have,  and  spare  them  not; 
but  slay  both  man  and  woman,  infant  and  suckling,  ox  and 
sheep,  camel  and  ass." 

It  was  considered  the  height  of  profanity  to  make  any 
profit  out  of  a  campaign  of  this  nature,  but  Saul  and  his 
army  converted  a  religious  war  into  a  mere  plundering 
expedition.  After  he  had  warned  the  Kenites  to  separate 
themselves  from  the  Amalekites,  Saul  defeated  his  enemies 
and  destroyed  "all  that  was  vile  and  refuse." 


152        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Priest,  Prophet  and  King 


^53 


All  the  best  of  the  spoil  was  spared ;  the  cattle  and  oxen 
were  driven  off,  and  the  vineyards  were  left  uninjured. 
Saul  returned  in  state  to  Carmel  in  the  south  of  Judah,  with 
At^ag  the  King  of  Amalek,  whom  he  had  spared  to  grace 
his  triumph.  From  thence  he  went  in  his  chariot  (so  LXX.) 
to  Gilga],  where  he  celebrated  his  triumph  by  a  splendid 
sacrifice.  Warned  by  Jehovah,  Samuel  presented  himself 
before  Saul.  The  king  greeted  the  prophet,  "Blessed  be 
thou  of  the  Lord  :  I  have  performed  the  commandment  of 
the  Lord."  Samuel  asked,  in  bitter  irony,  "  What  meaneth 
then  this  bleating  of  the  sheep  in  mine  ears,  and  the  lowing 
of  the  oxen  which  I  hear  1 "  In  vain  did  Saul  endeavour  to 
prevaricate.  Samuel  would  listen  to  no  excuse,  when  Saui 
tried  to  sliift  the  guilt  from  himself  to  his  army.  At  last 
Saul,  thinking  that  Jehovah,  if  not  His  prophet,  would  be 
placated  by  the  festival  he  was  holding  in  His  honour, 
reminded  Samuel  that  the  spoil  of  the  Amalekites  had  been 
spared  in  honour  of  his  God.  To  this  excuse  the  prophet 
replied  : — 

"Hath  the  Lord  as  great  delight  in  burnt  offerings  and  sacrifices, 
As  in  obeying  the  voice  of  the  Lord  ? 
Behold,  to  obey  is  better  than  to  sacrifice, 
And  to  hearken  than  the  fat  of  rams. 
For  rebellion  is  as  the  sin  of  divination, 
And  stubbornness  is  as  iniquity  and  teraphira. 
Because  thou  hast  rejected  the  word  of  the  Lord, 
He  hath  also  rejected  thee  from  being  king." 

Saul  was  now  full  of  penitence.  He  clung  to  Samuel's 
robe  and  rent  it.  "The  Lord  hath  rent  the  kingdom  of 
Israel  from  thee,"  said  the  stern  prophet,  "  and  hath  given  it 
to  a  neighbour  of  thine  that  is  better  than  thou.  And 
also  the  Glory  of  Israel  will  not  lie  nor  repent :  for  He  is 
not  a  man  that  He  should  repent." 

Then  followed  a  scene  characteristic  of  this  savage  age. 
Agag  was  ordered  into  Samuel's  presence.  He  "  came  anto 
him  delicately."  Does  this  mean  that  the  defeated  warrior 
came  cheerfully  to  meet  his  death,  confident  that  the  worst 
bitterness  was  over,  or  that  he  came  in  trembling  before  the 
prophet  of  Israel  ?     As  a  victim  devoted  to  death  by  Divine 


decree,  Samuel  slew  Agag  "in  the  presence  of  Jehovah" 
(1  Sam.  xv.).i<> 

Samuel,  however,  was  not  devoid  of  human  feeling,  for  Anointing 
though  he  saw  Saul  no  more,  he  mourned  for  him  bitterly,  of  I^a^id 
It  is  said  that  by  God's  command  he  went  to  Bethlehem  and 
anointed  David,  the  youngest  son  of  Jesse,  as  Saul's  successor. 
As  Jesse  made  his  sons  pass  before  him,  Samuel  beholding 
in  Eliab  a  second  Saul,  said,  "  Surely  the  Lord's  anointed  is 
before  Him."  But  Jehovah  warned  His  prophet,  "  Look 
not  on  his  countenance,  or  on  the  height  of  his  stature,  because 
I  have  rejected  him  :  for  the  Lord  seeth  not  as  man  seeth ; 
for  man  looketh  on  the  outward  appearance,  but  the  Lord 
looketh  on  the  heart"  (1  Sam.  xvi.  1-13). 

As  has  been  already  shewn,  David  was  in  all  probability  David  in 
a  chieftain  in  Saul's  army  before  the  battle  of  Ephes-  *  ^  army 
dammim.  His  bravery  on  that  day  made  him  one  of  the 
foremost  warriors  in  Israel.  As  he  returned  from  the 
battle-field  in  triumph,  the  women  came  forth  from  their 
cities  to  meet  him,  singing  one  to  another  as  their  ances- 
tresses had  done  in  the  days  of  the  Passage  of  the  Red  Sea. 
The  subject  of  their  song  could  hardly  fail  to  excite  the 
jealousy  of  tlje  king,  since  the  refrain  was  : — 

"Saul  hath  slain  his  thousands, 
And  David  his  ten  thousands." 

At  first,  however,  all  seemed  to  go  well.  David  became 
the  sworn  brother-in-arms  of  the  valiant  Jonathan,  who 
greeted  him  as  he  returned  from  his  victory  over  the 
Philistines.  "  The  soul  of  Jonathan  was  knit  with  the  soul 
of  David,"  says  the  sacred  narrative,  "  and  Jonathan  loved 
him  as  his  own  soul."  As  a  proof  of  his  friendship,  Jonathan 
clothed  David  in  his  garments  and  armed  him  with  his 
weapons.  Thus  was  inaugurated  the  most  celebrated  of 
all  friendships  between  the  generous  son  of  Saul,  the 
greatest  soldier  of  his  day,  and  David,  the  rising  hope  of 
the  nation. 

The    narrative    relating    the    estrangement   of    Saul    and  Difficulties 
David    is    one    of    the    most    perplexing  in  the   Bible.     It 
abounds   with    contradictory   and   irreconcilable   statements, 
which   can  only  be  accounted  for  by   supposing    that   the 


154       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Priest,  Prophet  and  King  155 


Mi- 


Saul's 
jealousy 
of  David 


concluding  chapters  of  1  Samuel  contain  a  number  of 
popular  accounts  of  David's  adventures.  Nothing  in  the 
ancient  history  of  Israel  aroused  such  interest  as  that 
romantic  period  in  the  career  of  the  great  king,  when 
his  life  was  in  danger  at  the  hands  of  Saul.  There  must 
have  been  countless  narratives  of  his  friendship  with 
Jonathan,  of  his  daring  exploits  and  hairbreadth  escapes, 
of  his  courage  and  generosity,  of  his  resourcefulness  and 
shrewd  sayings.  The  number  of  Psalms  ascribed  to  this 
period  shews  how  great  an  interest  it  excited  in  after 
days.^^  It  is  therefore  permissible  to  regard  these  chapters 
as  a  collection  of  well-known  stories  about  David,  rather 
than  as  an  orderly  presentation  of  facts.  The  Alexandrian 
translators,  however,  have  endeavoured  with  some  success 
to  give  a  connected  account  of  the  progress  of  Saul's 
estrangement  from  David  by  omitting  various  passages  in 
1  Sam.  xvii.-xix.^^ 

From  the  day  on  which  the  women  sang  the  praises  of 
David,  Saul  began  to  dread  him  as  a  possible  rival,  and  as 
time  went  on  the  very  sight  of  his  servant  became  unendur- 
able to  the  king,  who  appointed  David  captain  over  1000 
men,  that  he  might  not  be  constantly  in  attendance  upon  him. 
When  David  was  removed  from  the  royal  presence,  his 
popularity  only  increased.  Not  only  did  the  people  love  the 
young  general,  but  he  found  favour  in  the  eyes  of  Saul's 
daughter  Michal.  Saul,  hoping  to  entrap  David,  sent 
courtiers  to  suggest  that  David  should  become  his  son-in-law, 
and  that  he  should  pay  the  dowry  by  slaying  100  Philistines. 
David  disappointed  Saul's  hope  that  his  rashness  would  lead 
him  to  his  death,  and  provided  the  dowry  required  by  the 
king.  In  this  way  he  became  Saul's  son-in-law.  Saul  so 
dreaded  David's  growing  influence  that  he  tried  to  persuade 
Jonathan  and  his  courtiers  to  slay  him.  Jonathan,  however, 
interceded  for  his  friend,  and  Saul  was  temporarily  reconciled 
to  David.  In  the  next  war  David  distinguished  himself  as 
usual,  and  Saul's  jealousy  revived.  Whilst  David  was 
playing  as  was  his  wont  before  Saul,  the  king  suddenly 
brandished  his  spear,  and  David  only  just  escaped  as  the 
spear  pierced  the  wall.  He  went  to  his  house,  but  hearing 
that  Saul  had  sent  men  to  kill  him  he  escaped,  and  Michal  put 


the  household  god  into  his  bed,  to  deceive  her  husband's 
pursuers.  When  the  fraud  was  discovered  Michal  only  escaped 
by  declaring  to  her  father  that  David  would  have  slain  her, 
had  she  refused  to  help  him  (1  Sam.  xviii. ;   xix.  1-17). 

The  account  of  David's  flight  is  here  perhaps  interrupted 
by  the  story  of  his  visit  to  Samuel  at  Ramah,  and  the  beauti- 
ful description  of  his  final  interview  with  Jonathan  (1  Sam. 
xix.  18-xx.  42). 

At  Ramah  David  joined  Samuel  and  his  prophetic  company, 
and  the  three  bands  of  men  sent  to  take  him  prophesied  on 
beholding  Samuel  and  his  companions.  When  Saul  came  to  the 
place,  he,  like  his  soldiers  experienced  the  prophetic  ecstasy. 
For  a  day  and  a  night  he  fell  down  naked,  and  prophesied  in 
the  presence  of  Samuel,  so  that  men  again  asked,  "  Is  Saul 
iilso  among  the  prophets?"  (1  Sam.  xix.  19-24). 

The  character  of  Jonathan  reveals  itself  in  the  interview  Joxiathan 
he  had  with  his  friend,  before  David  finally  resolved  to  and  David 
escape  from  Saul.  The  heart  of  the  great  soldier  is  as 
simple  as  that  of  a  little  child.  He  loves  his  father  and  his 
friend,  nor  can  he  believe  that  either  of  them  is  capable  of 
acting  basely.  When  David  assures  him  that  Saul  is  resolved 
to  kill  him,  Jonathan,  despite  all  that  has  happened,  can 
scarcely  believe  it.  "  Behold,  my  father  doeth  nothing  either 
great  or  small,  but  that  he  discloseth  it  unto  me :  and  why 
should  my  father  hide  this  thing  from  me  1  it  is  not  so." 

It  was  agreed  between  the  two  friends  that  on  the 
morrow  David  should  absent  himself  from  the  royal  table, 
where  he,  Abner  and  Jonathan  were  daily  accustomed  to 
dine.  If  Saul  should  ask  the  reason  for  his  non-appearance, 
Jonathan  would  say  that  David  had  requested  leave  to 
attend  a  family  sacrifice  at  Bethlehem  on  the  feast  of  the 
new  moon.  If  Saul  took  this  excuse  in  good  part,  it  would 
be  sufficient  proof  that  his  previous  outbursts  of  wrath  had 
no  serious  meaning.  Otherwise  David  would  have  to  take 
precautions  for  his  safety. 

Jonathan  agreed  to  meet  David  in  the  open  country  three 
days  later ;  and  he  was  to  remain  hidden  behind  the  cairn, 
where  he  had  concealed  himself  on  the  occasion  of  his  first 
rupture  with  Saul.  In  view  of  the  danger  of  communicating 
by  word  of  mouth,  Jonathan  was  to  go  forth  as  though  to 


156       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Priest,  Prophet  and  King 


SI 


\ 


\ 


David  at 

Nob 


practise  himself  in  archery.  As  he  shot  the  arrows,  and  his 
attendant  ran  to  pick  them  up,  he  would,  if  all  was  well, 
shout  to  him  to  bring  them  back.  If,  however,  he  told  the 
boj  that  the  arrows  were  beyond  him,  David  would  know 
that  Saul's  purpose  towards  him  was  evil. 

On  the  first  day  Saul  attributed  David's  absence  to 
ceremonial  uncleanness.  On  the  second  he  asked  Jonathan 
the  reason,  and,  on  hearing  that  David  liad  requested  per- 
mission to  go  to  Bethlehem,  broke  forth  into  violent 
reproaches.  In  siding  with  David,  Jonathan,  Saul  declared, 
was  injuring  himself ;  since  as  long  as  David  lived  the 
d3niasty  was  in  peril.  Calling  Jonathan  "  the  child  of  a 
runaway  slave"  (1  Sam.  xx.  30,  LXX.),  the  infuriated  king 
hurled  his  spear  at  his  son,  and  Jonathan  left  his  table  in 
fierce  anger,  knowing  full  well  that  David's  doom  was  sealed, 
should  he  fall  into  his  father's  hands  (1  Sam.  xx.  33). 

Throughout  these  scenes  the  character  of  Jonathan  is 
remarkable  for  its  self-forgetfulness.  He  knows  that  Saul 
is  right,  and  that  David  must  in  the  end  be  king.  He 
recognises  the  fact  that  his  own  family  will  one  day  be  at 
the  mercy  of  David,  and  yet  all  he  asks  of  his  friend  in 
return  for  his  own  great  services  is  a  promise  to  protect 
them.  Only  once  again  did  the  two  friends  meet.  When 
David  was  in  the  wilderness  of  Ziph  Jonathan  came,  *'and 
strengthened  his  hand  in  God."  And  he  said,  "  Fear  not, 
for  the  hand  of  Saul  my  father  shall  not  find  thee  ;  and  thou 
shalt  be  king  over  Israel,  and  I  shall  be  next  unto  thee ;  and 
that  also  Saul  my  father  knoweth  "  (1  Sam.  xxiii.  16,  17). 

David  made  his  way  attended  by  his  young  men  to 
Nob,  within  sight  of  his  future  capital  (Isa.  x.  32). 
Here  the  priests  of  the  house  of  Eli  had  set  up  the 
Tabernacle.  A  colony  of  priests  ministered  there  under 
Ahimelech  the  son  of  Ahitub.  The  High  Priest,  seeing 
David  alone  and  unattended,  came  forth  to  meet  him 
trembling,  possibly  because  he  suspected  that  he  had  incurred 
the  displeasure  of  the  king.  But  David  disarmed  Ahime- 
le^'h's  suspicions,  by  telling  him  that  he  was  on  a  confidential 
mission  from  Saul,  and  not  only  persuaded  the  priest  to  give 
him  the  sword  of  Goliath,  but  also  the  hallowed  bread. 
Saul's  chief  herdsman,  an  Edomite  named  Doeg,  witnessed 


the  transaction,  and  reported  it  to  his  master.  The  kin^^ 
refused  to  listen  to  Ahimelech's  excuses,  and  condemned  all 
the  priests  at  Nob  to  death.  His  servants  refused  to  execute 
the  sentence,  but  Doeg  had  no  scruples  in  doing  as  he  was 
commanded.  Eighty-five  priests  were  killed,  and  the  city 
of  Nob  was  put  to  the  sword.  Only  Abiathar  the  son  of 
Ahimelech  escaped  to  David  (1  Sam.  xxi.  1-9;  xxii.  6-20). 

It  is  said  that  David  either  went  as  a  suppliant,  or  was  David  goes 
brought  as  a  prisoner  to  Achish,  King  of  Gath.  The  Philis-  to  AchisH 
tines  were  about  to  put  him  to  death,  regarding  him  as  the 
real  "  King  of  Israel,"  and  a  far  more  formidable  enemy  tJian 
Saul.  David  however  feigned  madness,  beat  on  the  door,  and 
let  his  spittle  run  down  his  beard.  With  a  true  Oriental's 
reverence  for  insanity  Achish  let  him  go  (1  Sara.  xxi.  12-15). 
In  these  narratives  the  craftiness  of  David  saves  him,  and 
it  is  possible  that  the  versatility  displayed  in  beguiling  his 
enemies  was  admired,  without  any  thought  that  some  of  his 
actions,  like  the  deceit  practised  on  Ahimelech,  were  scarcely 
in  accordance  with  strict  truthfulness. 

David  was  not  long  without  followers.  At  Adullam,  The  Cave  of 
a  cave  or  stronghold,*  he  was  joined  by  his  family,  and  AduUam 
also  by  those  who  were  in  debt,  or  discontented  with  Saul's 
rule.  He  was  soon  at  the  head  of  four  hundred  warriors, 
and  thus  became  a  powerful  outlaw.  First  he  went  to 
Mizpeh  of  Moab,  but  by  the  advice  of  the  prophet  Gad  he 
returned  to  Judah  after  committing  his  father  and  mother  to 
the  care  of  the  king  of  that  country.  David  next  appears  in 
the  forest  of  Hareth.  His  assistance  was  here  sought  by  the 
people  of  Keilah,  a  city  in  the  south  of  Judah.  Here  he 
was  joined  by  Abiathar,  who  brought  the  priestly  ephod. 
David  was  now  able  to  ascertain  the  Divine  will ;  and  en- 
couraged h^  a  favourable  response,  when  he  inquired  of 
Jehovah,  he  rescued  Keilah  from  the  Philistines.  By  this 
time  his  little  army  was  six  hundred  strong  (1  Sam.  xxii. 
1-5  ;  xxiii.  1-5). 

Saul  now  appeared  in  the  south  of  Judah  at  the  head  of 

an  army,  and  David,  being  warned  by  God  not  to  trust  to  the 

fidelity  of  the  men  of  Keilah,  abandoned  the  city  and  took 

refuge  in  the  Wilderness  of  Ziph,  south  of  Hebron.   Sheltered 

*  The  Hebrew  words  are  very  similar. 


David  spares 
Saul 


I 


I 


158        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

by  the  woods  which  then  covered  the  slopes  of  the  hill  of 
Hachilal],  David  would  have  been  safe  but  for  the  treachery 
of  the  Ziphites.  When  these  tried  to  betray  him  to  Saul 
the  fugitive  escaped  eastward  to  the  wilderness  of  Maon, 
where  he  would  have  been  surrounded  by  Saul's  troops,  had 
not  the  king  been  recalled  by  news  of  a  Philistine  invasion. 
The  spot,  where  David  had  so  narrowly  escaped  capture,  was 
hereafter  known  as  Sela-hammahlekoth  (the  cliff  of  Divisions) 
(1  Sam.  xxiii.  28). 

David  was  now  forced  to  take  refuge  among  the  precipitous 
cliffs  of  En-gedi  on  the  shores  of  the  Dead  Sea.  The  place 
is  well  suited  to  be  the  home  of  outlaws,  abounding  as  it  does 
in  caverns,  where  they  can  remain  securely  hidden.  Here 
Saul  is  said  to  have  incautiously  placed  himself  in  David's 
power,  and  to  have  owed  his  life  to  the  generous  forbearance 
of  his  rival. 

It  is  highly  probable  that  of  all  the  stories  of  this 
adventurous  period  of  the  life  of  David  none  would  be  more 
frequently  told  than  the  one  about  his  sparing  Saul's  life. 
Two  versions  of  it  are  preserved,  bearing  a  certain  resem- 
blance to  one  another,  but  differing  in  detail. 

On  the  first  occasion  Saul  was  pursuing  David  amid  the 
crags  of  En-gedi  with  three  thousand  picked  men.  The  kiug 
entered  the  cave,  and  David's  men  said  to  their  leader, 
"  Behold  the  day  of  which  the  Lord  said  unto  thee,  Behold, 
I  will  deliver  thine  enemy  into  thine  hand."  David  con- 
tented himself  with  cutting  off  the  skirt  of  Saul's  robe. 
Even  this  seemed  to  him  to  be  a  crime  against  the  anointed 
of  Jehovah ;  and  when  Saul  left  the  cave  David  presented 
himself  and  did  obeisance.  He  pleaded  his  innocency,  and 
Saul  with  a  return  to  his  better  nature  asked,  "  Is  this  thy 
voice,  my  son  David  ? "  He  admitted  that  David  had  spared 
his  life :  '*  Thou  art  more  righteous  than  I  :  for  thou  hast 
rendered  me  good,  whereas  I  have  rendered  unto  thee  evil." 
Finally  Saul  petitioned  David  to  spare  his  house  when  he 
should  become  king.  "  And  David  sware  unto  Saul " 
(1   Sam.  xxiv.). 

The  other  occasion  on  which  David  is  said  to  have 
exercised  a  like  forbearance  was  after  the  Ziphites  had 
betrayed  him  to  Saul.     His  spies  had  revealed  where  the 


Priest,  Prophet  and  King  159 


royal  army  was  encamped,  and  David  coming  by  night  found 
Saul  asleep  in  the  midst  of  the  wagons  which  were  placed 
round  the  camp  as  a  barricade.  David  and  Abishai  stole  up 
to  the  sleeping  king,  but  though  Abishai  urged  him  to  seize 
the  opportunity,  David  would  not  harm  the  Anointed  of 
Jehovah.  Accordingly  they  retired  with  Saul's  spear  and 
cruse  of  water.  David  then  took  up  his  position  on  a  hill 
separated  from  Saul's  camp  by  a  deep  water -course  and 
reproached  Abner  for  keeping  so  careless  a  watch  over  his 
master.  Saul  recognised  the  voice  of  David,  and  admitted 
that  he  had  erred  greatly  in  persecuting  him.  He  dismissed 
David,  saying,  *'  Blessed  be  thou,  my  son  David  :  thou  shalt 
do  mightily,  and  shalt  surely  prevail"  (1  Sam.  xxvi.  25). 

Saul^  and  David  were  not  reconciled,  and  the  rest  of  the 
outlaw's  career  is  marked  by  his  steady  growth  in  power  and 
mfluence.  A  remarkable  episode  in  his  career  led  to  his  be- 
coming one  of  the  great  landowners  in  the  south  of  Judah. 

David  supported  his  force  of  600  men  by  levying  what  David  and 

was  formerly  known  in  Scotland  as  "black-mail."     He  pro-   Nabal 

tected   the    peaceful    landowners    from    all    marauders,   and 

received,  or  rather  exacted,   payment  for  his  services.     A 

certain  Nabal,  representing  the  great  house  of  Caleb,  churlishly 

refused  to  give  David  anything  for  guarding  his  flocks  during 

the  sheep-shearing,  though  he  had  been  approached  in  the 

most  courteous  manner,  and  although  the  servants  of  Nabal 

testified    to    the    irreproachable    conduct    of    David's    men. 

"  Who  is   David  ] "  asked  Nabal,   "  and  who  is  the  son  of 

Jesse?  there  be  many  servants  nowadays  that  break  away 

every  man  from  his  master.     Shall  I  then  take  my  bread, 

and   my   water,   and   my  flesh   that   I   have   killed  for  my 

shearers,  and  give  it  unto  men  of  whom  I  know  not  whence 

they  be?" 

David  having  resolved  to  punish  this  churlish  behaviour, 
ordered  his  men  to  gird  on  their  swords,  vowing  that  he 
would  not  spare  a  man  of  Nabal's  household.  Fortunately, 
however,  Nabal's  beautiful  wife  Abigail  heard  what  had 
happened,  and  went  herself  to  meet  David  with  an 
offering,  which  shewed  how  great  was  the  wealth  of  her 
husband.  She  admitted  to  David  that  Nabal  was  rightly  so 
named—"  Fool  {I^ahal)  is  his  name  and  folly  {n'hhalah)  is 


i6o       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Priest,  Prophet  and  King  i6i 


with  him."  David  accepted  her  present,  at  the  same  time 
thanking  her  for  saving  him  from  blood  guiltiness.  Nabal 
died  on  hearing  what  had  happened,  and  David  married  his 
widow,  by  this  means  becoming  a  man  of  wealth  and  im- 
portance in  Southern  Palestine  (1  Sam.  xxv.). 
David  goes  Knowing   that    the    breach    with    Saul    was    irreparable, 

again  to  Gatli  David  attached  himself  to  Achish,  King  of  Gath.  He  came 
not  as  a  fugitive  but  as  an  important  ally.  He  had  married 
two  wives  belonging  to  powerful  families  in  the  district, 
Ahinoam  the  Jezreelitess  and  Abigail ;  Michal  the  daughter 
of  Saul,  his  former  spouse,  having  been  taken  from  him,  and 
given  to  Paltiel,  the  son  of  Laish.  He  was  also  acceptable  as 
head  of  a  powerful  force  of  armed  men,  and  Achish  gave 
him  the  city  of  Ziklag.  From  thence  David  made  forays  on 
the  people  of  non-Israelitish  origin,  though  he  pretended  to 
Achish  that  he  had  been  harassing  his  own  people.  At 
Ziklag  he  was  perfectly  secure  from  Saul  (1  Sam.  xxvii.). 

The  Philistines  at  this  time  decided  to  attack  Israel  in  the 
plain  of  Esdraelon,  and  assembled  at  Aphek.*  Whilst  the 
Israelite  army  lay  near  the  fountain  in  Jezreel,  David  was 
present  with  the  Philistines,  but  he  was  an  object  of  suspicion 
to  their  princes,  who  perhaps,  not  without  reason,  dreaded 
that  he  would  go  over  to  Saul  when  the  battle  began. 
"  For,"  said  they,  **  wherewith  should  this  fellow  reconcile 
himself  with  his  lord?  should  it  not  be  with  the  heads  of 
these  menl"  Achish,  however,  trusted  in  his  fidelity,  and 
David  prayed  hard  to  be  allowed  to  remain  with  his  chief. 
It  is  impossible  to  say  how  he  would  have  acted,  whether  he 
was  wilfully  deceiving  Achish,  or  whether  by  this  time  he 
was  ready  to  forget  his  country  and  fight  for  the  Philistines. 
But  he  was  spared  the  trial,  as  the  Philistine  sevens  insisted 
on  his  being  sent  back  to  Ziklag  (1  Sam.  xxix.). 

The  tragical  end  of  the  life  of  Saul  had  now  arrived.  He 
was  bereft  of  all  guidance  from  Jehovah.  No  dream,  no 
priest  with  the  sacred  Urim,  no  prophet  revealed  God's  will 
to  him,  and  he  was  forced  to  have  recourse  to  unlawful  rites 
to  ascertain  the  future. 

In  his  zeal  for  the  worship  of  Jehovah,  or  possibly  because 

*  This  shews  that  Saul  had  cleared  the  whole  of  Mount  Ephraim  of 
the  Philistines. 


he  feared  that  its  professors  might  excite  his  subjects  to  rise 
against  him  by  their  predictions,  Saul  had  made  the  practice 
of  divination  a  capital  ofience.^^    jjg  learned  on  inquiry  that 
a  woman  lived  at  Endor,  who  was  believed  to  have  a  familiar 
spirit.     Although  the  place  is  fully  twelve  miles  from  Mount 
Gilboa,  and   to   get  there  it  was  necessary  to  traverse  the 
country  held  by  the  Philistines,  Saul   was  so  oppressed  by 
his  doubts   that  he  resolved   to  risk  the  perils  of  a   night 
journey  in  a  hostile  country.     Disguising  himself,  and  taking 
only  two  companions,  he  came  to  the  house  of  the  woman 
and  said,   "Divine  unto   me,  I   pray  thee,   by  the   familiar 
spirit,   and    bring  me    up   whomsoever   I    shall   name   unto 
thee."      It  is    an   indirect  proof    that  Saul   had   made    his 
power  felt  throughout  Israel  that  the  woman  reminded  her 
unknown    visitor   of    the    danger   she    ran    in    complying 
with   his  request.      Saul   assured   her  that   she   was  in  no 
danger,  and  commanded  her  to  "  bring  up  Samuel."     When 
the   woman  saw  the  prophet  she  knew  that  her  guest  was 
Saul  himself.     On  being  asked  what  she  saw — for  it  appears 
that    Saul    as  yet  beheld   nothing — she   said,    "I  see  gods 
coming  out  of  the  earth."     Saul  inquired,   "What  form  is 
he  of  'i "     And  she  said,  "  An  old  man  cometh  up,  and  he  is 
covered  with  a  robe."     "And  Saul  perceived   that   it  was 
Samuel,  and  bowed  his  face  to  the  ground  and  did  obeisance." 
In  this  way  he  learned  that  defeat  was  in  store  for  him.    "  To- 
morrow," said  the  vision,  "  shalt  thou  and  thy  sons  be  with 
me."     Saul,  on  hearing  his  doom,  fell  his  whole  length  on  the 
ground  and  lay  there  insensible  for  a  whole  day.     Despite 
her  unlawful  calling,  the  woman  seems  to  have  been  by  no 
means  without  feeling.     With   almost   motherly  tenderness 
she  told  the  king  that  as  she  had  risked  her  life  in  obeying 
him,  so  he  must  obey  her  and  take  refreshment.     A  calf  was 
killed  and  hastily  prepared,  and  Saul  having  taken  nourish- 
ment, returned  to  the  camp  (1  Sam.  xxviii.). 

The  position  taken  by  Israel  on  Mount  Gilboa  was  well 
chosen,  commanding  as  it  did  both  the  valley  of  Jezreel,  the 
trade  route  to  Damascus,  and  the  passage  of  the  Jordan.  It 
seems  tliat  the  Philistine  army,  which  evidently  outnumbered 
that  of  Israel,  succeeded  in  carrying  the  hill  and  completely 
routing  its  defenders.     Three  sons  of  Saul  were  killed,  the 


ill 


•»» 


VM'i 


Character 
of  Saul 


162        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

valiant  Jonathan,  Arainadab  and  Malchishua.  Saul,  hard 
pressed  by  the  Philistine  archers,  ordered  his  armour-bearer 
to  slay  him,  and  when  he  refused  he  fell  upon  his  own  sword 
and  died,  as  did  his  companion.  The  ruin  of  Israel  seemed 
to  be  complete ;  for  the  very  cities  were  abandoned  to  the 
Philistine  conquerors.  The  armour  of  Saul  was  borne  in 
triumph  round  the  cities  of  the  Philistines,  his  head  was 
placed  in  the  temple  of  Dagon,  and  his  body  and  those  of 
his  sons  fastened  to  the  wall  of  the  Canaanite  town  of  Beth- 
shan  (1  Sam.  xxxi.). 

One  deed  of  heroism  relieves  the  surrounding  darkness  of 
the  scene.  The  men  of  Jabesh-Gilead  had  not  forgotten 
their  deliverer ;  for  no  sooner  did  they  hear  that  Saul  had 
been  defeated,  than  they  went  by  night  to  Beth-shan  and 
took  the  bodies  of  Saul  and  his  sons  from  the  city  wall. 
These  they  burned,  and  buried  the  bones  under  a  well-known 
tamarisk,  fasting  for  seven  days  in  honour  of  the  dead 
(1  Sam.  xxxi.  Il-13).i2« 

The  death  of  Saul  is  one  of  the  saddest  events  in  all  the 
history  of  Israel,  and  it  is  no  easy  task  to  account  for  the 
complete  failure  of  his  life.  The  material  supplied  by  the 
sacred  narrative  is  not  sufficient  to  enable  any  one  to  come  to 
a  certain  conclusion  respecting  the  real  character  of  the  first 
King  of  Israel.  Yet  it  is  possible  to  recognise  in  him  a  noble 
nature  marred  by  serious  defects.  Tried  by  the  standard  of 
the  early  Judges,  Saul  stands  forth  as  a  truly  great  man. 
His  patriotism,  his  courage,  his  power  to  unite  the  scattered 
forces  of  ancient  Israel,  are  worthy  of  all  admiration.  He  took 
the  crown  with  diffidence,  and  brought  his  people  to  a  state  of 
security  never  before  experienced.  Suddenly  he  showed  him- 
self unequal  to  the  task  before  him.  It  was  required  of  him 
to  be  something  more  than  a  successful  warrior,  to  aim  at  a 
nobler  standard  than  the  kings  of  heathen  nations.  Israel  in 
demanding  a  king  wished  to  be  like  other  peoples  ;  but  this 
could  not  be  ;  and  Samuel  knew  it.  Though  king  and  prophet 
shared  the  desire  to  make  Israel  great,  their  paths  lay  in 
different  ways.  Samuel  joined  to  the  wisdom  of  experience  a 
strong  longing  to  raise  his  people  to  a  sense  of  the  greatness 
of  their  call.  Saul  on  the  other  hand  does  not  appear  to 
have  become  the  true  king  of  the  people  of  the  Living  God. 


Priest,  Prophet  and  King  163 


He  seems  to  have  been  lacking  alike  in  steadfastness  and  in 
self-disc^Lne.  He  could  not  control  his  strong  passions  or 
his  sudden  .mpulses-at  times  they  mastered\'m  and  h" 
became  a  jealous  and  cruel  tyrant.  His  character  Tacked 
balance  and  his  very  virtues  became  useless  in  consequence 

S^er  of  TtrT-r'  "^^^''^  *°  '^'  *«  overmaEg 
power  of  the  prophetic  spirit,  gave  way  before  an  insane 

jealousy,  and  were  succeeded  by  deep  melancholy,  perhirs  by 

fits  of  madness.     Yet  even  in   the  hour  of  his  defeaf  th. 

~Lf  It  ^'\^!^r-  --<!  David  fo  Sn  Sim 
with  that  of  his  stainless  son,,  and  to  declare   that    both 
were  lovely  and  pleasant  in  their  lives,  and  in  their  death 
they  were  not  divided."     Darkness  hides  from  us  the  kst 

S 'T-.w  %''"°"  ""'  ^^''^'^  S^«l  fell  by  his  own 
hand,  or  by  that  of  a  man  of  the  "  devoted  "  race  of  Amakk 

bam.  1.  9  10).*  The  vast  but  somewhat  shadowy  flc^re 
passes  before  the  eyes  of  men,  a  solemn  warning  that"  no 
virtue  can  compensate  for  that  self-discipline  by  whkh  a 
man  is  qualified  to  become  a  leader  of  his  fellows  " 

But  no  words  can  do  such  justice  to  Saul's  memory  as  the  David's 

Jonathan 
"  Learn  the  sad  news,  0  Judah, 
Mourn,  0  Israel ! 
On  thy  heights  is  he  stricken. 
How  are  the  mighty  fallen  I 

Tell  it  not  in  Gath, 

Publish  it  not  as  glad  news  in  the  squares  of  Ashkelon 

Lest  the  daughters  of  the  Philistines  rejoice 

Lest  the  daughters  of  the  uncircumcised  exJlt. 

Ye  mountains  of  Gilboa,  let  not  dew  descend  ; 
Let  no  rain  be  on  you,  ye  treacherous  fields  • 
For  there  the  shield  of  Saul  was  defiled, 
The  shield  of  Saul,  not  anointed  with  oil, 
(But)  with  blood  of  slain,  with  fat  of  warriors. 

3trip5n;fhTskt'  ""^^^'^^^^^  °"  '''^  battlefielT^e"!:;;;;^^ 


164       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Iff- 


Saul  and  Jonathan  were  lovely  and  pleasant, 
In  life  and  death  they  were  not  parted  : 

They  were  swifter  than  eagles,  stronger  than  lions. 
The  bow  of  Jonathan  turned  not  back, 
And  the  sword  of  Saul  returned  not  empty. 

Ye  daughters  of  Israel,  weep  over  Saul, 

Who  clad  you  in  scarlet  with  jewels. 

Who  put  golden  ornaments  on  your  apparel. 

How  are  the  mighty  fallen 
In  the  midst  of  the  battle  ! 

0  Jonathan,  my  heart  is  wounded  at  thy  death  I 

1  am  grieved  for  thee,  my  brother  Jonathan  ! 
Exceeding  pleasant  wast  thou  to  me. 

Thy  love  for  me  surpassed  the  love  of  women. 

How  are  the  mighty  fallen, 

And  the  weapons  of  war  perished  !  "  "  * 


Chapter  VII 

The  Reign  of  David 

It  is   not   easy    to   determine   the   precise    results    of  the  Eflfecti  of 
Philistine  victory  over  Israel  upon  Mount  Gil  boa,  but  it  has  ^**l6  of 
been  generally  assumed  that  it  was  so  decisive  as  to  make  Qilboa 
the  conquerors  masters  of  Central  as  well  as  of  Southern 
Palestine.     For  a  time  the  Israelites  are  supposed  to  have 
become  vassals  to  the  uncircumcised,  and  to  have  purchased 
peace  by  the  payment  of  tribute. 

One  fact  alone  in  regard  to  this  obscure  period  may  be 
accepted  as  certain,  namely,  that  whatever  unity  had  existed 
in  the  days  of  Saul  was  destroyed  at  Gilboa,  and  Israel 
was  for  a  time  divided  into  two  rival  and  even  hostile 
monarchies. 

It  is  a  remarkable  testimony  to  the  strong  hold  Saul  had 
upon  the  affections  of  his  subjects,  that  even  his  disastrous 
defeat  by  the  Philistines  was  not  sufficient  to  alienate  the 
affections  of  Israel  from  his  house.  Abner,  who  had  escaped 
the  slaughter  on  Mount  Gilboa,  rallied  the  scattered  remnant 
of  the  army  at  Mahanaim,  where  he  proclaimed  Ishbosheth 
or  Eshbaal,  son  of  Saul,  king  over  Israel.^  In  this  manner 
Saul's  monarchy  was  revived  in  the  neighbourhood  of  his 
first  decisive  victory,  by  which  Jabesh-Gilead  had  been 
relieved  from  the  Ammonite  Nahash  and  Saul  established  in 
his  kingdom. 

Ishbosheth  seems  to  have  inherited  none  of  the  great  ishbosheth'! 
qualities  of  his  unfortunate  father,  and  only  to  have  reigned  laiigdom 
in  virtue  of  the  support  afforded  by  Abner.  At  first  all 
went  well.  Whether  Abner  gained  a  series  of  victories  over 
the  Philistines  and  recovered  the  territory  which  had  been 
lost  to  the  house  of  Saul,  or  whether  he  made  a  treaty  with 
the  enemy  in  Ishbosheth's  name,  can  never  be  known.      The 

»6s 


I[^  ■ . 


Hi 


DaTidin 

Southern 

Jndali 


BackofZiklag 
and  defeat 
of  tbe 
Amaleldtes 


1 66       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


sacred  narrative  merely  says  that  Abner  first  made  Ish- 
bosheth  king  in  Eastern  Palestine  "  over  Gilead,  and  over 
the  Ashurites,"  and  then  crossing  the  Jordan,  asserted  his 
authority  "over  Jezreel,  and  over  Ephraim,  and  over 
Benjamin,  and  over  all  Israel "  (2  Sam.  ii.  8,  9).  It  is 
probable,  however,  that  Abner  did  not  gain  any  substantial 
successes  over  the  Philistines,  as  the  seat  of  Ishbosheth's 
kingdom  could  never  be  transferred  to  the  territory  of  his 
own  tribe,  but  reaiained  at  Mahanaim. 

In  the  meantime  David  was  steadily  consolidating  his 
power  in  the  South.  It  is  to  be  regrptted  that  so  little  is 
known  of  this  period  of  his  life.  Never  could  his  peculiar 
abilities  have  had  greater  scope  for  display  than  in  these 
seven  years,  during  which  he  rose  from  being  a  vassal  of 
Achish  to  the  position  of  King  of  Israel  and  master  of 
Palestine.  The  opening  scene  gives  an  example  alike  of  the 
resourceful  courage  David  displayed  in  adversity,  and  of  his 
skill  in  dealing  with  men. 

David  had  left  the  army  of  Achish  in  the  plain  of  Esdraelon 
and  returned  to  Ziklag.  At  best  he  had  been  relieved  from 
a  false  position.  He  had  expressed  anxiety  to  assist  the 
Philistines  against  his  countrymen,  and  had  he  taken  part 
in  the  battle,  he  must  have  either  helped  to  defeat  Israel,  or 
have  acted  as  a  traitor  to  his  benefactor  Achish.  But  the 
Philistine  lords  would  have  none  of  his  help  and  compelled 
him  to  retire  from  the  expedition. 

On  reaching  Ziklag  David  found  that  the  town  had  been 
sacked  by  the  Amalekites,  and  his  own  wives  Abigail  and 
Ahinoam  together  with  the  wives  and  children  of  his  men, 
taken  captive.  So  great  was  the  indignation  of  David's 
soldiers  at  their  homes  having  been  thus  devastated,  that 
they  threatened  to  stone  him. 

David's  confidence  in  Jehovah  did  not  fail  him  at  this 
crisis.  Summoning  Abiathar  the  priest,  he  commanded  him 
to  consult  the  ephod  whether  a  pursuit  would  result  in  the 
recovery  of  the  spoils.  On  receiving  a  favourable  reply,  he 
advanced  so  rapidly  that  200  of  his  men  were  worn  out  ere 
they  reached  the  brook  Besor.  Leaving  them  to  guard  the 
baggage  of  the  army,  David  and  the  400  remaining  soldiers 


I 


The  Reign  of  David 


167 


pressed  on  till  they  found  an  unfortunate  Egyptian  slave, 
whom  the  Amalekites  had  left  to  die  in  the  desert. 

Having  ascertained  from  him  the  position  of  the  Amalek- 
ites, David  attacked  them  during  a  feast  held  in  celebration 
of  their  success.  All  the  spoil  was  recovered  and  much  booty 
besides,  and  David  returned  to  Ziklag  with  the  prestige  of 
victory.  He  immediately  sent  rich  presents  from  the  spoil 
to  all  the  cities  which  had  befriended  him  during  the  days 
of  his  adversity. 

An  incident  is  here  recorded  indicative  of  David's  influence 
over  his  soldiers.  The  400  warriors,  who  had  borne  the 
fatigue  of  the  long  march  and  defeated  the  Amalekites,  were 
unwilling  to  give  their  200  companions  who  had  remained  at 
the  brook  Besor  any  share  in  the  booty.  It  was  their  opinion 
that  these  should  be  content  with  having  their  wives  and 
children  restored  to  them,  and  that  the  whole  spoil  should  fall 
to  the  lot  of  those  who  had  actually  recovered  it.  But  David 
would  not  permit  such  injustice,  and  made  "a  statute  and 
ordinance "  that  "As  his  share  is  that  goeth  down  to  the 
battle,  so  shall  his  share  be  that  tarrieth  by  the  stufi":  they 
shall  share  alike"  (I  Sam.  xxx.  24). 

David,  now  the  chief  man  in  the  tribe  of  Judah,  was  able  David  at 
to  establish  himself  at  Hebron.     Thither  the  elders  of  the  Ho^ron 
tribe  repaired  and  anointed  him  their  king,  and  for  seven 
years  this  city  remained  David's  capital  (2  Sam.  ii.  1-4). 

That  the  Philistines  did  not  interfere  with  David's 
advancement  seems  to  indicate  that  he  had  come  to  some 
agreement  with  them,  especially  as  Ziklag  remained  in  his 
hands.  It  may  be  that  they  actually  encouraged  him  to 
make  Judah  an  independent  kingdom  in  order  that  they 
might  not  again  have  to  dread  the  enmity  of  a  united  Israel. 
Ishbosheth  and  David  could  not  remain  at  peace,  as  the  son 
of  Saul  was  bound  to  consider  the  assumption  of  the  crown 
of  Judah  as  an  act  of  defiance;  and  the  long  civil  war  which 
followed  was  inevitable. 

A  single  incident,  fraught  with  momentous  consequences.   Strife  be- 
is  all  that  is  recorded  of  the  contest  between  David  and  the  t"ween  David 

house  of  Saul.     Abner  and  the  men  of  Ishbosheth  went  from   ffiv?™ 
-.  -.  ,        ,  sneui  s  men 

Mahanaim  to  the  pool  of  Gibeon,  where  they  met  David's 
men  under  Joab,  Abishai  and  Asahel.     These  three  brothers. 


r  II 


:|i 


i68        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

nephews  of  David,  the  sons  of  Zeruiah  his  sister,  were 
renowned  as  warriors  ;  Asahel  being  famed,  like  some  of  the 
heroes  of  ancient  Greece,  for  his  fleetness  of  foot. 

Abner  suggested  to  Joab  that  twelve  picked  youths  from 
each  army  should  engage  in  a  mimic  contest  ;  but  when  the 
champions  approached  one  another  they  fought  so  desperately 
that  all  were  slain,  and  the  place  was  henceforward  known 
as  Helkath-hazzurim. 

This  was  the  signal  for  a  general  engagement  in  which 
Abner  and  his  men  were  put  to  flight.  Asahel  pursued 
Abner,  but  though  able  to  overtake  the  veteran  warrior,  he 
was  no  match  for  him  in  battle.  In  vain  did  Abner  beg 
Asahel  to  be  content  with  slaying  and  spoiling  a  less 
formidable  champion  :  Asahel  persisted  in  following  him  and 
was  slain  by  a  thrust  of  the  hinder  end  of  Abner's  spear. 
This,  as  Abner  had  foreseen,  involved  him  in  a  blood-feud 
with  Joab.  After  the  pursuit  had  lasted  some  time  David's 
men  were  persuaded  to  abandon  it,  but  Abner  knew  full  well 
that  either  Joab  or  Abishai  would  avenge  their  brother's 
death  (2  Sam.  ii.  12  ad  Jin.), 

This  incident  throws  a  gleam  of  light  on  the  long  civil 
war  which  distracted  Israel,  in  which  the  cause  of  David 
made  constant  progress.  It  was  becoming  more  and  more 
evident  that  he  must  reign  over  all  Israel,  when  an  act  of 
folly  on  the  part  of  Ishbosheth  brought  matters  to  a  crisis. 

Saul  had  left  a  young  wife  or  concubine  named  Rizpah, 
the  daughter  of  Aiah,  who  had  borne  him  two  sons.  Ish- 
bosheth, impatient  of  Abner's  authority,  or  else  suspicious  of 
his  designs,  accused  his  general  of  undue  familiarity  with 
Rizpah — a  charge  which  was  tantamount  to  one  of  treason  ; 
for  to  take  the  wife  of  the  late  king  was  regarded  as  a  formal 
claim  to  his  inheritance.  Abner's  reply  shewed  his  con- 
sciousness of  power.  He  reminded  Ishbosheth  that  it  was 
only  due  to  his  forbearance  that  David  was  not  already 
master  of  his  person,  and  threatened  "  to  translate  the 
kingdom  from  the  house  of  Saul,  and  to  set  up  the  throne  of 
David  over  Israel  and  over  Judah  from  Dan  even  to  Beer- 
sheba."  The  wretched  Ishbosheth  shewed  his  helplessness 
by  not  daring  to  reply  to  this  insolent  boast,  and  by  executing 
Abner's  subsequent  commands  (2  Sam.  iii.  6-16). 


The  Reign  of  David 


169 


It  must  be  remembered  that  David's  policy  had  been  to  David's  policy 
lay  claim  to  the  kingdom  over  Israel  as  the  legitimate  suc- 
cessor of  Saul.  He  had  executed  the  Amalekite,  who  boasted 
of  slaying  the  king  on  Mount  Gilboa  (2  Sam.  i.  15),  and  he 
had  sent  publicly  to  Jabesh-Gilead  to  thank  the  inhabitants 
for  rescuing  the  bodies  of  Saul  and  Jonathan  (2  Sam.  ii. 
5-7).  In  the  same  spirit  he  refused  to  treat  with  Abner 
till  Saul's  daughter  Michal  had  been  restored  to  him.  lb 
was  evidently  the  purpose  of  David  to  depose  Ishbosheth 
after  providing  for  his  maintenance,  and  to  assume  the 
headship  over  the  house  of  Saul  as  the  husband  of  Michal. 
By  this  means  he  doubtless  hoped  to  have  united  all  Israel 
peacefully  under  his  sceptre. 

^  But  this  wise  policy  was  rendered  impracticable  by  the  Murder  of 
violent  conduct  of  the  powerful  sons  of  Zeruiah.     Joab  was  ^^^®^ 
determined  to  have  no  rival  in  his  influence  over  David,  and 
on  learning  that  Abner  had  been  to  Hebron  to  confer  with 
the   king,  he  sought  a  private  interview  with  Ishbosheth's 
general,  and  murdered  him.     David  was  unable  to  punish 
this  outrage,  as  because  the  assassination  of  Abner  was  in  con- 
sequence of  a  blood-feud,  Joab  was  able  to  justify  himself  by 
saying  that  he  had  but  avenged  the  death  of  his  brother  Asahel. 
At  the  same  time  David  recognised  that  Abner's  death  had 
thwarted  his  schemes,  and  made  him  an  object  of  suspicion 
to  the  adherents  of  the  house  of  Saul.     The  king  did  all  in 
his  power  to  soothe  the  susceptibilities  of   his  people  by 
giving  Abner  a  splendid  funeral  at  which  he  acted  as  chief 
mourner,  refusing  to  taste  food  or  drink  till  the  sun  had  set. 
Over  Abner  he  pronounced  a  dirge,  as  he  had  done  over 
Saul  and  Jonathan. 

"  Should  Abner  die  as  a  fool  (Nabal)  dieth  ? 
Thy  hands  were  not  bound  nor  thy  feet  put  into  fetters  : 
As  a  man  falleth  before  the  children  of  iniquity,  so  didst  thou  fall  ** 

(2  Sam.  iii.  33,  34). 

Addressing  his  servants  in  words  which  have  found  an 
echo  in  the  anthem  composed  in  honour  of  England's  greatest 
soldier,  David  added,  '*  Know  ye  not  that  there  is  a  prince 
and  a  great  man  fallen  this  day  in  Israel  1 "  He  confessed  his 
own  helplessness  to  stem  the  violence  of  his  age  :  "  I  am  this 


in 


Murder  of 
Isliboslietli 


David  King 
of  Israel 


David's 
followers 


170        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

day  weak,  though  anointed  king ;  and  these  men  the  sons  of 
Zeruiah  be  too  hard  for  me :  the  Lord  reward  the  doer  of 
evil  according  to  his  wickedness"  (2  Sam.  iii.  38,   39). 

No  one  was  now  left  to  protect  Ishbosheth.  Two  natives 
of  the  Gibeonite  town  of  Beeroth,  named  Rechab  and 
Baanab,  resolved  to  avenge  the  injury  Saul  had  done  to  their 
countrymen  in  violation  of  the  ancient  treaty  between  Israel 
and  Gibeon.  As  the  porteress  who  kept  the  door  of  Ish- 
bosheth's  house  slept  over  her  task  of  sifting  the  wheat,  they 
slipped  past  and  slew  the  king  as  he  slept  at  midday  (2  Sam. 
iv.  6,  LXX.).^  They  then  brought  his  head  to  David  at 
Hebron,  little  suspecting  that  they  would  have  to  pay  the 
penalty  of  their  crime.  But  David,  after  reminding  the 
murderers  that  the  Amalekite  who  brought  the  news  of  the 
death  of  Saul  had  been  slain  instead  of  receiving  the  reward 
he  expected,  ordered  them  to  be  executed  as  "  wicked  men 
who  had  slain  a  righteous  person  in  his  own  house  upon  his 
bed."  Nor  can  David's  indignation  be  attributed  solely  to  a 
politic  desire  to  conciliate  Saul's  family,  his  whole  conduct 
on  this  and  similar  occasions  being  marked  by  an  abhorrence 
of  crimes  of  treachery  and  violence  (2  Sam.  iv.). 

"  Then  came  all  the  tribes  of  Israel  to  David  unto  Hebron, 
and  spake,  saying.  Behold  we  are  thy  bone  and  thy  flesh.  .  .  . 
So  all  the  elders  of  Israel  came  to  the  king  to  Hebron  ;  and 
King  David  made  a  league  with  them  in  Hebron  before  the 
■Lord  :  And  they  anointed  David  king  over  Israel "  (2  Sam. 
T.  1-3). 

Thus,  after  a  most  adventurous  career,  David  founded  a 
monarchy  destined  to  become  the  type  of  Divine  government 
upon  earth.  He  was  now  without  a  rival  in  Israel,  but 
before  he  could  consolidate  his  kingdom  he  had  to  enter 
upon  long  and  arduous  campaigns  against  the  enemies  of  the 
nation.  As  the  wars  of  David  demand  careful  attention,  it 
is  necessary  to  preface  an  account  of  them  by  stating  what 
is  known  of  the  military  force  at  his  disposal. 

David  had  first  learned  the  art  of  war  in  the  camp  of 
Saul,  but  the  experiences  of  his  eventful  life  had  taught  him 
far  more  than  could  be  acquired  in  regular  warfare.  The 
ancient  armies  of  Israel  seem  to  have  had  little  or  no  disci- 
pline.    They  assembled  at  the  summons  of  a  popular  leader, 


The  Reign  of  David 


171 


and  dispersed  as  soon  as  the  battle  was  won  or  lost.  At 
best  they  were  imperfectly  armed ;  armour,  iron  spears  and 
swords  being  confined  to  a  few  distinguished  warriors.  In 
early  history  there  is  no  record  of  any  sustained  military 
effort  on  the  part  of  Israel ;  a  war  was  a  raid  rather  than  a 
campaign. 

Necessity  had  made  the  little  band  of  outlaws,  which 
joined  David  at  Adullam,  into  an  army,  and  the  skill  with 
which  their  youthful  leader  had  eluded  all  the  efforts  of  Saul 
to  capture  them  is  a  proof  that  he  had  trained  his  men  to 
obey  orders.  His  long  vassalage  under  Achish  must  have 
improved  David's  military  knowledge,  for  the  Philistine 
armies  were  better  equipped  and  trained  than  those  of 
Israel.  It  seems  certain  that  for  several  years  David  had 
600  experienced  warriors  at  his  command ;  a  force  too  small 
to  make  Philistines  apprehensive,  yet  large  enough  to  form 
the  nucleus  of  a  powerful  army,  especially  in  an  age  when 
individual  prowess  was  of  great  importance  in  deciding  the 
issue  of  a  battle. 

As  long  as  David  was  king  at  Hebron  his  power  was  not 
sufficient  to  excite  the  suspicions  of  the  Philistines,  who  do 
not  seem  to  have  raised  any  objection  to  his  assuming  the 
sovereignty  over  all  Israel.  As  long  as  the  Hebrews  possessed 
no  strongly  fortified  towns,  whilst  the  Philistines  had  at  least 
five  large  walled  cities,  the  supremacy  of  the  latter  was 
assured. 

But  David  saw  an  opportunity  of  reversing  the  state  of  Capture  of 
affairs.  One  city  of  the  ancient  nation  of  the  Jebusites  re-  ^ion 
mained  uncaptured  alike  by  Philistine  and  Hebrew.  The 
stronghold  of  Zion  was  deemed  impregnable  by  its  occupants, 
who  laughed  at  the  idea  of  any  one  being  able  to  take  it  by 
assault.  When  David  and  his  little  army  approached  the 
city  the  defenders  cried,  "  The  lame  and  the  blind  shall  keep 
thee  away."  But  David  encouraged  his  men  with  the  memor- 
able words : — 

"  Whosoever  smiteth  the  Jebusites, 
Let  him  get  up  to  the  watercourse 
And  smite  the  lame  and  the  blind. 
That  are  hated  of  David's  soul." 

The  Chronicler   records  that  Joab   was  the  first  to  enter 


172        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Importance 
of  Jerusalem 


Philistine 
wars 


Zion  when  it  was  taken  by  the  Israelite  army  (2  Sam.  v. 
4-10;  1   Chvon.  xi.  4-9).^ 

The  capture  of  Zion  is  the  turning-point  in  the  national 
history.  With  it  a  new  era  begins.  The  days  of  primitive 
Israel  ended  when  the  last  Canaanite  stronghold  fell  into  the 
hands  of  David.  Even  if  no  consideration  is  to  be  taken  of 
the  subsequent  importance  of  the  city,  and  of  the  immense 
influence  it  has  had  upon  the  imagination  of  the  human  race, 
David's  exploit  is  a  remarkable  one ;  and  it  may  not  be  out 
of  place  to  consider  here  how  the  possession  of  so  strong  a 
fortress  as  that  of  Zion  affected  the  fortunes^of  Israel. 

From  the  days  of  Joshua  to  this  time  there  is  little 
evidence   that  the  Israelites  ever  attacked  or  defended  a 

fortified  place. 

When  Saul's  forces  won  a  victory  over  the  Philistines 
they  could  only  pursue  them  to  the  gates  of  their  cities 
(1  Sam.  xvii.  52) ;  but  when  the  Israelites  suffered  defeat, 
the  Philistines  were  able  to  overrun  their  country,  and  to 
drive  them  out  of  their  towns  (1  Sam.  xxxi.  7).  It  was 
not  till  Israel  became  possessed  of  a  strong  fortress  that  it 
could  contend  with  Philistia  on  even  terms.  When  David 
resolved  at  any  cost  to  expel  the  Jebusites  from  Zion,  he 
recognised  the  supreme  importance  of  having  a  serMre  place 
to  which  he  could  retreat;  and  now  that  he  had  been 
successful,  he  felt  that  he  could  assume  the  offensive.  His 
confidence  in  the  strength  of  his  new  capital  was  justified 
by  subsequent  events.  Jerusalem  remained  in  the  hands  of 
his  descendants  when  every  other  city  of  Israel  had  fallen ; 
and  its  astonishing  defence  in  later  days  against  the  whole 
strength  of  the  Roman  Empire  is  a  conclusive  proof  of  the 
military  genius  of  the  king  after  whom  Zion  was  familiarly 
known  as  the  City  of  David. 

Of  the  subsequent  wars  with  the  Philistines  hardly  any- 
thing is  recorded.  Twice  it  is  said  that  they  were  defeated 
in  the  valley  of  Rephaim.  On  the  first  occasion  the  place 
was  known  as  Baal-Perazim,  because,  said  David,  **The 
Lord  hath  broken  forth  (paraz)  upon  mine  enemies  as  a 
breach  (perez)  of  waters."  David  won  such  a  decisive 
victory  that  the  Philistines  abandoned  their  gods  to  the 
conquerors. 


The  Reign  of  David 


^li 


At  the  second  battle  in  the  valley  of  Rephaim  David 
inquired  of  Jehovah,  and  was  told  to  attack  the  Philistines 
in  the  rear  when  he  heard  "the  sound  of  a  going  in  the 
tops  of  the  mulberry  trees"  (2  Sam.  v.  17-25). 

The  only  other  notice  of  the  Philistine  war  is  contained 
in  a  single  verse,  which,  as  it  now  stands,  is  almost  unin- 
telligible. "And  after  this  it  came  to  pass  that  David 
smote  the  Philistines,  and  subdued  them ;  and  David  took 
Metheg  Ammah  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Philistines  "  (2  Sam. 
riii.  1).* 

This  lack  of  information  is  the  more  disappointing,  as 
the  war  with  Philistia  was  the  most  important  as  well  as  the 
most  decisive  of  those  waged  by  David.  For  several  genera- 
tions the  Philistines  had  been  the  most  dangerous  of  Israel's 
foes.  In  vain  had  Samson,  Samuel  and  Saul  striven  to 
deliver  their  countrymen  from  the  oppressive  yoke  of  the 
uncircumcised.  It  weighed  on  the  nation  till  David  became 
king,  nor  was  the  severity  of  the  Philistine  tyranny  ever 
forgotten.  But  after  David's  reign  the  hated  oppressors  are 
hardly  mentioned,  and  were  never  really  formidable.  It  is 
possible  that  when  David  became  assured  of  his  position  as 
King  of  Israel  he  not  only  conquered,  but  conciliated,  the 
Philistines.  It  must  be  remembered  he  had  been  their  ally, 
had  fought  in  their  army,  and  had  long  lived  in  intimate 
alhance  with  them;  and  as  in  later  days  Philistines  are 
found  holding  high  positions  in  his  court  and  army,  the 
nation  naay  have  felt  but  little  shame  in  becoming  his  allies, 
or  even  in  partially  acknowledging  his  suzerainty. 

With  the  cessation  of  the  war  with  Philistia  David  took  The  Ark 
a    step    fraught    with    the    most    momentous   consequences.  ^^fo^ffHt  to 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  throughout  his  perilous  career  ^°^ 
he  had    recognised    the    protecting   hand  of   Jehovah,   and 
now  that   he   had  triumphed  over  his  adversaries  and   was 
secure  in  the  possession  of   a    strong   city,   he   resolved   to 
make  it  the  centre  of  the  restored  religion  of  Israel.     To  do 
this  it  was  necessary  to  bring  the  Ark  to  Jerusalem.     As 
long  as  the  Philistine  supremacy  lasted  it  was  impossible  to 
celebrate  the  worship  of  Jehovah  in  connection  with  this 
visible  symbol  of  His  presence ;  for  the  Philistines  seem  to 
have  believed  that  the  armies  of  Israel,  when  accompanied 


■.ii 


174       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


by  the  Ark,  were  irresistible.  But,  even  when  all  oppo- 
sition on  the  part  of  his  adversaries  was  removed,  David 
evidently  considered  the  transference  of  the  Ark  to  Jeru- 
salem as  a  hazardous  experiment.  The  plague,  which  had 
broken  out  when  it  had  been  taken  to  the  cities  of  the 
Philistines,  was  not  forgotten,  nor  was  the  fate  of  the  men  of 
Bethshemesh,  who  had  gazed  on  it  with  irreverent  curiosity. 
Jerusalem  was  not  at  this  time  a  city  sacred  to  Jehovah. 
It  had,  it  is  true,  long  been  a  Canaanitish  sanctuary,  but 
the  Israelites  probably  considered  it  a  profane  spot,  and  one 
unlikely  to  prove  acceptable  to  their  God.  Such  feelings 
alone  seem  sufficient  to  explain  botli  the  hesitation  as  to 
whether  the  Ark  should  be  brought  to  Jerusalem,  and  the 
joy  shewn  when  the  attempt  met  with  the  Divine  approval. 

In  removing  the  Ark  from  the  house  of  Abinadab  in 
Kirjath-jearim  a  sinister  omen  occurred.  The  Ark  was 
placed  in  a  new  cart  driven  by  Abinadab's  sons  Uzzah  and 
Ahio.  At  the  threshing-floor  of  Nachon  Uzzah  put  his 
hand  on  the  Ark  to  steady  it,  and  was  immediately  struck 
dead.^  David  dared  not  proceed  farther,  and  the  Ark  was 
brought  to  the  house  of  a  man  whose  name  and  city  declare 
him  to  have  been  neither  of  the  religion  nor  the  stock  of 
Israel.  Obed-edom  of  Gath  must  have  been  of  Philistine 
origin,  possibly  the  worshipper  of  a  god  called  Edom.  But 
whilst  his  house  aflforded  shelter  to  the  Ark  it  was  clearly 
seen  that  Jehovah  favoured  Obed-edom,  and  after  three 
months  David  was  emboldened  to  bring  it  to  Jerusalem. 

At  the  ceremony  of  bringing  the  Ark  into  the  city  of 
David  the  king  himself  officiated  as  a  priest.  He  assumed 
the  ephod  and  led  the  sacred  dances  in  front  of  the  Ark  as  it 
was  conveyed  to  the  tent  prepared  for  its  .reception.  Sacri- 
fices of  peace-offerings  were  made ;  David  blessed  the  people 
in  the  name  of  Jehovah,  and  dismissed  them  with  presents. 
One  incident  alone  marred  the  joy  of  the  festival,  and 
appears  as  an  indication  that  David's  relations  with  the 
family  of  Saul  were  not  satisfactory.  For  the  exuberant 
manifestation  of  his  joy  at  the  coming  of  the  Ark  his  wife 
Michal  "despised  him  in  her  heart."  David  deposed  her 
from  her  position  of  royal  consort,  and  **she  had  no  more 
children  to  the  day  of  her  death  "  (2  Sam.  vi.). 


The  Reign  of  David 


^75 


Master  of  his  own  territory,  and  secure  in  the  allegiance  Foreign  wars 
ot   his   people,   David   now   commenced   a   career  of  foreic^n  (a)  Moab 
conquest.     He  annihilated  the  power  of  Moab,  making  fts 
people  tributary,  and  also   reduced  the  stubborn  Edomites 
to  submission.     In  the  war  with  Moab  ^  Benaiah  the  son  of 
Jehoiada,  who  afterwards  commanded  David's  army    parti- 
cularly distinguished  himself  (2  Sam.  viii.  2  ;  2  Sam.  xxiii 
20  ;  1  Chroa  xi.  22).     Joab  shewed  his  usual  ferocity  in  the 
conquest  of  Edom.     All  the  males  were  put  to  the  sword  (b)  Edom 
during  the  six  months  following  the  rout  of   the  Edomite 
army  in  the  Valley  of  Salt  (2  Sam.  viii.  13).7     Moab  was 
treated  with  almost  equal  severity.    But  these  conquests  had 
the  merit  of   being  complete,  and  both  Edom  and   Moab 
remained  in  subjection  to  Israel  for  several  generations. 

The  conquest  of   Ammon  was  the  most  difficult  of  all   (c)  Ammon 
David  s  undertakings.     On  the  death  of  Nahash  the  King  of  ^""^  ^^* 
Ammon,  who  had  been  his  friend,  David  sent  an  embassy 
to  his  son  Hanun.      The  new  king  was  induced  to  believe 
that  David's  intentions  towards  him  were  not  sincere,  and 
treated  the  ambassadors  with  the  utmost  indignity.      Both 
sides  considered  this  to  be  a  declaration  of  war.      David  pre- 
pared to  cross  the  Jordan,  and  the  Ammonites  made  a  league 
with  the  neighbouring  kings  of  Syria.     A  large  army  was 
sent  to  assist  the  Ammonites  by  Hadadezer  the  Syrian  king 
of  Zobah  and  his  allies,  but  it  was  defeated  outside  the  walls 
of  Kabbah  by  Joab  and  Abishai.     David  then  invaded  Syria 
m  person  and  routed  the  army  of  Hadadezer  so  completely 
that  the  Ammonites  had  no  more  hope  of  support  from 
Syria.     After  this  Rabbath-Ammon  was   invested    by  the 
Israelites,  and  when  its  fall  was  inevitable  Joab  sent  for 
David  that  he  might  take  the  city  himself.     ''Lest,"  said 
Joab,    ''I  take  the    city  and  it  be  called    by   my  name." 
According    to    the   present   reading   the   Ammonites    were 
treated   by   David   with   savage   cruelty,   but  a   very  slight 
modification    of   the   text    will  justify  the   hope   that   the 
prisoners  were  spared  and  put  to  work  at  the  royal  buildings 
(2  Sam.  X.  and  xii.  26-31).8  ^ 

A  large  portion  of  the  book  of  Samuel  is  devoted  not  to  David's 
the  glories,  but  to  the  disasters  of  David's  reign.     As  a  disasters 
soldier  he  seems  to  have  enjoyed  almost  uninterrupted  sue- 


176        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


David's  sin 
with  Bath- 
aLeba 


cess ;  but  as  a  monarch,  especially  in  his  own  family,  David 
had  but  little  happiness.  Under  him  Israel  passed  from  the 
simple  life  of  a  peasant  people  to  the  comparative  civilisation 
and  luxury  of  a  conquering  race. 

David,  a  true  type  of  the  nation,  was  better  able  to  dis- 
play the  virtues  of  a  soldier  in  the  field  than  those  of  a 
monarch  in  his  palace.  At  the  time  of  the  conquest  of  Zion, 
and  long  after,  so  little  were  the  Israelites  acquainted  with 
the  arts  of  life,  that  it  was  necessary  to  obtain  the  builders 
of  David's  palace  and  Solomon's  Temple  from  Tyre. 

Naturally  a  king  and  people  so  little  advanced  in  civilisa- 
tion, suddenly  enriched  with  the  spoils  of  foreign  conquest, 
were  not  able  to  adapt  themselves  to  new  conditions  of  life 
without  somewhat  deteriorating  in  character. 

After  his  successful  expedition  against  Syria,  David  began 
to  enjoy  the  luxury  of  his  capital,  and  to  abstain  from 
sharing  in  the  hardships  of  his  army  in  the  field.  This  was 
the  occasion  of  the  great  sin  which  marred  the  beauty  of  his 
character,  and  was  the  cause  of  all  his  subsequent  mis- 
fortunes. He  saw  and  loved  Bathsheba,  the  wife  of  Uriah, 
a  Hittite  soldier  in  his  army.  When  he  perceived  that  this 
criminal  connection  would  soon  be  known  to  the  world, 
David  did  all  in  his  power  to  save  Bathsheba  from  the  conse- 
quences of  her  sin.  He  made  a  pretext  to  send  for  Uriah, 
but  the  rugged  fidelity  of  the  soldier  disappointed  the  king's 
expectation  that  he  would  return  during  the  campaign  to 
the  society  of  his  wife.  Finding  that  there  was  no  hope 
of  saving  Bathsheba  from  the  death  which  her  husband  had 
the  riglit  to  inflict  on  her  if  she  were  proved  to  be  unfaithful, 
David  sent  Uriah  with  a  letter  to  Joab  containing  this  com- 
mand, "  Set  ye  Uriah  in  the  forefront  of  the  hottest  battle, 
and  retire  ye  from  him  that  he  may  be  smitten  and  die." 

It  was  an  order  which  an  unscrupulous  man  like  Joab 
was  only  too  ready  to  execute.  An  assault  was  made  on 
Rabbath-Ammon,  and  Uriah  was  slain. 

There  are  passages  in  the  Bible  which  can  never  be  told 
in  any  other  words  save  those  of  Holy  Writ.  One  of  these 
is  the  account  of  Nathan's  parable  of  the  rich  man  who  took 
the  poor  man's  one  ewe  lamb ;  of  David's  repentance ;  of  the 
death  of  Bathsheba's  child;  of  the  sorrow  of  the  conscience- 


The  Reign  of  David 


177 


stricken  father ;  of  David's  reply  to  his  servants  when  they 
asked  him  why  he  fasted  and  wept  when  the  child  was  sick, 
and  desisted  when  death  took  it  from  him.  It  is  necessary,' 
however,  to  recollect  the  noble  character  of  the  king's  re- 
pentance for  his  sin  ;  for  it  is  too  common  to  ignore  the 
circumstances  of  David's  age  and  the  temptations  of  his 
position,  and  to  repeat  the  foolish  sneer  at  the  words  that  a 
man  who  could  act  thus  basely  was  "  a  man  after  God's  own 
heart"  (2  Sam.  xii.). 

Nathan's  message  to  David  contained  the  profound  truth  Amnon's 
that  although  a  sin  may  be  pardoned,  its  consequences  must  crime 
remain.  God  put  away  David's  sin,  but  He  did  not  revoke 
His  sentence,  "The  sword  shall  never  depart  from  thine 
house.'*  The  fatal  example  set  by  the  father  was  followed 
by  his  eldest  son  Amnon.  Amnon's  treatment  of  his  half- 
sister  Tamar  is  a  terrible  example  of  the  degraded  sensuality 
of  an  Oriental  court,  and  is  unrelieved  by  any  redeeming 
feature.  Tamar  however  found  an  avenger  in  her  own 
brother  Absalom,  like  her  the  child  of  David's  wife  Maachah, 
the  daughter  of  Talmai,  King  of  Geshur. 

This  attractive  but  unscrupulous  and  ambitious  man  allowed  Absalom 
two  years  to  pass  without  shewing  that  he  bore  any  enmity 
to  Amnon.  When  suspicion  was  thoroughly  allayed,  he 
invited  the  royal  family  to  a  feast  on  the  occasion  of  the 
shearing  of  his  sheep  in  Baal-Hazar.  David  himself  refused 
to  be  present,  but  at  Absalom's  special  request  sent  Amnon 
to  represent  him.  When  the  feast  was  at  its  height  Absa- 
lom's servants  slew  Amnon,  and  the  rest  of  the  king's  sons 
fled.  News  was  brought  to  David  that  the  whole  of  the 
royal  family  had  been  put  to  the  sword,  and  that  the  rumour 
obtained  credit  shews  that  Absalom's  ambition  was  already 
known.  Fearing  his  father's  wrath,  Absalom  took  refuge 
with  his  grandfather  at  Geshur  (2  Sam.  xiii.). 

From  henceforward  the  court  of  David  became  the  scene 
of  constant  intrigues,  of  plots  and  counterplots.  Joab,  for 
reasons  which  are  not  recorded,  deemed  it  advisable  that 
Absalom  should  return  to  Jerusalem  ;  and  seeing  that  David 
himself  longed  for  this  absent  son,  devised  a  means  of  per- 
suading the  king  to  sanction  his  recall.  He  persuaded  a 
woman  of  Tekoa  to  go  into  the  king's  presence  with  a  story 


178        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


The  Reign  of  David 


179 


I* 

4; 


Revolt  of 
Absalom 


illustrative  of  the  wild  justice  of  the  age.     One  of  her  sons 
had  killed  his  brother,  and  tlie  family  demanded  that  the 
murderer  should  be  given  up  to  justice.     The  woman  begged 
the  king  to  save  the  guilty  son,  as  if  he  were  put  to  death 
she   would   be  bereaved    of   both   her   children.      The   king, 
pitying   her    misfortune,    promised,    "As    the    Lord   liveth, 
there    shall  not  one   hair   of   thy   son    fall    to    the    earth." 
Then  the  woman  reminded  the  king  that  their  cases  were 
not  dissimilar.     Like  her  he  had  lost  one  son,  and  by  his 
own  act  he  was  doubly  bereaved  by  the  punishment  of  the 
second.      David  at  once  perceived  that  the  woman  was  the 
mouthpiece   of   another.      "Is  not  the  hand  of  Joab   with 
thee  in  all  this  1 "  he  asked,  and  the  woman  replied  that  she 
had  not  spoken  a  word  to  the  king  which  Joab  had  not  put 
in  her  mouth  (2  Sam.  xiv.). 

Absalom  returned  to  Jerusalem,  but  was  forbidden  to 
approach  his  father.  After  two  years  he  forced  Joab  to 
bring  about  a  reconciliation  by  burning  his  fields  of  barley, 
and  David  granted  his  son  complete  forgiveness. 

Although  the  revolt  of  Absalom,  which  so  nearly  ended  in 
the  overthrow  of  David,  is  related  in  detail,  it  is  not  easily 
understood.  It  is  evident  that  Absalom  possessed  personal 
attractions  and  those  popular  gifts  which  make  the  leader  of 
an  insurrection  doubly  formidable.  David  seems  by  this 
time  to  have  lost  the  vigour  and  resolution  of  his  youth,  his 
whole  conduct  being  marked  by  feebleness,  in  strong  contrast 
to  the  energy  and  prudence  displayed  by  him  in  the  early 
days  of  his  reign.^ 

It  would  appear  as  though  he  had  become  neglectful  of 
his  kingly  duties ;  that  justice  was  irregularly  administered, 
and  that  he  was  entirely  under  the  sway  of  such  powerful 
counsellors  as  Joab.  Throughout  this  troublous  time  David 
is  a  pathetic  rather  than  a  heroic  figure ;  the  real  direction 
of  afiairs  is  in  stronger  hands  than  his.  Neither  father  nor 
son  play  the  leading  part  in  the  drama ;  for  Absalom,  when 
once  he  had  raised  the  standard  of  revolt,  ceased  to  initiate 
anything  and  became  a  puppet  in  the  hands  of  his  advisers. 

No  sooner  was  he  restored  to  favour  with  his  father  than 
Absalom  began  his  intrigues.  Every  suitor  who  came  to 
Jerusalem  was  received  by  him  with  expressions  of  regret 


that  justice  was  so  badly  administered  by  Davids  officers 
that  there  was  no  hope  of  obtaining  redress.  Plain  hints 
were  given  that  if  Absalom  were  but  judge  all  would  go  well, 
and  so  gracious  was  the  young  prince's  manner  that  he  "  stole 
the  hearts  of  the  men  of  Israel." 

^  When  all  preparations  had  been  made,  and  the  plot  was 
ripe,  Absalom  asked  leave  to  discharge  a  vow  at  Hebron. 
Spies  had  been  sent  throughout  Israel  to  arrange  for  a 
general  rising  directly  the  news  should  come  that  Absalom 
was  king.  The  director  of  the  revolution  was  David's 
adviser  Ahitophel  of  Giloh,  who  had  perhaps  some  deep 
cause  of  animosity  against  the  king.^^ 

The  conspiracy  was  so  sudden  and  so  widespread  that 
David  was  compelled  to  leave  his  capital.  To  all  appear- 
ance he  had  not  any  supporters  in  Israel  except  his  own 
relatives  Joab  and  Abishai,  the  two  priests  Zadok  and 
Abiathar  and  their  Levites,  and  the  king's  "  friend  "  Hushai 
the  Archite.  His  sole  military  support  was  his  body-guard 
and  his  foreign  mercenaries,  Cherethites,  Pelethites  and 
Gittites,  commanded  by  the  faithful  Ittai,  who  positively 
declined  to  desert  his  master. 

The  events  of  the  memorable  day  of  David's  flight  from   David's  flight 
Jerusalem  are   carefully   recorded.       The   king   refused    to  from  Jem- 
allow    the  Ark    to    accompany  him ;    he    begged    Ittai   the  ^^^^ 
Gittite  to  leave  his  service,  for  as  a  stranger  and  an  exile  it 
would  be  no  shame  if  he  remained  and  served  the  new  king. 
After  crossing   the   Kidron  and    ascending    the    Mount    of 
Olives,   Hushai  met   David,   but    was   told    to  go   back    to 
Jerusalem  to    defeat  if  possible  the  counsel  of  Ahitophel 
(2  Sam.  XV.). 

After  this  David  came  in  contact  with  the  adherents  of 
the  house  of  Saul,  and  a  gleam  of  light  is  thrown  on  his 
position  towards  the  family  of  the  late  king. 

It  has  been  already  suggested  that  David  may  have 
divorced  Michal  when  he  found  it  impossible  to  trust  to 
the  loyalty  of  her  family,  and  this  appears  to  be  confirmed 
by  the  fact  that  he  allowed  the  Gibeonites  to  avenge  the 
wrong  Saul  had  inflicted  on  them,  by  putting  two  sons  and 
five  grandsons  of  Saul  to  death.  It  is  true  that  this  was  in 
accord   with   the   wild  justice  and  superstition  of  the  age, 


I 

It 


1 80       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


The  Reign  of  David 


181 


m\ 


.Mch  attributed  a  t^.e  W  Wne  ^J^^-^^^ ^^ 

rffiLfpl^d^arrhav^e  btninfluenoed  by  political 
t":l;Sn^  ^  toVe  expediency  of  leaving  no  heir  to  the 

"'XiraSai'trSaTwioL'^David  had  been  ablo 
Ziba  and  The  only  ^^^^f '^;        ,    pHnnled  son  Merib-baal  or  Mephi- 

and  seizing  tnc  ■D.,v,niMTn  where  a  certain  Shimei 

descendants  of  Saul  to  pacify  the  Gibeomtes  (2  Sam.  xv.. 

^'\*«'lon2  as  David  wa^  on  the  west  of  the  Jordan  his  case 
As  long  as  ^^^  .     ^    ,,  Jerusalem,  and  Ahitophel 

was  hopeless.    Absalom  aruveci  a  ^^^ 

asked  to  be  put  in  command  of  li.UUU  men  m  o 

-:^;have  succeeded.  e^eciaU^s  A^^^^^^^^^^^  ^^^ 

relTtt    ro"y      cot>bines.  thereby  encouraging  all  his 
Sherentf  by  the  knowledge  that  it  was  now  impossible  for 

aduerents  vy  lu  ..      °tn  David  s  vengeance,  and  at  the 

Absalom  to  abandon  them  to  uavia  8  v^ug  . 

^me  time  to  obtain  his  father's  forgiveness  (2  Sam.  xvi. 

^^Fortunately  for  David,  Hushai  was  abb  to  play  on  the 
fea!  S  tnity  of  the  usurper.  Supposing,  he  suggested 
Ht  mviTan^d  his  tried  warriors  were  ^  -F-^^- 
rTibTrntdlryntVoS  ^  "to  «;  no 
Sbnt^ taH  tmiThole  nation  had  assembled.  Then 
Tbsabm  could  lead  the  army  in  person  and  gam  aU  the 


Aliitophel 


Husliai 


glory  himself  without  any  danger.  Absalom  and  his  friends 
listened  to  this  advice,  and  Jonathan  and  Ahimaaz,  the  two 
sons  of  the  priests  Zadok  and  Abiathar,  escaped  from  the 
city  to  tell  David  that  Ahitophel's  counsel  was  rejected,  and 
that  the  king  had  time  at  least  on  his  side.  Ahitophel,  seeing 
that  Absalom's  cause  was  lost,  went  to  his  home  and  hanged 
himself  (2  Sam.  xvii.  1-23). 

No  sooner  had  David  crossed  the  Jordan  and  had  reached  David  In 
Mahanaim  than  he  found  numerous  adherents.  The  in-  Gilead 
habitants  of  Gilead  had  given  proofs  of  their  loyalty  to 
Saul,  and  now  shewed  themselves  equally  faithful  to  David. 
The  great  chieftains  hastened  to  him  with  provisions  for  his 
men.  At  their  head  was  an  Ammonite  from  Kabbah,  Shobi, 
the  son  of  Nahash,  whom  David  had  probably  put  in  the 
place  of  his  adversary  Hanun.  Machir,  the  son  of  Ammiel 
of  Lo-debar,  and  the  venerable  Barzillai  the  Gileadite,  are 
also  named.  At  Mahanaim  the  fugitive  monarch  found 
himself  among  friends,  at  the  head  of  an  army  commanded 
by  three  tried  warriors,  Joab,  Abishai  and  Ittai.  David  Defeat  of 
wished  to  command  in  person,  but  his  soldiers  refused  to  Absalom 
allow  him  to  risk  his  life.  He  remained  with  the  reserves 
in  the  city,  giving  strict  injunctions  that  Absalom  was  not 
to  be  injured.  Absalom  soon  came  v/ith  his  army  under  the 
command  of  Amasa,  a  kinsman  of  Joab.  The  issue  of  the 
battle  could  not  be  doubtful.  Absalom  and  Amasa  at  the 
head  of  a  large  and  undisciplined  force  were  no  match  for 
Da\ad's  generals.  The  great  Israelite  army  was  forced  to 
retreat  into  a  wood  and  was  destroyed  piecemeal.  "  The 
battle  was  then  scattered  over  the  face  of  all  the  country, 
and  the  wood  devoured  more  people  that  day  than  the  sword 
devoured."  It  was  in  the  forest  that  Absalom  met  his 
doom. 

A  man  told  Joab  that  he  had  seen  Absalom  hanging  in 
an  oak ;  and  in  answer  to  the  question  why  he  had  not 
slain  him  then  and  there,  he  reminded  his  general  of  the 
king's  command.  So  notorious  was  Joab's  treachery,  that 
the  soldier  plainly  declared  that  had  he  slain  Absalom,  Joab 
would  have  been  the  first  to  denounce  him  to  the  king. 
Without  further  words  Joab  repaired  to  the  spot,  and,  assisted 
by  his  ten  armour-bearers,  slew  Absalom. 


R 


^^^*^'i:W-'^~CSe  ^ 


1 82       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


David's 
return 


David,  in  the  meantime,  was  waiting  for  news  at 
Mahanaim,  more  anxious  about  the  fate  of  his  disobedient 
son  than  that  of  his  army.  Joab  had  sent  an  Ethiopian  slave 
to  announce  the  defeat  and  death  of  Absalom,  but  Ahimaaz, 
the  son  of  Zadok,  was  so  persistent  in  begging  to  be  allowed 
to  bear  the  tidings  that  he  was  allowed  by  Joab  to  go  also. 
He  outran  the  Ethiopian,  proclaimed  the  news  of  victory, 
but  to  David's  anxious  inquiry,  "  Is  the  young  man  Absalom 
safe  1 "  he  returned  an  evasive  answer.  When  the  Ethiopian 
arrived  and  was  asked  the  same  question,  he  replied,  "The 
enemies  of  my  lord  the  king,  and  all  that  rise  up  against 
thee  to  do  thee  hurt  be  as  that  young  man  is."  "  And  the 
king  was  much  moved,  and  went  up  to  the  chamber  over  the 
gate,  and  wept :  and  as  he  went,  thus  he  said,  O  my  son 
Absalom,  my  son,  my  son  Absalom !  would  God  I  had 
died   for    thee,    O   Absalom,    my    son,    my    son!"   (2   Sam. 

xviii.).  . 

After  the  defeat  of  Absalom  the  people  returned  to  their 
homes,  and  David,  overcome  by  grief,  remained  unconscious  of 
all  that  was  happening.  Joab  roughly  aroused  his  master 
from  his  despondency  in  words  which  reveal  both  the  sound 
policy  and  unsympathetic  nature  of  this  great  captain  : — 
"  Now,  therefore,  arise,  go  forth,  and  speak  comfortably 
unto  thy  servants  :  for  I  swear  by  the  Lord,  if  thou  go  not 
forth,  there  will  not  tarry  a  man  with  thee  this  night :  and 
that  will  be  worse  unto  thee  than  all  the  evil  that  hath 
befallen  thee  from  thy  youth  until  now"  (2  Sam.  xix.  7).^ 

David  sent  to  Zadok  and  Abiathar  the  priests,  bidding 
them  prepare  the  men  of  Judah  to  receive  him,  and  promising 
Amasa  Joab's  place  at  the  head  of  the  royal  army. 

He  now  returned  in  triumph  to  Jerusalem  after  rewarding 
those  who  had  assisted  him,  especially  Barzillai,  the  Gileadite. 
The  aged  chief  refused  to  accompany  the  king  to  the  palace, 
but  sent  his  son  Chimham  with  David.  At  the  fords  of 
Jordan  Shimei  made  his  submisyion  and  was  pardoned. 
Mephibosheth  seems  to  have  aroused  the  king's  suspicions, 
but  his  excuses  were  accepted  though  half  his  property  was 
given  to  Ziba.  All,  however,  was  not  in  harmony.  The 
northern  Israelites  complained  that  the  men  of  Judah  had 
monopolised  the  kingdom,  and  in  the  dispute  which  ensue-J 


The  Reign  of  David 


183 


"  the  words  of  the  men  of  Judah  were  fiercer  than  the  words 
of  the  men  of  Israel "  (2  Sam.  xix.). 

Another  revolt  under  a  Benjamite,  Sheba  the  son  of  Bichri,  Sheba  the  son 
broke  out.  Amasa  was  sent  to  suppress  it,  but  was  so  ofBicliri 
dilatory  that  the  rebellion  became  widespread  and  Abishai 
was  despatched  with  the  Cherethites  and  Pelethites.  Joab 
went  with  his  brother,  and  approaching  Amasa  with  profes- 
sions of  friendship,  slew  him  as  he  had  slain  Abner.  Having 
removed  his  rival,  Joab  took  the  command  and  drove  Sheba 
into  Abel  Beth-Maachah.  A  wise  woman  of  the  city  made 
a  treaty  with  Joab  on  behalf  of  the  townsmen,  and  Sheba's 
head  was  thrown  over  the  wall  (2  Sam.  xx.). 

At  this  point  David's  history  in  the  book  of  Samuel  comes  David's 
to  an  abrupt  conclusion,  and  in  the  first  book  of  Kings  the  ^^^  ^&® 
monarch  is  found  to  be  almost  in  his  dotage.  In  the  peace- 
ful years  at  the  close  of  his  reign  he  is  supposed  to  have 
made  arrangements  for  the  building  of  the  Temple.  This 
step  was  a  bold  one,  for  whatever  may  have  been  the 
character  of  the  sanctuary  of  Shiloh,  it  was  certainly  an 
unpretentious  erection.  David  had  built  a  palace  for  him- 
self by  the  aid  of  Syrian  architects,  and  a  desire  to  give  the 
Ark  of  Jehovah  a  suitable  abode  was  the  natural  outcome  of 
his  generous  zeal  for  God's  service.  "  See  now,"  said  the 
king  to  the  prophet  Nathan,  *'  I  dwell  in  an  house  of  cedar, 
but  the  ark  of  God  dwelleth  within  curtains." 

But  it  was  no  small  innovation  to  build  a  house  for  me  Temple 
Jehovah  like  the  temples  of  the  Philistine  or  Syrian  gods, 
and  to  emi)loy  heathens  for  the  purpose.  The  Israelites  had 
been  accustomed  to  great  simplicity  of  worship.  Their 
sanctuaries  were  often  the  open  hill-top,  their  altars  rocks 
projecting  from  the  soil.  The  home  of  their  sacred  Ark  had 
been  an  Arab's  tent,  and  a  temple  such  as  David  contem- 
plated was  a  completely  new  departure.  Nathan  seems  at 
first  to  have  approved  of  the  idea,  but  that  night  lie  was 
charged  with  a  message  to  David  from  Jehovah  forbidding 
him  to  build  a  temple.  David  was  reminded  that  his  pro- 
posal was  without  precedent,  for  since  the  day  that  Jehovah 
brought  Israel  out  of  Egypt  He  had  not  dwelt  in  any  house, 
but  the  Ark  had  been  removed  from  tent  to  tent  and  from 
dwelling  to   dwelling.     In   reward   for  his   piety,   however. 


fiaagiifeiiiiiaiii-5iflfiiiiifiiiii[tfi 


liMiii'iiiiniiiiliMtiiiii'BMiiiiiiiiii 


184       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


David  in  Ills 
dotage 


David  was  promised  a  sure  inheritance  for  his  family,  and  it 
was  hinted  that  his  successor  should  be  allowed  to  build  a 
house  for  Jehovah  (2  Sam.  vii.). 

In  the  books  of  Chronicles  David  is  said  to  have  devoted 
his  latter  days  to  planning  how  the  Temple  should  be  built, 
and  instructing  his  son  Solomon  how  to  construct  it.  All 
the  great  wealth  the  king  had  accumulated  was  set  aside  for 
this  sacred  purpose,  and  the  people  accepted  the  royal  invita- 
tion to  contribute  to  the  work  with  the  same  zeal  as  their 
fathers  had  shewn  when  the  tabernacle  was  erected  at  the 
foot  of  Mount  Sinai.  King  and  people  rejoiced  at  the 
abundant  preparation  they  had  made,  and  David  blessed  his 
God  for  putting  it  into  the  hearts  of  his  people  to  offer  so 
willingly.  *'  Who  am  I,"  he  cried,  "  and  what  is  my  people, 
that  we  should  be  able  to  offer  so  willingly  after  this  sort  1 
for  all  things  come  of  Thee,  and  of  Thine  own  have  we  given 
Thee"  (1  Chron.  xxix.  14). 

Thus  gloriously,  according  to  the  imagination  of  devout 
Jews  in  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries  before  Christ,  did  the 
famous  reign  of  David  terminate;  the  great  king  passed 
away  with  his  kingdom  tranquil,  the  succession  secured  to 
Solomon,  and  all  in  readiness  for  the  work  of  building  a 
temple  for  the  God  of  all  the  earth  (1  Chron.  xxix.  26-30). 

It  is  not  without  a  pang  that  one  turns  from  the  ideal 
close  of  David's  reign  to  the  terribly  realistic  picture  in  the 
first  chapter  of  Kings. 

The  extraordinary  hardships  and  perils  of  his  youth  made 
David  an  old  man  before  his  time.  His  growing  feebleness 
had  been  manifested  during  the  rebellions  of  Absalom  and 
Sheba,  and  before  he  was  seventy  years  of  age  he  had  sunk  into 
his  dotage.  He  was  committed  to  the  care  of  a  Shunammite 
damsel  named  Abishag,  whilst  his  sons  and  their  partisans 
were  busied  with  preparations  to  seize  the  crown.  Joab  as 
usual  was  in  the  thick  of  these  intrigues.  Supported  by 
Abiathar  the  priest,  who  was  probably  jealous  of  the  rising 
influence  of  the  family  of  Zadok,  he  furthered  the  claims  of 
David's  eldest  son  Adonijah.  On  the  other  side  Bathsheba 
had  extorted  from  David  a  promise  to  bequeath  his  kingdom 
to  her  son  Solomon,  then  a  mere  youth.  Her  cause  had  the 
powerful  aid  of  Nathan  the  prophet,  Zadok  the  priest,  and 


The  Reign  of  David 


185 


Benaiah  the  son  of  Jehoiada,  who  was  in  command  of  the 
king's  body-guard.  Adonijah,  probably  at  the  instigation  of 
Joab,  made  the  first  move.  He  invited  his  adherents  to  a 
banquet  in  the  valley  of  the  Kidron,  at  which  the  cry  *'  God 
save  King  Adonijah  !  "  was  raised. 

Not  a  moment  was  to  be  lost  if  Solomon's  pretensions  to  Solomon  pro- 
the  throne  were  to  succeed,  and  Nathan  urged  Bathsheba  to  claimed  Idng 
convey  the  news  of  Adonijah's  usurpation  to  David.  The 
aged  king  summoned  Zadok  and  Benaiah,  and  bade  them 
take  the  Cherethites  and  Pelethites  and  escort  Solomon, 
mounted  on  the  royal  mule,  to  the  pool  of  Gihon,  in  the 
Yalley  of  Hinnom,  and  anoint  him  king.  The  ceremony  was 
performed  with  all  solemnity  by  Zadok  and  Nathan. 
Jonathan,  the  son  of  Abiathar,  brought  the  tidings  to 
Adonijah's  banquet.  The  guests  dispersed,  and  the  pretender 
fled  in  terror  to  the  sanctuary  and  clung  to  the  horns  of  the 
altar.  Solomon  magnanimously  spared  his  brother's  life, 
but  warned  him  that  he  would  not  pardon  him  if  he  again 
offended  (1  Kings  i.). 

Hitherto  there  had  been  no  bloodshed,  but  Solomon's  David's  advice 
position  was  evidently  most  precarious.  David  is  said  to  *o  Solomon 
have  given  three  injunctions  to  his  son  on  his  deathbed. 
First,  he  was  on  no  account  to  spare  Joab  ;  secondly,  he 
was  to  be  kind  to  the  household  of  Barzillai ;  and  finally,  he 
was  to  devise  some  pretext  for  executing  Shimei  (1  Kings  ii. 
5-9).  It  is  impossible  not  to  feel  shocked  at  such  advice 
being  given  by  a  king  like  David  in  the  hour  of  death. 
Great  as  were  his  crimes,  Joab  had  been  a  faithful  friend  to 
David.  He  had  evidently  made  the  Judaean  monarchy 
secure,  and  had  saved  David's  throne  in  two  great  emer- 
gencies. Yet  the  aged  king  may  well  have  felt  that  Solomon 
could  have  no  security  as  long  as  Joab  lived ;  and  subsequent 
events  proved  the  correctness  of  this  surmise.  The  advice 
respecting  Shimei  seems  to  be  even  less  excusable.  Shimei 
had  merited  death  by  cursing  David,  but  had  sought  and 
obtained  pardon.  David  had  sworn  not  to  put  him  to  death, 
and  yet  his  last  recorded  words  are  an  injunction  to  Solomon, 
''Behold,  there  is  with  thee  Shimei  the  son  of  Gera,  the 
Benjamite,  who  cursed  me  with  a  grievous  curse  in  the  day 
when  I  went  to  Mahanaim :  but  he  came  down  to  meet  me 


1 86        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


David's 
cliaracter 


at  Jordan,  and  I  sware  to  liim  by  the  Lord,  saying,  I  will  not 
put  thee  to  death  by  the  sword.  Now  therefore  hold  him 
not  guiltless,  for  thou  art  a  wise  man  ;  and  thou  wilt  know 
what  thou  oughtest  to  do  unto  him,  and  thou  shalt  bring  his 
hoary  head  down  to  the  grave  with  blood." 

So  little  is  known  of  the  circumstances  that  it  is  not  just 
to  condemn  the  dying  king.  Granted,  however,  that  the 
house  of  Saul  was  still  a  danger  to  the  dynasty,  and  that 
David  considered  the  promise  he  had  made  to  Shimei  only 
binding  on  himself,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the  picture  of 
the  closing  days  of  the  aged  David  must  have  been  indeed 
dark  and  terrible  if  his  last  thoughts  were  of  vengeance  and 

politic  cruelty. 

No   sooner   was   David   dead   than   Joab   commenced   his 
intrigues.     He  no  doubt  prompted  A<lonijah  to  ask  Bath- 
sheba  to  persuade  Solomon  to  allow  him  to  espouse  Abishag. 
Solomon   saw   through   the   request:    "Why  dost   thou  ask 
Abishag  the  Shunammite  for  Adonijah  1     Ask  for  him  the 
kingdom  also  ;  for  he  is  my  elder  brother :  and  for  Abiathar 
the  priest,  and  for  Joab  the  son  of  Zeruiah."      Adonijah  was 
immediately  put  to  death,  and  the  aged  Joab  was  torn  from 
the  horns  of  the  altar  and  slain.     Abiathar  was  banished  to 
his  estate  at  Anathoth.      Shimei  was  ordered  never  to  leave 
Jerusalem.     For  going  in  pursuit  of  two  fugitive  slaves  he 
was  by  Solomon's  command  executed  (1  Kings  ii.  12  ad  Jin.). 
David's  figure  is  unique  in  the  history  of  early  Israel.     It 
stands  out  distinct  from  all  others.     Of  no  other  person  in 
the   Old   Testament  is   so  much  recorded.     His  youth,  his 
manhood,  his  old  age — all  are  depicted.     The  names  of  his 
friends    and    relatives,   of    his    wives    and    children,   of    his 
counsellors  and  liis  enemies,  are  carefully  preserved.     Their 
characters    are  vividly   portrayed  :    Jonathan,  Michal,  Joab, 
Abigail,  Absalom,  Bathsheba,  Ittai,  Ahitophel  and  Shimei 
are  not  mere  names  but  living  personalities.     Many  words 
and  sayings  of  David  are  recorded,  revealing  what  manner  of 
man  he  was.     In  the  books  of  Samuel  not  only  his  virtues 
but  his  failings  and  weaknesses  are  portrayed  with  astonish- 
ing fidelity.     With  so  much  material  it   would   appear   no 
difficult  task  to  arrive  at  a  just  estimate  of  the  great  king's 
personal  character. 


The  Reign  of  David 


187 


The  obstacle  in  the  way  of  giving  a  true  portrayal  of 
David  is  due  to  the  fact  that  he  has  been  so  idealised  by 
posterity  that,  whilst  feelings  of  reverence  cause  some  to 
shrink  from  treating  of  him  historically,  others,  in  order  to 
counteract  the  notion  that  in  him  a  pattern  for  imitation  in 
all  ages  is  to  be  found,  are  prone  to  dwell  on  the  worst 
points  in  his  character. 

To  judge  David  aright  it  is  necessary  to  take  into  account 
the  circumstances  of  his  life,  and  of  the  age  and  country  in 
which  he  lived ;  to  recollect  that  he  was  in  turn  shepherd, 
soldier,  outlaw,  mercenary  leader,  and  finally,  king  over  a 
nation  just  emerging  from  barbarism.  But  at  the  same  time 
it  must  be  remembered  that  under  his  guidance  Israel  passed 
from  the  lawless  confusion  of  the  age  of  Saul  to  the  peace 
and  splendour  of  the  days  of  Solomon.  In  this  way  it  will 
be  possible  to  understand  alike  his  necessary  limitations,  and 
his  title  to  be  considered  a  great  man.  To  maintain  that  in 
such  a  career  as  David's  every  virtue  could  find  a  place,  is  as 
unreasonable  as  to  deny  that  any  but  an  exceptionally  gifted 
man  could  have  accomplished  what  he  did. 

Fortunately,  it  is  the  object  of  the  Sacred  Record,  as  pre- 
served in  the  books  of  Samuel,  to  give  an  idea  of  what  manner 
of  man  David  actually  was.  His  faults  are  certainly  not 
concealed,  but  it  is  not  these  which  perplex  the  reader,  but 
rather  the  difficulty  of  reconciling  what  the  author  or  com- 
piler considers  to  be  David's  virtues  with  modern  standards 
of  right  and  wrong. 

All  traditions  concerning  David  agi-ee  in  stating  that  he  ms  beauty 
was  an  attractive  personality.  He  is  introduced  as  a  youth 
of  a  "  ruddy,  and  withal  of  a  beautiful  countenance,  and 
goodly  to  look  upon,"  and  from  the  first  he  is  successful  in 
gaining  the  goodwill  of  others.  He  owed  his  life  on  one 
occasion  to  the  devoted  fidelity  of  his  friend  Jonathan,  and 
on  another  to  the  wifely  courage  of  Michal.  Even  when  he 
served  Achish  he  ingratiated  himself  so  much  with  his 
Philistine  master  that  despite  appearances  his  confidence  in 
him  remained  unshaken.  As  king,  he  maintained  a  hold  on 
Joab,  who,  rude  and  violent  as  he  shew^ed  himself,  stood  by 
David  in  every  great  crisis.  Ittai,  mercenary  soldier  though 
he   was,  refused  to  forsake  him  when  his  people  were  in 


iri<if''i»iiiiriiriittiiiiTaifi 


»me 


tae^gti 


i88        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


revolt.  The  greatness  of  David's  crime  in  the  matter  of 
Uriah  is  intensified  by  the  attachment  the  injured  husband 
evidently  had  for  the  person  of  his  sovereign.  David's 
recorded  words  and  acts  help  to  account  for  the  fascination 
he  exercised  over  men's  minds. 
Hifl  chivalry  He   was  possessed  of  what  may  be  termed  a  chivalrous 

sense  of  honour,  and  it  is  this  which  gives  such  a  romantic 
colouring  to  his  life  and  especially  to  his  earlier  years. 
Twice  is  he  recorded  to  have  spared  Saul's  life,  and  on  each 
occasion  to  have  taken  some  token  from  him  as  a  proof  that 
he  could  have  slain  him.  In  both  conversations  between 
Saul  and  David,  when  the  monarch  learns  that  he  has  been 
at  the  mercy  of  his  enemy,  the  better  nature  of  the  jealous 
king  asserts  itself,  and  David  shews  his  respect  for  him  as 
the  Anointed  of  Jehovah.  The  same  generous  spirit  is  dis- 
played in  the  matter  of  the  distribution  of  the  spoils  after 
the  defeat  of  the  Amalekites,  and  in  the  graceful  acknow- 
ledgment of  the  devotion  of  the  three  mighty  men  who 
fetched  water  at  David's  request  from  the  pool  at  Bethlehem. 
No  soldier  could  forget  how  his  commander  had  made  the 
cup  of  water  obtained  at  such  risk  into  a  sacrifice  to 
Jehovah  more  costly  than  the  richest  libation,  calling  it  '*  the 
blood  of  the  men  that  went  in  jeopardy  of  their  lives. '* 
His  affec-  This  romantic  aspect  of  the  character  of  David  was  due  to 

tionate  the  markedly  afiectionate  side  of  his  disposition.     No  words 

disposition  ^^^^  described  the  intensity  of  friendship  so  well  as  David's 
lament  over  Jonathan.  His  passionate  grief  over  the  sick- 
ness of  Bathsheba's  first-born  child,  his  sorrow  at  the  death 
of  Absalom,  reveal  the  deep  tenderness  of  his  nature.  As 
long  as  the  Bible  is  read  the  words,  "  0  my  son  Absalom  ! 
my  son,  my  son  Absalom !  would  God  I  had  died  for  thee,  O 
Absalom,  my  son,  my  son  1 "  will  be  typical  of  the  fullest 
expression  of  paternal  love  and  affliction.  Even  in  the  story 
of  his  sin  the  same  warm  and  impulsive  character  is  dis- 
played. Nothing,  not  even  the  circumstances  of  a  wild  and 
lawless  age,  can  condone  David's  crime;  but  in  the  com- 
pleteness of  his  repentance  the  character  of  a  tender-hearted 
and  generous  man  is  revealed. 
r  s  id'B  craft  Another  side  of  the  character  of  David  is  disclosed  in  the 
words  describing  how  he  slew  Goliath  :  "  And  it  came  to  pass, 


The  Reign  of  David 


189 


when  the  Philistine  arose,  and  came  and  drew  nigh  to  meet 
David,  that  David  hastened  and  ran  towards  the  army  to 
meet  the  Philistine.  And  David  put  his  hand  in  a  bag, 
and  took  thence  a  stone  and  slang  it ;  and  smote  the 
Philistine  in  his  forehead ;  and  the  stone  sank  into  his  fore- 
head, and  he  fell  upon  his  face  to  the  earth." 

The  contrast  lies  between  the  Philistine  giant  trusting  in 
splendid  arms  and  brute  strength,  and  the  agile  shepherd  full 
of  faith  in  his  God,  and  at  the  same  time  too  quick  for  his 
clumsy  antagonist.  This  is  David's  attitude  to  the  men  of 
his  time.  Throughout  the  age  of  the  Judges,  with  the 
single  exception  of  Samuel,  it  had  been  the  strength  of  the 
warrior  that  won  the  confidence  of  Israel.  Saul  towering 
above  the  people  was  typical  of  the  ancient  spirit.  David, 
who  was  possibly  distinguished  neither  for  strength  nor 
stature  but  was  superior  to  all  in  mental  gifts,  was  the  sign 
that  a  new  era  had  commenced.  The  mind,  not  the  body, 
was  to  rule  in  Israel. 

Thus  in  the  books  of  Samuel  especial  stress  is  laid  on  the 
wisdom  and  prudence  of  David.  Saul  was  told  that  the  son 
of  Jesse  was  "  prudent  (or  skilful)  in  speech."  When  he  was 
in  the  court  of  Saul  he  is  thrice  said  to  have  "behaved 
wisely."  The  traditions  dwell  upon  the  varied  expedients 
by  which  he  escaped  from  Saul ;  on  the  prudence  with  which 
he  slowly  but  surely  secured  the  kingdom  over  all  Israel. 
His  sagacity  was  to  his  contemporaries  more  wonderful  than 
his  military  prowess.  The  widow  of  Tekoa  tells  him  that 
his  discernment  was  like  that  of  "the  angel  of  God"  (2 
Sam.  xiv.). 

But  among  all  Orientals  and  in  most  primitive  societies 
there  is  a  disposition  to  regard  dishonesty  as  a  proof  of 
mental  superiority.  This  is  apparent  in  the  narratives  con- 
cerning David.  Many  actions  of  his  inconsistent  with 
Christian  ideas  of  right  and  wrong  are  related  without  dis- 
approval. His  treachery  to  Ahimelech,  the  way  in  which 
Achish  was  duped,  the  deathbed  advice  given  to  Solomon  in 
regard  to  Joab  and  Shimei,  furnish  sufficient  examples  of  a 
craft,  which  can  find  no  justi6cation  save  by  making  due 
allowance  for  the  tendencies  of  David's  age. 

In  one  respect,  however,  David  was  far  in  advance  of  his  His  hatred 

of  violence 


190        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


His  employ- 
ment of 
foreigners 


David's 
religion 


contemporaries.  Everywhere  his  hatred  of  violent  and  law- 
less acts  is  apparent.  The  point  of  the  story  of  the  meeting 
with  Abigail  is  that  David  admired  her  for  her  prudence  in 
savinc'  him  from  yielding  to  the  temptation  to  avenge  Nabal's 
gross'insults.  "  Blessed  be  thy  wisdom,  and  blessed  be  thou, 
which  hast  kept  me  this  day  from  blood-guiltiness,  and  from 
aveno"in»  myself  with  mine  own  hand"  (1  Sam.  xxv.). 

The  same  tendency  is  repeatedly  manifested  in  his  acts  as 
king,  and  to  this  the  belief  of  later  ages  that  the  rule  of 
David  was  typical  of  a  righteous  government  may  doubtless 
be  attributed. 

In  primitive  ages,  when  all  the  arts  of  life  are  compara- 
tively simple,  great  men  often  appear  as  prominent  in 
everything.  David  is  conspicuous  as  warrior,  statesman, 
musician,  poet.  The  prophet  Amos  seems  to  imply  that  he 
introduced  or  invented  musical  instruments  (Amos  vi.  5)  : 
and  according  to  the  ancient  tradition  preserved  in  some  of 
the  headings  to  the  Psalms  an  instrument  called  the  Gittith, 
named  after  the  Philistine  city  of  Gath,  is  connected  with 
David's  compositions. 

It  has  been  already  shewn  that  David  disciplined  his 
army  on  the  Philistine  model,  and  employed  Phoenicians  to 
build  his  palace.  Being  himself  of  mixed  Israelite  and 
Moabite  stock,  and  having  lived  among  the  Philistines,  he 
was  naturally  an  intermediary  between  his  people  and  the 
outside  world,  an  introducer  of  the  arts  of  nations  more 
civilised  than  his  own. 

But  though  in  sympathy  with  foreign  culture,  David  was  a 
devoted  worshipper  of  the  God  of  Israel  :  during  the  entire 
period  covered  by  the  books  of  Samuel  no  hint  is  given  that 
the  Israelites  were  guilty  of  apostasy.  From  the  age  of  Eli 
to  that  of  Solomon  the  people  often  offended  Jehovah,  but 
they  are  scarcely  ever  said  to  have  forsaken  Him  for  other 
gods.  David  believed  himself  to  be  under  the  special  pro- 
tection of  the  God  of  Israel.  He  attacks  the  Philistines  in 
the  name  of  ''  the  Lord  of  Hosts,  the  God  of  the  armies  of 
Israel."  Saul's  life  is  sacred  in  David's  eyes  because  he 
is  "the  Anointed  of  Jehovah."  He  acknowledges  that 
Jehovah  sent  Abigail  to  save  him  from  blood-guiltiness. 
He  strengthens  himself  in  Jehovah  in  his  hour  of  distress 


The  Reip-n  of  David 


191 


after  the  sack  of  Ziklag.  He  has  no  shame  in  acting  the 
part  of  a  religious  devotee,  dancing  before  the  Ark  on  its 
entry  into  the  new  capital.  The  dream  of  his  life  is  to  erect 
a  temple  to  the  God  of  Israel.  He  acknowledges  his  sin  as 
a  sin  against  Jehovah.  In  his  utterances  David  also  shews 
his  genuine  and  heartfelt  piety. 

''  It  was  the  Lord,"  he  says  to  Michal,  "  which  chose  me 
above  thy  father,  and  above  all  his  house,  to  appoint  me 
prince  over  the  people  of  the  Lord,  over  Israel ;  therefore 
will  I  play  before  the  Lord  "  (2  Sam.  vi.  21).  To  Nathan 
he  contrasts  his  splendid  palace  with  the  tent  which  covers 
the  Ark :  *'  I  dwell  in  a  house  of  cedar,  but  the  ark  of  God 
dwelleth  within  curtains  "  (2  Sam.  vii.  2).  He  cannot  bear 
to  give  God  that  which  represents  no  self-denial  on  his  part  : 
"  I  will  verily  buy  it  of  thee  at  a  price  "  (2  Sam.  xxiv.  24),  he 
says  to  Araunah  when  the  Jebusite  offers  him  his  threshing- 
floor  :  *'  neither  will  I  offer  burnt-offerings  to  the  Lord  my 
God  which  cost  me  nothing."  When  God  offers  him  the 
choice  of  three  evils  for  his  sin  in  numbering  the  people, 
David  says,  "  Let  us  fall  now  into  the  hand  of  the  Lord,  for 
His  mercies  are  great :  and  let  us  not  fall  into  the  hand  of 
man"  (2  Sam.  xxiv.  14). 

But  though  these  utterances  reveal  that  David  was  imbued  His 
with  principles  of  true  religion,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  in  superstition 
the  earlier  records  he  is  not  represented  as  altogether 
superior  to  the  superstitions  of  his  age.  It  would  perhaps 
be  unjust  to  attribute  the  slaughter  of  Saul's  sons  at  the 
request  of  the  Gibeonites  entirely  to  cold-blooded  policy. 
Rather  was  David  actuated  by  a  belief  that  the  famine 
would  not  cease  till  the  sons  of  the  late  king  had  expiated 
their  father's  crime  in  violating  the  ancient  treaty  with 
Gibeon  ;  and  it  was  for  this  reason  that  he  permitted  them 
to  be  hung  up  before  Jehovah.  This  single  incident  however 
shews  the  impossibility  of  judging  David  by  a  Christian  or 
even  a  modern  standard  (2  Sam.  xxi.   1-14). 

It  is  hardly  too  much  to  say  that  whatever  may  be  the  The  Psalms 
ultimate  verdict  of  the  critical  study  of  the  Old  Testament,   of  David 
David's    name    will    always    be    connected    with    the    most 
wonderful  product  of  the  spiritual  life  of  Israel — the  Psalter. 
On  this  subject  it  may  here  suffice  to  observe  that  the  ques- 


192 


Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


David's 
portrayal 

in  Samuel 


tion  is  and  must  always  be  one  of  probability      It  can  never 
be  vroved  that  David  either  did  or  did  not  write  some  of  the 
PsaTms  attributed  to  him.     The  early  t-dit.on  ^jes-  s 
him  as  a  poet,  for  the  primitive  musician  seems  in  all  cases 
t  have  sLg  his  own  compositions.     The  acts  and  sayings 
Recorded  reveal  in  David  a  poetic  temperament^  H>s  romant  c 
career  his  strong  affections,  the  love  men  and  women  bore 
Hm   alike  testify  to  this.     Even  if  it  could  be  proved  that 
non^  of  the  psalms  as  they  now  exist  were  actually  composed 
bv  him.  it  seems  unreasonable  to  assert  positively  that  he 
could  not  have  given  to  the  religion  of  Israel  that  poetic 
impulse  which  culminated   in  the  book   long  styled       the 

Psalms  of  David.""  ,         i      „„  •n„„i,v= 

Justice  can  best  be  done  to  such  a  character  as  Davids 

by  remembering  that  his  reign  produced  such  '^^  "^P[««^'°; 
on  his  people  that  succeeding  generations  :^^&^'^^\^'7' ^^' 
the  embodiment  of   all  that  a  king  should  be.     It  is  un- 
deniable that  he   was  no  perfect  man  that  tis  career  was 
stained  by  mistakes,  failures,  crimes.     The  remarkable  thing 
is  that  these  should  have  been  so  fearlessly  recorded  in  the 
pages  of   Holy  Writ.     He  belongs  to  an  age  so  different 
from  the  present,  that  he  is  not  easily  understood ;  but  the 
permanent  impression  upon  the  whole  subsequent  history  0 
Israel  made  by  his  life  is  of  itself  sufficient  to/>^ew  that  St 
Paul  rishtly  estimated  his  career  when  he  said  of  him  that 
he  had  "  served  the  counsel  of  God  in  his  own  generation 
(Acts  xiii.  36). 


Chapter  VIII 

Solomon 

wr  h''"  -^  ^'^'"^"^  'f  '^l  ^'^^^^^^^  "^  "  ^^^  ^'^  ^^   David's  Choice 
Israel.     His  reign  was  marked  by  great  material  prosperity    of  Solomon 

and  by  an  advance  in  those  arts  of  life  whereof  civilisation 
consists.  It  is  at  least  conceivable  that  David  deliberately 
chose  one  of  his  younger  sons  to  be  his  successor  with  this 
object  in  view,  and  that  the  alliance  between  his  eldest 
surviving  son,  Adonijah,  and  Joab  and  Abiathar,  was  due 
to  a  desire  to  perpetuate  the  ancient  condition  of  things. 

Joab,   as    representing   the   fierce   warriors   who   founded 
David's  monarchy,  and  Abiathar,  who  had   shared  in  the 
wild  adventures  of  the  early  career  of  the  king,  possibly 
viewed  the  prospect  of  peace  and  order  with  apprehension 
and  strove  to  prevent  it  by  placing  a  son  of  David  upon  the 
throne,  who  had  been  reared  amid  the  lawless  traditions  of 
his  father's  youthful  days.      David,  on  the  other  hand,  must 
have  learned  by  bitter  experience  that  his  elder  sons  lacked 
all  the  qualifications   necessary   to   the   carrying  on   of  his 
work,  and  that  the  accession  of  a  son  of  his  who  resembled 
Amnon  or  Absalom,  would  mean  national  disaster.     Under 
such  circumstances  the  aged  king  may  well  have  resolved 
upon  training  Solomon  to  become  a  worthy  successor  to  the 
throne  of  Israel.^ 

Such  a  tbegry  helps  to  explain  the  difference  in  character 
between  David  and  Solomon,  and  the  peculiarities  of  their 
respective  reigns.  The  founder  of  the  dynasty  was  a  soldier 
shepherd,  who  made  his  way  to  the  front  in  a  rough  age  by 
his  courage  and  ability.  His  education  was  that  of  practical 
experience;  his  genius  in  war,  in  government,  in  poetry 
displayed  itself  spontaneously.  It  was  otherwise  with 
Solomon,  who  must  have  received  a  careful  education.  His 
wisdom  is  shewn  in  his  superiority  in  knowledge  to  all  his 

193 


194 


Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Solomon 


^95 


Historical 
account  of 
Solomon 


Early  years 
of  Solomon 


contemporaries.     It    is    possible   that,    like    Moses,   le   was 
trained  by  Egyptian  masters,  whom  his  father  had  attracted 
to  hircourt,  for  it  is  specially  asserted  that  he  excelled  that 
nation  in  Wisdom  (1   Kings  iv.   29-34).       His  government, 
different  as  it   was  from  anything  previously  witnessed  m 
Israel,  was  modelled  on  that  of  other  nations,  with  whom  he 
maintained  constant  intercourse.     Everythmg  pomts  to  the 
fact  that  Solomon  had  in  his  youth  been  trained  in  the  arts 
of  peace,  and   that   David  had  looked  forward  to  the  time 
when  his  successor  should  do  as  much  for  the  advancement 
of  Israel  in  culture,  as  he  had  done  in  military  achievement. 
The  soldier  king  recognised   the   importaiice   of  education 
and    gave    further   proof   of  genius   in    choosing    the   most 
cultivated  of  his  sons  as  his  successor. 

The  rapid  transition  from  barbarism  to  a  highly  civilised 
condition  is  characteristic  of  Oriental  monarchies,  and  it  is 
in  consequence  not  unnatural  that  the  son  of  a  victorious 
shepherd,  like   David,  should  have  inaugurated   an   age   o 
literary  culture  and  artistic  refinement  m  Israel.     ^  ot  that 
Solomon  was  greater  than  his  father  whose  prophetic  fore- 
sight had  provided  for  the  period  of  prosperity  enjoyed  by 
Ismel  under  his  successor.     It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that 
Solomon  would  have  accomplished  little  of  importance  had 
not  his  father  prepared  the  way.     David  and  his  son  repre- 
sent two  types  of  character,  the  genius  which  inspires  and 
the  trained  mind  which  carries  out  the  design  of  another 
As  the  spirit  of  Da^^d  waxed  fainter,  the  prosperity  of  Israel 
declined,  and  the  nation,  whilst  ever  mindful  of  the  glories 
of  Solomon,  never  forgot  that  in  David  was  the  ideal  of  true 

'"i?  his  been  truly  remarked  that  whereas  the  records  of 
early  Israel  are  of  the  nature  of  annals,  the  reign  of  Solomon 
is  treated  historically,  the  documents  being  so  arranged  m 
the  Bible  as  to  mark  the  progress  of  events  and  to  indicate 
their  causes.  For  this  reason  the  troubles  of  Solomon  s 
reign  are  related  last,  in  order  to  account  for  the  decay  of  his 
power  in  the  later  years  of  his  life,  when  he  forsook  Jehovah 

(1  Kini;s  xi.  l-2b).^ 

But  in  the  description  of  Solomon^s  adversaries  there  are 
not  wanting  indications  to  shew  that  they  were  active  at  an 


early  period  of  his  reign,  and  that  the  young  king  did  not 
establish  himself  on  his  tlirone  without  difficulty. 

The  suppression  of  Adonijah's  conspiracy  was  the  triumph 
of  the  youthful  party  of  peace  and  culture.  Joab  and 
Abiathar,  the  warrior  and  the  priest  of  ancient  Israel,  had 
succumbed  in  the  struggle  against  Solomon,  in  whom  the 
spirit  of  a  humaner  age  seemed  to  be  incarnate.  It  is  not 
therefore  to  be  wondered  at  that  the  nations  which  David 
had  subdued  made  an  attempt  to  throw  off  the  yoke,  of  his 
successor. 

David's  war  with  Edom  seems  to  have  been  a  fierce  and  Edom 
sanguinary  one.     One  incident,  the  victory  of  Israel  in  the 
Valley  of  Salt  (2  Sam.  viii.  13  ;   1  Chron.  xviii.  11 ;  Ps.  Ix. 
title),  is  recorded  in  Sacred  History,  but  it  is  possible  that 
on  another  occasion  the  Edomites  rose  and  massacred  the 
Israelite  settlers   in  their  country.     A  punitive  expedition 
was   undertaken  by  Joab,  who  with   characteristic  ferocity 
put  every  male  he  found  in  Edom  to  the  sword.     Only  one 
member  of  the  royal  house  escaped— Hadad,  a  mere  child, 
whom  a  band  of  Edomite  warriors  managed  to  take  first  to 
Midian,  and  finally  to  Egypt.    David's  progress  was  evidently 
regarded  with  jealousy  in  that  country;  for  Hadad  was  kindly 
received  by  the  Pharaoh,  who  gave  him  a  house  and  estate, 
and    married    him    to   the    sister   of  Tahpenes,  the    queen. 
Hadad's  son,  named  Genubath,  was  brought  up  in  the  palace 
among  the  royal  children.     When  the  news  that  David  and 
Joab  were  dead  reached  Egypt,  Hadad  asked  permission  to  re- 
turn to  his  own  country.     But  the  political  aspect  of  affairs 
had  changed  with  Solomon's  accession,  and  Hadad  found  no 
support  from  the  Pharaoh  who  had  given  his  daughter  in 
marriage  to  the  King  of  Israel.     But,  like  a  true  patriot,  the 
Edomite  prince  could  not  bear  to  live  in  luxury  in  a  strange 
land,  when  his  countrymen  were  under  a  foreign  yoke.     He 
returned  to  Edom  and  caused  Solomon  no  little  trouble.     It 
appears,  however,  that  the  country  was  again  subdued   by 
the  Israelites,  as  Solomon  was  able  to  carry  on  an  important 
trade  in  the  Red  Sea  (1  Kings  xi.  14-22;  ix.  26-28). 

In  the  north  an  even  more  formidable   adversary  arose.  Syria 
Rezon,  a  vassal  of  Hadadezer,  King  of  Zobah,  threw  off  his 
allegiance  when  his  master  was  defeated  by  David  (2  Sam. 


196       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Hamatli 


Egypt 


Solomon's 

gift  of 
wlsdoxn 


viii.    3-12;    x.    16-18),    and    became    a    freebooter.     When 
Solomon  succeeded  his  father,  Rezon  had  become  sufficiently 
powerful  to  seize  Damascus  and  to  proclaim  himself  king. 
It  is  said  that  he  was  in  alliance  with  Hadad,  and  he  was 
certainly  never  thoroughly  conquered,  for  in   the  book   of 
Kincrs  he  is  described  as  "an  adversary  to  Israel  all  the  days 
of  Solomon,  besides  the  mischief  that  Hadad  did  :  and  he 
abhorred  Israel,  and  reigned  over  Syria  "  (1  Kings  xi.  23-25). 
A  single  verse  in  the  late  book  of  Chronicles  relates  that 
Solomon^'went  in  person  on  one  warlike  expedition  against 
Hamath-Zobah,  which  he  captured,  thus  fixing  the  northern 
boundary   of  his  kingdom  on  the  Orontes   (2   Chron.    viu. 
3).     How  the  dispute  with   this   distant  city  arose  is  not 
known,  and  it  is  somewhat  surprising  wlien  it  is  borne  in 
mind   that   David  had   been   a   close   ally   of  Toi,   King  of 
Hamath  (2  Sam.  viii.   9,  10). 

It  is  possible  that  Rezon  had  expelled  Toi  or  his  son,  and 
that  Solomon  led  his  forces  to  Hamath  to  avenge  his  allies. 
At  any  rate  the  efi'ects  of  this  obscure  campaign  seem  to  have 
been  permanent,  as,  long  after  the  division  of  the  kingdoms 
Hamath  is  said  to  have  belonged  to  Judah  (2  Kings  xiv.  28). 

From  the  Exodus  to  the  days  of  Solomon  Israel  seems  to 
have  had  no  intercourse  with  Egypt.  The  chief  cause  of 
this  was  that  Egypt  had  been  too  distracted  to  interfere  in 
the  affairs  of  Palestine,  and  the  Israelite  people,  confined  to 
the  central  districts  of  the  country,  took  little  interest  in 
foreign  nations.  Directly,  however,  Israel  became  a  power 
in  Western  Asia,  it  was  drawn  into  relations  with  Egypt, 
and  the  high  place  Solomon  held  in  the  estimation  of  the 
surrounding  nations  is  shewn  by  the  fact  that  he  alone  of  all 
the  kings  of  Israel  was  son-in-law  to  a  Pharaoh.  His  wife's 
dowry  was  Gezer,  a  city  taken  by  the  Egyptian  king  in  one 
of  his  expeditions  in  Southern  Palestine,  where  doubtless  he 
learned  of  the  power  and  stability  of  Solomon's  throne 
(1  Kings  iii.   1;   ix.   16).* 

Thus,  in  the  first  years  of  his  reign  Solomon  seems  to  have 
proved  himself  worthy  of  the  great  inheritance  bequeathed  to 
him  by  his  father.  He  had  triumphed  over  faction  at  home 
and  hostility  abroad,  and  had  entered  into  a  firm  alliance 
with  the  greatest  monarch  in  the  known  world.     Before  four 


Solomon 


97 


years  had  elapsed  he  was  able  to  enter  upon  compre- 
hensive schemes  for  the  benefit  of  his  empire.  How  lofty 
were  the  aims  of  the  young  king  is  illustrated  by  the  story 
of  his  famous  choice  of  wisdom.  Jehovah  appeared  to  hini 
in  a  dream  at  Gibeon,  and  bade  him  ask  for  a  favour  at  His 
hands.  Solomon  in  answer  prayed  for  "an  understanding 
heart  to  judge  this  people,  that  I  may  discern  between  good 
and  evil :  for  who  is  able  to  judge  thijs  Thy  great  people  ? " 
Jehovah  granted  his  request,  and  added  a  promise  that  He 
would  give  him  such  riches  and  honour  "that  there  shall  not 
be  any  among  the  kings  like  unto  thee  in  all  thy  days."  As 
a  proof  of  Solomon's  power  of  discernment,  the  story  of  the 
famous  judgment,  which  discovered  the  mother  of  the  living 
child  by  ordering  it  to  be  divided  between  the  two  claimants, 
is  next  related  in  the  book  of  Kings  (1  Kings  iii.  4-15- 
2  Chron.  i.  3-13  ;   1  Kings  iii.  16-28).  ' 

^  It  was  generally  believed  by  later  ages  that  Jehovah  had  His  empire 
given  to  Israel  all  the  territory  between  the  Euphrates  and 
the  Brook  of  Egypt,  as  the  Wady-el-Arish  is  styled  in  the 
Bible ;  and  these  were  believed  to  have  been  the  limits  of 
Solomon's  dominions.  In  one  place  his  empire  is  said  to 
have  extended  from  Tiphsah  or  Thapsacus  on  the  Euphrates 
to  Gaza  (1  Kings  iv.  24).  David  had  effectually  subdued 
Moab  and  Ammon  (2  Sam.  viii.,  x.,  xii.  26-31),  and,  despite 
Hadad's  efforts  to  shake  off  the  yoke  of  Judah,  Edom  still 
remained  a  subject  territory.  The  victorious  armies  of 
David's  generals  had  subdued  the  Syrians  of  Zobah,  and 
Solomon  had  taken  Hamath;  so  that  practically  all  Syria 
south  of  the  Orontes  acknowledged  his  sway  (2  Sam.  viii.,  x. : 
2  Chr.  viii.  3). 

But  it  cannot  be  maintained  that  this  extensive  empire 
possessed  any  elements  of  permanency.  The  Israelites  were 
probably  comparatively  few  in  number,  and  had  only  just 
asserted  their  supremacy  in  Palestine.  Except  in  the  imme- 
diate neighbourhood  of  his  own  territory,  Solomon  had  to 
be  content  with  the  payment  of  tribute  by  the  kings  of 
conquered  or  allied  nations  (1  Kings  x.  14,  15).  That, 
however,  his  power  was  considerable  is  proved  by  his  being 
able  to  organise  an  extensive  commerce,  and  to  build  cities 
for  the  purpose  far  away  from  his  capital. 


8 


Gomzn*rce 


Navigation 


198        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

Solomon  encouraged  commerce,  thereby  bringing  his 
people  into  relations  with  distant  nations,  and  familiarising 
them  with  the  arts  of  a  higher  civilisation  than  their  own. 
In  this  he  was  only  following  in  the  footsteps  of  his  pre- 
decessor, for  David  had  already  entered  into  an  alliance 
with  the  Phoenician  king  Hiram  of  Tyre  (1  Kings  v.  1  ;  2 
Chron.  ii.  3.)  It  was  for  the  benefit  of  both  nations:  the 
Tyrian  sailors  bought  the  corn  grown  in  the  valleys  of 
Northern  Israel,  and  the  Israelites  needed  the  help  of 
skilled  Phoenician  craftsmen  (1  Kings  v.  8-11  ;  see  also  Acts 
xii.  20),  The  time  of  Solomon  is  remarkable  as  being  the 
age  in  which  the  ancient  Israelites  began  to  appreciate  the 
arts  of  life,  and  to  display  some  of  the  characteristics  of  the 
modern  Jews.  Hitherto  they  had  perhaps  ranked  lower  in 
the  scale  of  civilisation  than  most  of  the  suiTounding 
nations,  but  in  the  peace  and  prosperity  they  now  enjoyed 
they  developed  new  qualities  :  a  love  of  splendour  and  luxury 
a  remarkable  aptitude  for  commerce,  and  a  mechanical  skill, 
which  in  later  days  made  Jerusalem  famous  for  its  craftsmen 
(2  Kings  xxiv.  14). 

With  the  growth  of  trade  their  horizon  expanded  ;  they 
learned  to  take  an  interest  in  other  nations,  and  a  spirit  of 
adventure  began  to  carry  them  to  the  distant  parts  of  the 
then  known  world. 

Solomon  recognised  that  his  territory  lay  in  the  midst  of 
an  important  trade  route,  and  resolved  to  make  it  the 
medium  of  communication  between  Egypt  and  the  East. 
From  the  Philistine  city  of  Gaza  to  Tiphsah  on  the 
Euphrates  he  controlled  the  caravan  routes,  and  it  is  said 
that  Tadmor  or  Palmyra  was  built  by  him  (1  Kings  ix.  18 ; 
2  Chron.  viii.  4).  The  principal  trade  at  this  epoch  was 
in  chariots,  and  in  horses  bred  in  Egypt,  so  Solomon  acted 
as  an  intermediary  between  that  country  and  the  Hittite  or 
Canaanite  kings.  A  chariot  was  valued  at  600  silver  shekels, 
and  a  horse  at  the  fourth  of  that  sum  (1  Kings  x.  29).  One 
remarkable  result  of  this  traffic  is  that,  whereas  in  David's 
time  the  Israelites  regarded  horses  as  animals  to  be  destroyed 
rather  than  utilised,  after  Solomon  the  war- chariot  came 
into  general  use  in  their  armies. 

In  addition  to  the  trade  by  land  Solomon  took  the  bold 


Solomon 


199 


step  of  extending  his  commerce  by  sea.     Save  in  one  dis- 
puted passage  in   the  Song  of  Deborah  (Judges   v.    17),  no 
hint  is  given  of  the   early   Israelites  engaging  in  any  mari- 
time occupation.     The   coasts    of    the    Mediterranean    were 
occupied    by    the    Philistines    and    the    Phoenicians,  so    the 
Israelites   had  no   opportunity   of  embarking  on   the   great 
and   wide   sea  they  saw  from  their  hills,  even  if  they  had 
desired  to  do  so.     But  under  Solomon  not  only  was  timber 
brought  from  Tyre  on  rafts  to  Joppa,  but  finally  the  king 
with   the   assistance    of   his   Phrenician    ally  built  ships  to 
navigate  the  Red  Sea,  and  to  import  gold  from  the  remote 
land  of  Ophir.      "  A   navy  of  Tarshish "  is  also  mentioned 
(I   Kings   ix.    26-28;    x.    22),   which  returned   every  three 
years  bringing  the  strange  products  of  unknown  lands,  called 
by  names  so  foreign  to  the  Hebrew  tongue,  that  their  very 
meaning  is  uncertain :  the  derivation  of  the  words  rendered 
in  the  English  Bible  by  "ivory,  apes  and  peacocks"  being 
sought,  perhaps  in  vain,  in  the  languages  of  ancient  India. 
It  seems  to   be  an  established   fact  that  from  the  days  of 
Solomon  the  kings  of  Judah  kept  open  the  road  from  Eloth 
on  the  Gulf  of  Akabah  to  Hebron  and  Jerusalem,  despite  all 
the   efforts   of   the   turbulent    Edomites  :    their    wealth   and 
prosperity  depended  on  its  maintenance  (1  Kings  xxii.  48 ; 
2  Kings  xvi.   6). 

The  first  effect  of  the  opening  up  of  mercantile  enterprise 
among  a  noble  nation  ivS  not  always  a  thirst  for  gain.  The 
sight  of  the  products  of  remote  countries,  the  knowledge  of 
distant  peoples  diverse  in  habits  and  customs  from  them- 
selves, and  of  lands  unlike  anything  they  have  seen,  stimulates 
in  men  a  spirit  of  inquiry,  and  renders  their  minds  more 
capable  of  great  efforts.  Thus  the  greatest  products  of  the 
human  intellect  have  emanated  from  communities  which  a 
growing  trade  has  begun  to  render  enterprising. 

As  the  greatest  age  of  Athenian  genius  synchronised  with 
her  commercial  supremacy,  or  as  the  manifestation  of  a  spirit 
of  adventure,  which  led  Englishmen  westward  in  quest  of 
gain,  coincided  with  the  literary  glories  of  the  Elizabethan 
age — so  may  the  enterprises  inaugurated  by  Solomon  have 
fostered  the  beginnings  of  an  undying  literature  among  the 
Hebrews.     The   peace  and  security  enjoyed  in  Israel  may 


200       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Solomon's 
officers 


Division  of 
Israel  into 
Districts 


well  have  prepared  the  way  for  the  rise  of  a  generation  of 
historians,  thinkers  and  poets. 

The  very  enumeration  of  Solomon's  officials  reveals  the 
greatness  of  the  transition  from  the  wild  times  of  Saul  and 
David  to  an  age  of  culture  and  refinement  (1  Sam.  xiv.  50  ; 
2  Sam.  viii.  15-18). 

Eleven  princes  are  named,  but  as  the  two  priests  Zadok  and 
Abiathar,  and  David's  "  recorder  "  Jehoshaphat  are  included 
in  the  catalogue,  it  is  possible  that  there  may  be  some  con- 
fusion in  the  text.  Besides  the  royal  "  priests  "  there  were 
two  scribes,  one  recorder,  the  "  king's  friend,"  the  chiefs  of 
the  host,  of  the  household,  of  the  provincial  governors,  and 
of  the  forced  levy  (1  Kings  iv.  1-6). 

Next  in  rank  to  the  princes  were  the  twelve  rulers  of  the 
Israelites,  who  were  assigned  districts,  little  attention  being 
paid  to  tribal  distinctions.  This  was  probably  a  matter  of 
policy.  Solomon  recognised  that  the  clan  system  prevalent 
among  the  Hebrews  was  not  compatible  with  his  view  of 
national  unity.  The  tribal  jealousies  had  prevented  concerted 
action  in  the  days  of  the  Judges  (Judges  v.,  viii.,  xii.),  and 
had  possibly  been  the  cause  of  Samuel's  failure  to  secure  a 
regular  government  (1  Sara.  viii.  1-3),  and  also  the  reason  for 
the  collapse  of  the  house  of  Saul.  They  had  certainly  added 
to  the  troubles  of  David's  declining  years.  By  ignoring 
tribal  boundaries  Solomon  evidently  hoped  to  make  his  people 
forget  their  family  feuds,  and  unite  in  striving  after  national 
aggrandisement.  But  the  king  was  not  able  to  carry  out 
his  policy  in  the  far  north,  for  Issachar,  Asher  and  Naphtali 
had  their  own  governors — nor  dare  he  alienate  the  powerful 
tribe  of  Ephraim  by  apportioning  its  territory  among  his 
officers.  First  on  the  list  stands  the  name  of  Mount 
Ephraim,  and  its  ruler  Ben-Hur.  The  territory  of  Benjamin 
remained  intact  under  Shimei  son  of  Elah,  whose  name 
suggests  the  possibility  of  his  having  been  of  the  family  of 
Saul.  Several  of  these  provincial  rulers  were  married  to 
princesses  of  the  royal  house  (1   Kings  iv.   8-20). 

To  each  of  the  twelve  districts  Solomon  assigned  the  duty 
of  providing  for  his  court  month  by  month.  The  daily  con- 
sumption of  food  as  given  in  the  book  of  Kings  seems  to 
indicate  that  the  entourage  of  Solomon  was  as  numerous  as 


Solomon 


20I 


that  of  the  great  Assyrian  monarchs.  The  hunters  must 
have  scoured  Syria  to  provide  game  for  the  royal  household, 
as  wild  animals  are  mentioned  as  being  sent  for  its  consump- 
tion. It  needed  no  small  amount  of  organisation  to  furnish 
barley  for  the  immense  number  of  horses  in  the  royal  stalls, 
which  one  account  estimates  as  high  as  40,000  (1  Kings  iv.  26). 

The  splendour  of  Solomon's  court  was  accompanied  by 
great  national  prosperity.  From  being  a  people  at  most  able 
to  hold  its  own  in  the  centre  of  Palestine,  and  often  subject 
to  its  more  powerful  neighbours,  the  Israelites  became  an 
aristocracy.  From  them  it  is  said  Solomon  chose  his  rulers 
and  warriors,  whilst  the  ancient  Canaanites  were  forced  to 
labour  at  the  royal  buildings  (1  Kings  ix.  20-22;  2  Chron. 
viii.  7-9).  But  in  the  places  chosen  by  the  king  for  his  most 
important  fortresses,  there  are  indications  of  a  certain  con- 
sciousness of  weakness,  since  "  Beth-horon  the  nether,"  at 
least,  was  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  his  capital  and 
served  to  guard  the  approach  to  it  from  the  Maritime  Plain 
(1  Kings  ix.  18).  His  fortresses,  however,  were  in  every 
part  of  the  country.  Like  all  powerful  Oriental  rulers, 
Solomon  made  extensive  use  of  forced  labour  to  fortify 
Jerusalem  by  a  wall,  as  well  as  to  strengthen  Hazor  and 
Megiddo  in  the  north,  and  Gezer  in  the  south.  Numerous 
cities  were  built  to  contain  his  chariots  and  to  act  as  store 
cities  (1  Kings  ix.  18,  19). 

The  wealth  of  Solomon,  according  to  the  late  tradition  of  Wealth  of 
the  Chronicles,  is  stated  to  have  been  incredibly  great,  owing  Solomon 
to  the  immense  accumulations  made  by  David  for  the  erec- 
tion of  the  Temple  (1  Chron.  xxviii.,  xxix.);  but  in  the 
more  sober  narrative  of  the  book  of  Kings  his  annual  revenue 
is  said  to  have  been  six  hundred  and  sixty-six  talents  (1  Kings 
X.  14) — a  number  of  significant  import  to  the  student  of  the 
Apocalypse.  Besides  this,  mention  is  made  of  four  hundred 
and  twenty  talents  being  brought  from  Ophir  (1  Kings  ix. 
28).  As  in  more  recent  times,  wealth  was  believed  to 
consist  in  the  possession  of  the  precious  metal  rather  than 
in  its  purchasing  power,  and  the  gold  was  used  either  for 
the  decoration  of  the  Temple  and  palace,  or  stored  in  the 
form  of  shields  made  to  be  suspended  in  the  house  of  the 
forest  of  Lebanon  (1    Kings  x.   16,   17).       The    source  of 


202        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Solomon 


203 


Magnificence 
of  Solomon 


His  wives 


Solomon's  wealth  was  his  extensive  trade,  and  the  tribute 
paid  by  the  vassal  kings. 

Solomon  had  evidently  a  great  love  of  magniticence ;  all 
traditions  agree  in  this.  It  was  this  which  surprised  the 
Queen  of  Sheba,  as  well  as  the  Shulamite  maiden  in  the 
Song  of  Songs.      This  is  how  he  appears  in  the  latter : — 

"Behold,  it  is  the  litter  of  Solomon  ; 
Threescore  mighty  men  are  about  it, 
Of  the  mighty  m§n  of  Israel. 

They  all  handle  the  sword,  and  are  expert  in  war; 
Every  man  hath  his  sword  upon  his  thigh, 
Because  of  fear  in  the  night. 
King  Solomon  made  himself  a  palanquin 
Of  the  wood  of  Lebanon. 
He  made  the  pillars  thereof  of  silver. 
The  bottom  thereof  of  gold,  the  seat  of  it  purple. 

Go  forth,  ye  daughters  of  Zion,  and  behold  King  Solomon, 
With  the  crown  wherewith  his  mother  crowned  him  in  the 

day  of  his  espousals. 
And  in  the  day  of  the  gladness  of  his  heart " 

(Song  of  Songs  iii.  7-11). 

In  the  book  of  Ecclesiastes,  Solomon  is  made  to  describe 
his  magnificence  in  these  terms  : — 

"  I  made  me  great  works ;  I  builded  me  houses  ;  I  planted 
me  vineyards ;  I  made  me  gardens  and  parks,  and  I  planted 
trees  in  them  of  all  kinds  of  fruit  :  I  made  me  pools  of 
water,  to  water  therefrom  the  forest  where  trees  were  reared. 
...  I  gathered  me  also  silver  and  gold,  and  the  peculiar 
treasure  of  kings  and  of  the  provinces.  I  gat  me  men  singers 
and  women  singers,  and  the  delights  of  the  sons  of  men.  .  .  . 
(Eccles.  ii.  4-8.) 

Josephus  has  probably  this  passage  in  mind  when  he 
relates  that  Solomon  had  magnificent  gardens  at  Etham, 
about  fifty  furlongs  from  Jerusalem,  whither  he  was  accus- 
tomed to  go  in  state  in  his  chariot  accompanied  by  his 
warriors.     He  had  also  a  palace  in  the  Lebanon. 

It  is  a  necessity  for  an  Oriental  ruler  to  display  his 
wealth  by  expending  part  of  it  in  maintaining  a  large 
harem,  and  policy  dictates  that  his  wives  should  be  chosen 
from  all  parts  of  his  dominions.     David  had  several  wives, 


and  it  was  only  natural  that  his  wealthy  and  luxurious  son 
should  exceed  him  in  this  respect.  The  ancient  Hebrews 
were  not  monogamists  save  from  poverty,  and  a  large  number 
of  wives  and  concubines  would  be  regarded  as  a  proof  of 
wealth  and  power.  In  the  book  of  Kings,  Solomon  is  said 
to  have  had  700  princesses  as  wives,  and  300  others  of 
inferior  rank  (1  Kings  xi.  3).  This  is  hardly  credible,  and 
the  Song  of  Songs,  in  allusion  to  Solomon's  harem,  says, 
"  There  are  threescore  queens  and  fourscore  concubines,  and 
virgins  without  number "  :  a  more  probable  estimate  (Song 
vi.  8).  A  Deuteronomic  writer  in  the  book  of  Kiugs  blames 
Solomon  for  allying  himself  with  the  daughters  of  the  sur- 
rounding nations,  declaring  that  this  was  the  cause  of  his 
apostasy ;  and  in  the  book  of  Deuteronomy  the  King  of 
Israel  is  forbidden  to  multiply  wives — an  evident  allusion 
lo  Solomon  (1  Kings  xi.  3,  4;  Deut.  xvii.  17).  It  is  not 
nowever  perhaps  just  to  reproach  him  as  guilty  of  unbridled 
Bensuality,  as  this  charge  is  not  made  in  the  Bible. 

The  Israelites  are  said  to  have  shared  in  the  prosperity  of 
their  sovereign.  From  the  days  of  Solomon,  they  became 
the  leading  race  in  Palestine,  nor  was  their  supremacy  dis- 
puted by  the  other  inhabitants  of  the  country  till  the  fall  of 
the  nation.  The  old  Canaanites  were  put  to  forced  labour, 
but  "Judah  and  Israel"  are  described  as  being  as  "many 
as  the  sand  which  is  by  the  sea  in  multitude,  eating  and 
drinking  and  making  merry"  (1  Kings  iv.  20). 

There  is  something  very  pathetic  in  these  chapters  of  the 
book  of  Kings,  in  which  the  wealth  of  Solomon  and  the 
glory  of  his  reign  is  set  forth  with  so  much  detail.  Through- 
out the  long  history  of  Israel  there  is  no  period  of  prosperity 
in  any  way  resembling  it.  It  is  hardly  to  be  wondered  that 
the  sacred  historians  should  linger  over  the  sole  era  of  earthly 
greatness  enjoyed  by  their  nation,  and  should  proudly  recall 
the  time  when  cedars  were  as  plentiful  in  their  land  as  the 
sycamores  in  the  Shephelah,  and  record  that  silver  itself 
"  was  nothing  accounted  of  in  the  days  of  Solomon  "  (1  Kings 
x.  21,  27;  2  Chron.  i.  15,  ix.  27). 

Solomon  is  the  first  Israelite  who  has  left  any  permanent 
trace  of  his  work  upon  earth.  David's  palace  was  of  wood 
(2    Sam.   vii.    2),   and  till   the  age    of    his   son  there  is  no 


204       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Solomon 


205 


Ziou 


record  of  the  Hebrews  using  stone  to  construct  anything 
considerable. 

It  is  by  no  means  agreed  as  to  what  was  the  situation  of 
the  stronghold  of  Zion,  which  David  took  from  the  Jebusites, 
and  called  the  City  of  David.  In  the  days  of  Josephus 
tradition  placed  it  on  the  Western  Hill  separated  from 
the  Temple  by  the  Tyropoean  Valley.  This  tradition  is 
strengthened  by  the  fact  that  both  the  Hasmongeans  and 
Herod  had  built  their  palaces  there.  Recently,  however, 
the  theory  has  been  propounded  that  the  City  of  David  was 
on  a  spur  of  the  Eastern  Hill  to  the  south  of  the  Temple, 
and  was  subsequently  known  as  Ophel.  In  this  case  it 
would  overhang  the  valley  of  the  Kidron  and  dominate  the 
Pool  of  Gihon,  now  known  as  the  Virgin's  Spring.^ 

After  David  had  occupied  the  city,  the  Israelites  lived  at 
peace  with  the  Jebusites,  and  when  the  plague  broke  out  on 
the  occasion  of  David's  numbering  the  people,  the  king  ac- 
quired the  threshing-floor  of  Araunah  the  Jebusite  on  which 
the  destroying  angel  was  seen  to  rest  (2  Sam.  xxiv.  1 8 ;  1 
Chron.  xxi.  1 8).  This  became  the  site  of  the  Temple  and 
Palace  of  Solomon  (2  Chron.  iii.  1).  If  therefore  the  City  of 
David  lay  on  the  Eastern  Hill,  the  buildings  of  Solomon 
were  an  extension  of  those  which  his  father  had  com- 
menced. 

So  great  are  the  associations  connected  with  the  name  of 
David  that  it  is  hard  to  realise  how  small  a  place  Jerusalem 
was  in  all  probability  in  his  day.  The  city  never  covered  an 
extensive  area,  and  its  situation  prevented  it  from  becoming 
a  great  and  populous  capital. 

The  Jebusite  town  was  conceivably  a  hill  fortress  of  un- 
usual strength,  and  capable  of  being  held  by  a  very  small 
force.  David  captured  it  and  made  it  his  residence ;  but  his 
subjects  were  not  addicted  to  city  life,  and  probably  few 
save  those  connected  with  the  court  and  army  settled  in 
Zion.  When  Solomon  succeeded  his  father  he  set  to  work 
to  erect  larger  buildings  for  himself  and  his  court ;  but  little 
is  said  of  the  growth  of  a  gre«at  city  around  these.  It  may 
be  therefore  permissible  to  regard  the  Jerusalem  of  both 
David  and  Solomon  as  a  royal  residence  rather  than  as  a 
popidous  town. 


On  this  supposition  the  relation  of  the  Temple  to  the  other  The  Royal 
royal  edifices  may  be  surmised.  Owing  to  the  statements  in  ^^i^^^^S^ 
the  book  of  Chronicles,  and  to  the  colouring  given  to  that 
of  Kings  by  the  Deuteronomic  editor,  it  is  generally  assumed 
that  the  erection  of  the  Temjile  was  a  national  undertaking 
(1  Kings  viii.  1  ;  1  Chron.  xxviii.,  xxix.).  But  it  is  perhaps 
more  correct  to  infer  from  the  narrative  in  the  Kings  that 
Solomon's  Temple  was  only  a  part  of  a  great  architectural 
scheme,  consisting  of  palace,  judgment  hall,  arsenal  and 
sanctuary.  Certainly  the  successors  of  Solomon  treated  the 
Temple  as  private  property,  altering  the  details,  and  even 
introducing  alien  objects  of  worship  according  to  their 
pleasure  (1   Kings  xv.    18  ;   2  Kings  xvi.   15). 

Nor  was  Solomon's  Temple  at  first  recognised  as  the  Tiia  Temple 
national  sanctuary.  Even  in  Judah,  Hebron  and  Beersheba 
were  apparently  regarded  as  spots  of  equal,  if  not  greater 
sanctity  (2  Sam.  xv.  7  ;  Amos  viii.  14).  The  presence  of 
the  Ark  undoubtedly  made  all  Israel  look  with  reverence  to 
the  new  Temple,  but  Jerusalem  had  not  yet  the  venerable 
associations  connected  with  Shiloh,  Bethel,  Gilgal,  Shechem 
or  Dan.  The  day  when  the  thoughts  of  every  worshipper 
of  Jehovah  should  turn  to  Jerusalem  as  the  one  spot  on 
earth  where  He  could  be  worshipped  aright,  was  as  yet  far 
distant. 

But  these  considerations  cannot  in  any  way  minimise  the 
importance  of  the  act  of  Solomon  in  erecting  a  Temple  at 
Jerusalem.  No  building  in  the  world  has  been  reverenced 
like  it.  Its  very  ruins  have  aroused  an  enthusiasm  such  as 
no  other  sanctuary  has  inspired  in  its  most  flourishing  condi- 
tion. By  this  act  Solomon  set  his  seal  for  ever  on  the  earth. 
When  all  seemed  lost,  the  faith  of  Israel  clung  to  the  Temple 
built  by  him,  and  its  fall  seemed  only  to  increase  the  rever- 
ence felt  for  the  spot.  To  thousands  at  the  present '  day  it 
is  still  the  symbol  of  all  that  is  most  desirable  upon  earth — 
a  union  of  the  human  race  in  brotherly  charity  based  upon 
the  Fatherhood  of  God. 

It  is   a  noteworthy  fact   that  the  Temple  was  built  by   Phcenician 
Phoenician   craftsmen,   and   that   both   David   and   Solomon  "lAtteace 
sought  the  aid  of  Hiram,  King  of  Tyre,  to  introduce  their 
subjects  to  the  arts  of   life    (1   Kings  v.).     The  Israelites 


Hiram 


206       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

were  never  in  much  sympathy  with  Egypt,  and  even  their 
long  sojourn  in  that  country  seems  to  have  had  little  in- 
fluence on  their  customs  or  beliefs.  They  had  gone  down  to 
the  land  of  the  Pharaohs  as  nomads,  they  had  lived  on  its 
frontiers  in  the  same  manner  as  their  ancestors  had  lived  in 
Haran  or  Palestine,  and  they  left  it  unchanged.  But  once 
settled  in  Canaan,  they  began  to  feel  the  attraction  of  the 
people  among  whom  they  dwelt  and  to  assimilate  themselves 
to  their  manner  of  life.  When  they  came  into  contact  with 
the  adventurous  and  highly  civilised  Phoenicians  of  Tyre, 
they  immediately  experienced  the  fascination  of  that  famous 
city,  and  sought  to  acquire  all  that  it  could  teach.  For 
several  generations  after  David  had  allied  himself  with 
Hiram,  the  Israelites  sought  the  friendship  of  the  Phoenicians 
of  the  northern  coasts,  gaining  on  the  one  hand  much  in 
material  civilisation,  but  on  the  other  losing  much  of  the 
vigour  of  their  early  faith  by  contact  with  one  of  the  most 
corrupting  religions  of  antiquity.  If  the  Phoenicians  built 
Solomon's  Temple,  they  also  introduced  the  Baal  -  worship 
into  Israel. 

Besides  sending  skilled  craftsmen  and  timber  from 
Lebanon,  Hiram,  at  Solomon's  request,  despatched  a  famous 
worker  in  bronze,  the  traditional  architect  of  the  Temple, 
Huram-abi.  This  remarkable  man  was,  on  his  mother's  side, 
of  the  tribe  of  Naphtali  or  Dan  (1  Kings  vii.  13  ;  2  Chron.  ii. 
14,  iv.  16),  but  his  father  was  a  Tyrian,  an  example  of  the 
fusion  of  race  which  was  in  all  probability  constantly  going 
on  in  Northern  Israel.  He  worked  in  the  valley  of  the 
Jordan  between  Succoth  and  Zarethan,  where  the  ground 
was  suitable  for  casting  metals.  It  was  here  that  the  two 
famous  brazen  pillars,  which  bore  the  names  of  Boaz  and 
Jachin,  were  made  to  adorn  the  entry  to  the  new  sanctuary, 
and  also  the  brazen  laver  resting  on  twelve  oxen,  with  the 
ten  bases  on  which  the  lavers  were  wheeled  from  place  to 
place  (1  Kings  vii.  15  ff.;  2  Chron.  iii.  15 — iv.  17).  The 
conveyance  of  these  vast  objects  from  the  Arabah  to 
Jerusalem  demanded  no  small  engineering  skill.^ 

Forced  labour  was  largely  employed  by  Solomon  in  his 
architectural  schemes,  and  Adoniram  was  entrusted  with  its 
supervision  (1  Kings  iv.  6).     It  would  appear,  despite  some 


Solomon 


207 


statements  to  the  contrary,  that  the  Israelites  were  not 
exempted  from  labouring  in  the  royal  works,  though  they 
may  have  had  a  more  honourable  position  than  the  Canaanite 
toilers. 

Everything  related  in  the  Sacred  Narrative  tends  to  shew 
how  carefully  the  work  was  organised  by  Solomon,  who 
seems  to  have  possessed  a  passion  for  order  aftid  detail 
(1  Kings  iv.).  Perhaps  because  it  had  been  commanded  to 
employ  only  unhewn  stones  in  the  erection  of  altars  to 
Jehovah,  all  the  stone  was  prepared  at  a  distance,  and 
brought  to  Jerusalem,  so  that  the  work  of  building  might 
proceed  there  without  sound  of  axe  or  hammer  (1  Kings  vi. 
7).  To  prepare  the  ground  for  the  palace  and  the  Temple 
was  no  light  task,  and  Josephus  records  that  in  doing  so 
Solomon  "filled  up  valleys  with  earth,  which  a  man  could 
only  look  down  upon  with  pain."  The  area  covered  by  all 
Solomon's  buildings  was,  however,  not  nearly  equal  to  the 
space  occupied  by  Herod's  Temple. 

The  Temple  itself  was  not  a  large  building,  and  the  general 
plan  and  design  was  borrowed  from  Assyria  or  Phoenicia. 
The  dimensions  were  exactly  double  those  of  the  Tabernacle ; 
and  it  has  been  maintained  that  in  its  construction  it  repro- 
duced a  tent  sanctuary,  but  in  more  durable  materials.  The 
proportions  of  its  two  chambers  were  rigidly  mathematical, 
the  Holy  of  Holies  being  a  perfect  cube,  and  the  Holy  Place 
an  oblong  chamber,  the  length  being  double  the  breadth  and 
height.  Around  the  Temple  were  chambers  ranged  in  three 
storeys,  the  lower  rooms  being  the  smallest  and  the  upper  the 
largest.  A  winding  staircase  led  from  the  middle  to  the 
upper  chambers.  Both  the  inner  and  the  outer  sanctuaries 
were  cased  with  cedar  and  overlaid  with  gold. 

The  building  was  redeemed  from  insignificance  by  the  The  Porch 
lofty  porch,  which  Josephus  says  was  120  cubits  or  180  feet 
in  height,  ^nd  was  further  adorned  by  the  brazen  pillars, 
which  were  either  used  as  altars,  or  stood  as  obelisks  in 
front  of  the  Temple.  But  the  decorations  were  probably 
more  worthy  of  admiration  than  the  architecture.  The 
Tyrian  designers  were  evidently  allowed  to  give  full  play  to 
their  invention,  unhampered  by  Israeli tish  scruples  against 
images.     The  enormous  cherubim  in  the  Holy  Place  were 


2o8        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Solomon 


209 


1 


I 


Dedication 


Tlie  Palace 


reproduced  on  the  doors,  on  the  laver,  and  on  the  bases. 
The  pomegranate,  embleoi  of  fertility,  adorned  the  chapiters 
of  the  brazen  pillars.  Bulls,  emblems  perhaps  of  the  great 
tribe  of  Ephraim,  supported  the  laver  ;  and  the  lion  of  Judah 
was  carved  on  the  bases,  and  stood  by  Solomon's  throne. 
One  cannot  but  be  reminded  of  the  early  Christians,  who 
were  compelled  to  borrow  their  symbolism  from  pagan  art, 
when  like  the  Israelites  they  had  no  artistic  traditions  of 
their  own  (1   Kings  vi.   14-38). 

The  Temple  was  finished  in  seven  years  and  was  dedicated 
in  the  seventh  month,  which  the  Hebrews  regarded  with 
peculiar  veneration.  The  Ark  and  the  vessels  of  the 
sanctuary  were  brought  by  the  priests  and  Levites  to  the 
new  Temple,  and  on  this  occasion  only  the  Ark  was  opened ; 
and  ''  There  was  nothing  in  the  Ark,  save  the  two  tables  of 
stone  which  Moses  put  there  at  Horeb."  Throughout  the 
ceremonies  Solomon  took  the  leading  part,  acting,  to  all 
appearances,  as  both  priest  and  king.  His  lips  pronounced 
alike  the  blessing  and  the  prayer  of  Dedication.  His  first 
utterance  was  : — 

**  The  Lord  said  He  would  dwell  in  the  thick  darkness. 
I  have  surely  built  Thee  an  house  of  habitation, 
A  place  for  Thee  to  dwell  in  for  ever." 

The  prayer  put  in  the  king's  mouth  appears  to  be  the  echo 
of  a  later  and  sadder  age.  The  plagues  foretold  in  Deutero- 
nomy as  destined  to  fall  on  rebellious  Israel  are  anticipated — 
war,  pestilence,  famine  and  captivity;  and  Jehovah  is  earnestly 
besought  to  pardon  His  erring  people.  The  same  may  be  said 
of  Jehovah's  answer  to  Solomon,  in  which  a  warning  is  given, 
that  idolatry  will  bring  destruction  upon  the  Temple  he 
has  built.  **  Israel  shall  become  a  proverb  and  a  by-word 
among  all  people  :  and  though  this  house  be  so  high,  yet 
shall  every  one  that  passeth  by  it  be  astonished  and  shall 
hiss,  and  they  shall  say.  Why  hath  the  Lord  done  this  unto 
this  land  and  to  this  house  1  And  they  shall  answer  : 
Because  they  forsook  the  Lord  their  God,  which  brought 
forth  their  fathers  out  of  the  land  of  Egypt"  (1  Kings  vi. 
37-38;  viii.,  ix.  1-9). 

The  palace  of  Solomon  comprised  the  so-called  '^  House  of 
the  Forest  of  Lebanon,"  a  magnificent  hall   supported  by 


forty-five  pillars  in  three  rows.  It  was  approached  by  the 
porch  of  pillars  in  front  of  which  was  the  royal  seat  of  judg- 
ment. Here  at  the  gate  of  his  palace  the  king  sat,  in  true 
Oriental  fashion,  to  administer  justice  on  a  magnificent  throne 
of  ivory  supported  by  twelve  sculptured  lions.  The  throne  was 
the  wonder  of  the  world ;  "  the  like  of  it  was  not  seen  in  any 
kingdom,"  and  later  ages  delighted  in  traditions  of  its  wonder- 
ful construction  (1  Kings  vii.  1-12;  x.  18-20).  The  "House 
of  the  Forest  of  Lebanon"  was  used,  not  only  as  an  audience 
chamber,  but  as  an  armoury.  Here  hung  the  shieldsof  thepu- 
rest  gold,  which  Solomon  had  made,  and  also  the  arms  of 
the  great  warriors  of  David,  to  be  used  a  century  later  to 
restore  his  dynasty  (2  Kings  xi.  10).  The  palace  itself 
consisted  of  a  royal  residence,  and  of  a  house  specially  built 
for  the  accommodation  of  Pharaoh's  daughter.  The  enormous 
stones  used  in  these  buildings  were  the  marvel  of  succeeding 
ages.  The  vast  erections  which  made  up  the  palace  of 
Solomon  stood  on  the  hill  south  of  the  Temple  and  were 
thirteen  years  in  the  course  of  construction  (1  Kind's 
vii.  1).^"  ^ 

The  culmination  of  the  glory  of  Solomon  seems  to  have  The  Queen 
been  attained  when  the  Queen  of  Sheba,  probably  some  ofSheba 
district  in  Arabia  Felix,  came  to  visit  him  on  hearing  the 
report  of  his  wisdom.  The  purpose  of  this  visit  was  to  find 
out  whether  Solomon  was  really  wise  by  asking  him  hard 
questions  or  riddles.  This  practice  is  found  among  many 
ancient  nations,  and  Meuander  relates  that  Solomon  and 
Hiram  of  Tyre  had  many  encounters  of  wit  and  used  to 
wager  that  one  could  not  answer  the  other's  questions.  At 
first  Solomon  prevailed,  but  at  last  Hiram  secured  the  aid  of 
a  boy  named  Abderraon,  who  was  able  to  solve  every  diffi- 
culty propounded.  The  Queen  of  Sheba  received  an  answer 
to  every  question  ;  and  when  she  saw  the  magnificence  of  the 
court  of  Israel,  the  attendance  of  the  ministers,  the  gorgeous 
palaces  and  temples,  "there  was  no  more  spirit  in  her." 
"It  was  a  true  report,"  she  exclaimed,  "that  I  heard  in  my 
own  land  of  thine  acts  and  of  thy  wisdom.  Howbeit  I 
believed  not  the  words  till  I  came,  and  mine  eyes  had  seen 
it ;  and  behold  the  half  was  not  told  me."  Among  the  gifts 
which  this  queen  bestowed  on  Solomon  were  gold,  precious 


2IO       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Solomon 


211 


Unpopularity 
of  Solomon's 
role 


stones,  and  such  abundance  of  spices  as  the  Israelites  never 
received  before  or  since  (1  Kings  x.  1-13). 
Solomon's  As    Solomon's    reign    advanced    he    discovered    that    his 

extravagance  enormous  expenditure  had  begun  to  hamper  his  resources. 
The  supply  of  corn  wliich  Israel  was  able  to  yield  was 
insufficient  to  pay  the  Tyrians  for  the  valuable  products 
of  their  trade  and  country  which  had  been  lavished  upon 
the  Tempi©  and  palace  at  Jerusalem.  The  produce  of  twenty 
cities  in  the  land  of  Galilee  (the  first  time  this  famous  name 
is  applied  to  the  district)  was  assigned  by  Solomon  to  Hiram 
in  payment  of  his  debts.  Even  this  did  not  satisfy  Hiram, 
and  the  district  became  known  as  the  land  of  Cabul  (1  Kings 
ix.  10-12;   2  Chron.  viii.  2;  Josh.  xix.  27). 

From  this  it  is  evident  that  the  prosperity  of  Solomon 
had  reached  its  zenith,  and  had  already  begun  to  decline. 
The  civilisation  he  had  introduced  was  not  suited  to  his 
people,  who  were  neither  sufficiently  advanced  to  appreciate 
its  advantages,  nor  willing  to  pay  the  price  of  their  inde- 
pendence. The  Israelites  had  developed  no  civilisation  of 
their  own.  From  their  settlement  in  Canaan  to  the  death 
of  David  the  conditions  of  life  had  been  of  the  simplest. 
The  patriarchal  system  of  government  prevailed.  Each 
little  town  was  inhabited  by  rude  farmers  who  tilled  the 
land  around,  and  managed  their  own  afiairs.  There  were 
strong  tribal  and  family  ties,  but  those  of  nationality  were 
hardly  recognised. 

Orderly  government  was  unknown ;  justice  was,  it  is  true, 
occasionally  administered,  but  it  was  generally  understood 
to  be  best  secured  by  the  carrying  out  of  a  blood  feud  by  the 

nearest  relatives. 

In  a  community  of  this  description,  in  which  every  tribe, 
every  town  and  even  every  individual  is  impressed  with  the 
necessity  of  self-preservation,  a  spirit  of  independence  is  sure 
to  develop,  and  among  the  ancient  Israelites,  a  race  of 
farmers  living  on  the  land  their  forefathers  had  wrested  from 
the  surrounding  peoples,  it  was  especially  strong.  The  great 
landowners  or  tribal  chiefs  acknowledged  no  superior.  Nabal 
the  Calebite  seems  to  have  regarded  himself  as  entirely 
independent  of  Saul  (I  Sam.  xxv.  10).  Araunah,  though 
a  Jebusite  dwelling  near  the  stronghold  David  had  taken 


from  his  people,  treats  the  monarch  as  an  equal  (2  Sam 
xxiv.  22,  23;  1  Chron.  xxi.  21-23).  Barzillai  the  Gileadite 
welcomes  David  as  a  fugitive  from  Absalom  with  the  dicrnity 
of  one  who  is  paramount  in  his  own  territory  (2  Sam.'' xix 
31-32).  Nothing  will  induce  Naboth  to  part  with  his  land 
to  gratify  King  Ahab  (1  Kings  xxi.  3)  ;  and  the  Shunammite 
woman,  who  entertained  Elisha,  told  the  prophet  when  he 
offered  to  advance  her  interests  at  the  king's  court,  that  she 
needed  nothing.  "I  dwell  among  mine  own  people,"  are  her 
words  (2  Kings  iv.  13).  To  rule  a  people  so  independent, 
so  proud  of  their  ancestral  inheritances,  and  so  nobly 
simple  in  their  manner  of  life,  was  no  easy  task. 

As  is  often  the  case  with  a  landed  aristocracy,  the  ancient 
Israelites  disliked  trade,  preferring  the  rude  plenty  they 
enjoyed  on  their  estates  to  the  refinements  of  life.  Solomon 
on  the  other  hand  encouraged  commerce,  which  could  only 
have  been  done  by  employing  foreigners  to  assist  his  schemes. 
The  king's  merchants  were  not  likely  to  have  been  Israelites, 
but  Tyrians,  or  Canaanites,  and  the  business  they  conducted 
was  alien  to  the  habits  and  sentiments  of  the  majority  of 
the  Hebrew  nation. 

^  Equally  un-Hebraic  was  Solomon's  government.  The 
king  evidently  possessed  a  genius  for  organisation.  His 
kingdom  was  marked  out  into  districts  to  supply  the  royal 
table  month  by  month.  The  levies  started  to  the  Lebanon 
regularly,  one  relieving  the  other  in  due  order.  They  were 
so  carefully  officered,  that  every  one  in  Israel,  whether  Hebrew 
or  Canaanite,  had  his  place  and  his  work.  But  all  this  made 
the  government  almost  intolerable.  The  Hebrews,  accustomed 
to  the  utmost  independence,  resented  being  put  to  anything 
like  forced  labour,  and  saw  that  this  elaborate  organisation 
was  detrimental  to  liberty.  In  addition  to  this,  there  was 
the  jealousy  always  existing  between  Israel  and  Judah. 
This  had  partially  slumbered  under  David,  was  repressed 
with  difficulty  in  the  days  of  Solomon,  and  burst  into  a 
flame  in  those  of  his  successor  (2  Sam.  xix.  43  and  xx. ; 
1  Kings  xi.  26-40;  xii.). 

It  is  usual  to  assume  that  Solomon  was  so  enervated  by 
luxury  that  he  allowed  his  authority  to  become  weak  in  his 
later  years,  but  this  view  is  hardly  borne  out  in  the  Sacred 


2 1 2        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Eevolt  of 
Joroboam 


Solomon  In 
legend  and 
In  Scripture 


Narrative.     In  dealing  with  sedition  he  shewed  a   vigour 
which  even  David  failed  to  display. 

From  the  confused  narrative  of  the  book  of  Kings,  it  is 
safe  to  infer  that  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  headed  an  attempt 
to  overthrow  Solomon's  authority  (1  Kings  xi.,  LXX.).     The 
leader  was  Jeroboam,  the  son  of  Nebat,  whom  Solomon  had 
employed  in  fortifying  Jerusalem,  and  recognising  his  ability 
had  entrusted  the  forced  labour  demanded  of  Ephraim  to  his 
supervision  (1  Kings  xi.  28).     Jeroboam  was  doubtless  sup- 
ported by   his  tribe,  and  possibly  by  others  as  well,  if  he 
is  correctly  represented  as    fortifying  Tirzah  and  assuming 
royal  state  (1  Kings  xii.  25.  LXX.).     Among  the  leaders  of 
the  movement  was  a  prophet  named  Ahijah  of  Shiloh,  whose 
native  place  suggests  the  idea  that  he  may  have  viewed  with 
jealousy  the  rising  sanctuary  at  Jerusalem.      In  this  case  the 
intolerable  severity  of    the  forced  labour  combined   with  a 
religious  grievance  to  arouse  the  resentment  of   the  whole 
people.     Solomon,  however,  was  sufficiently  strong  to  repress 
all  symptoms  of  disaffection.     Jeroboam  fled  to  Egypt,  and 
it  was   made   evident  that    nothing  could  shake   the  royal 
authority  as  long  as  Solomon  lived. 

Solomon  is   the   most  impersonal  as  well   as  one   of  the 
most  secular  characters  in  the  Old  Testament.     Save  a  few 
hints  concerning  the  first  period  of  his  reign,  there  are  no 
data  to  assist  in  forming  an  estimate  of  him.     Unlike  that 
of  his  father,  his  fi\me  rests  on  the  magnificence  with  which 
he  was  surrounded,  rather  than  on  the  attractiveness  of  his 
personality  and  the  fervency  of  his  zeal.     It  is  consequently 
almost  impossible  to  say  what  the  actual  Solomon  was  like, 
or  to  define  his  religious  position.     Of  the  Eastern  potentates 
of  antiquity,  three  have  an  abiding  hold  on  the  imagination — 
Nimrod,  the  mighty  Hunter  before  the  Lord,  Solomon,  and 
Alexander  the  Great.     Of   these  Solomon  fills  perhaps  the 
gi-eatest  space  as  a  wonder-worker  excelling  mankind  in  his 
magical  skill,  and  in  his  knowledge  of  the  language  of  birds 
and  beasts.    The  Hebrew  Scriptures  take  a  severer  view,  and 
the  book  of  Kings  depicts  him  as  a  man  who  forgot  Jehovah 
in  the  days  of    his  prosperity  (1   Kings  xi.   1-8).     One  of 
the    many    interpretations    of    the    Song    of    Songs    regards 
Solomon  as  the  luxurious  and  splendid  king,  who  sought  in 


Solomon 


213 


vain  the  love  of  the  fair  Shulamite  maiden,  whilst  she  re- 
mained constant  to  her  rustic  lover.  In  the  book  of  Eccle- 
siastes,  the  writer,  assuming  the  role  of  Solomon,  speaks  as  a 
voluptuary,  tired  of  pleasure  and  weary  of  the  world.  In 
each  case  the  scriptural  verdict  is  unfavourable. 

It  must,  however,  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  earliest  RellglotiB 
estimate  of  Solomon,  that  of  the  book  of  Kings,  belongs  to  apoatasj 
an  age  centuries  after  his  reign,  when  the  religious  ideal  was 
totally  different.  Solomon's  sin  was  then  said  to  have  been  two- 
fold. He  intermarried  with  the  heathen,  and  in  consequence 
his  wives  turned  away  his  heart  in  his  old  age,  and  he  was 
led  by  them  into  idolatry  (1  Kings  xi.  4).  An  abiding 
witness  of  his  apostasy  were  the  sanctuaries  to  Moloch  and 
Chemosh  erected  on  the  "  Mount  that  is  before  Jerusalem," 
which  were  not  destroyed  till  the  days  of  Josiah  (2  Kings 
xxiii.  13).^  In  the  days  of  his  immediate  descendants 
the  Temple  itself  was  filled  with  objects  of  idolatry  (1 
Kings  XV.  12-15).  To  understand  how  far  Solomon  was 
guilty  of  religious  apostasy  it  would  be  absolutely  necessary  to 
ascertain  the  precise  character  of  the  religion  of  the  Israelites 
before  his  accession.  This  is  an  almost  impossible  task,  and 
any  statement  on  this  subject  must  be  made  with  hesitation. 
Israel  under  Solomon  underwent  its  third  great  change. 
At  first  a  collection  of  wandering  tribes,  driving  their 
cattle  from  pasture  to  pasture,  the  Israelites  were  addicted 
to  a  very  simple  worship  of  Jehovah,  the  national  God.  On 
settling  in  Canaan,  Israel  became  an  agricultural  nation, 
and  adopted  many  of  the  religious  beliefs  and  customs  of 
the  natives  of  Palestine.  David,  the  Shepherd  King,  was 
devoted  to  Jehovah,  the  God  of  his  ancestors,  and  shewed 
no  disposition  to  worship  the  gods  of  the  tillers  of  the  soil, 
even  when  he  became  king.  Solomon,  however,  represented 
neither  the  ancient  Israelitish  nomad,  nor  the  more  modern 
settler  in  Canaan.  He  was  reared  in  an  Oriental  court  and 
was  devoted  to  foreign  luxury  and  refinement.  He  honoured 
Jehovah  by  building  a  superb  temple  modelled  on  the 
shrines  of  other  nations.  Tyrians,  not  Israelites,  designed 
and  erected  it.  Under  him  Israel  had  a  glimpse  of  civilisa- 
tion greater  than  they  had  ever  enjoyed,  and  it  was  but 
natural  that  they  should  try  to  emulate  other  nations.     To 


214       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Solomon 


do  so  was  almost  of  necessity  to  tolerate  and  even  to  imitate 
their    religious    customs.      The    zeal    Solomon    shewed    for 
foreign  usages  extended  to  their  religions,  and  he  doubtless 
cherished  the   ambition   of   breaking  down   the  barriers  by 
which  Israel  was  separated  from  the  rest  of  the  world.     For 
this  reason  he  built  the  sanctuaries  to  foreign  gods  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Jerusalem.     But  the  chief  glory  of  Israel 
has  ever  been  that  no  worldly  advantages  have  been  sufl&cient 
to  tempt  the  nation  to  assimilate  with  the  rest  of  the  world ; 
and  the  first  result  of   Solomon's  policy  was  probably  the 
disruption  of  his  kingdom,  and  the  second  the  great  strife 
between  the  prophets  and  the  House  of  Omri  in  Northern 
Israel,  when  it  endeavoured  to  follow  in  his  steps. 
Literatnreof         It  is  probable  that  some  of  the   very  best  specimens  of 
tue  age  of         Hebrew  literature  are  attributable  to  the  literary  movement 
of  the  age  of  Solomon.     During  his  long  and  peaceful  reign 
people    began  to   take    an   interest   in    the   deeds   of   their 
ancestors,  and    to   study   the  early    records   of    the   nation. 
They  may  have  done  this  in  the  days  of  David,  and  the 
passages  now  extant  in  the  Old  Testament  may  belong  to  a 
subsequent   period,   but   it  is  permissible   to   connect   them 
with  this  age.     If  the  so-called  Jehovistic  document  of  the 
Pentateuch  was  produced  at  this  time,  what  a  flood  of  light 
is  thrown  on  the  inner  religious  life  of  the  people  over  whom 
Solomon  reigned  I  how  fully  is  the  intense  religious  enthusiasm 
of  the  prophets  in  the  days  which  followed  accounted  for  ! 
To  this  unknown  writer  are  due  some  of  the  most  instructive 
and  the  most  beautiful  parts  of  the  book  of  Genesis.     He  it 
is  who  first  deals  with  the  great  problem  of  sin  and  evil  in 
the  world  :  he  shews  the  objects  of  Abraham's  call  and  the 
importance  of  faith  :  contrasts  human  sin  with  the  faithful- 
ness and  mercy  of  God  :  recognises  the  universal  significance 
of  Israel  in  the  midst  of  the  nations  of  the  world.     It  is 
rightly  said  of  this  author,  that  **  the  ease  and  grace  of  his 
narratives  are  unsurpassed  j  everything  is  told  with  precisely 
the  amount  of  detail  that  is  required ;  the  narrative  never 
lingers  and  the  reader's  interest  is  sustained  to  the  end." 

Nor  were  historians  of  contemporary  events  absent,  if 
tradition  is  to  be  believed.  Nathan,  David's  faithful  adviser, 
is  said  to  have  written  an  account  of  his  reign  and  to  have 


Solomon 


215 


continued  his  narrative  in  the  early  days  of  Solomon.     Gad, 

the  seer,  also  wrote  an  account  of  David,  whilst  Ahijah  the 

Shilonite  and  a  certain  Iddo  recorded  the  acts  of  Solomon 

(1  Chron.  xxix.  29  ;  2  Chron.  ix.  29  ;  1  Kings  xi.  41).     The 

tradition  is  at  least  a  proof  that  the  age  was  believed  to  have 

been  one  of  great  literary  activity.     As  David's  name  is  in-  The  Proverbs 

separably  connected  with  the  lyrical  and  devotional  poetry  of 

the  Hebrews,  so  Solomon  is  credited  with  the  authorship  of 

various  works  of  "  wisdom."    In  the  Kings,  Solomon's  wisdom 

is  commended  in  the  following  words  : — 

"And  God  gave  Solomon  wisdom  and  understanding 
exceeding  much,  and  largeness  of  heart,  even  as  the  sand  on 
the  sea-shore.  And  Solomon's  wisdom  exceeded  all  the 
wisdom  of  all  the  children  of  the  east  country,  and  all  the 
wisdom  of  Egypt.  For  he  was  wiser  than  all  men ;  than  Ethan 
the  Ezrahite,  and  Heman,  and  Calcol,  and  Darda,  and  his 
fame  was  in  all  the  nations  round  about.  And  he  spake  three 
thousand  proverbs,  and  his  songs  were  a  thousand  and  five. 
And  he  spake  of  trees,  from  the  cedar  of  Lebanon  unto  the 
hyssop  that  springeth  out  of  the  wall :  he  spake  also  of  beasts 
and  birds,  of  creeping  things  and  of  fishes  "  (1  Kings  iv.  29-34). 

This  has  been  variously  explained.  To  Solomon  has  been 
attributed  a  great  knowledge  of  natural  history,  and  even 
a  magical  control  over  birds  and  beasts.  But  there  are 
some  who  suppose  that  his  proverbs  (or  similitudes)  were 
short  pithy  sayings,  and  that  comparisons  were  introduced 
from  the  animal  kingdom.  Whether  any  of  these  are  pre- 
served in  the  book  of  Proverbs  cannot  be  proved.  The  tone 
of  the  earliest  collection  is  more  homely  than  could  be 
expected  of  a  powerful  king.  The  proverbs  seem  rather  to 
express  the  mind  of  plain  middle-class  folk,  unspoiled  by 
luxury  and  living  for  the  most  part  as  small  farmers.  If  it 
belongs  to  this  age  it  is  illustrative  of  the  domestic  life  of 
Israel,  and  reveals  the  true  strength  of  the  nation  in  a  frugal 
and  orderly  class,  amongst  whom  family  duties  are  fully 
reconciled,  respect  to  parents  and  to  authority  inculcated, 
and  righteousness  considered  to  be  the  true  glory  of  a  people.^ 

This  homely  wisdom  is  characteristic  of  the  Israelite. 
There  is  nothing  exclusive  in  it :  it  is  common  to  all  nations. 
In  the  Proverbs  there  is  no  distinction  between  God's  people 


Effect  of 

Solomon's 

reign 


2i6        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

and  the  outside  world,  and  Job  and  his  friends  are  not  even 
Israelites.  It  breathes  no  spirit  of  ecstatic  devotion,  but  is 
severely  practical  and  even  secular  in  tone.  "  The  fool "  who 
is  spoken  of  with  contempt  is  often  an  irreligious  man,  and 
almost  always  a  thriftless  idle  fellow.  The  Israelite  has  no 
reverence  for  piety  in  rags,  nor  for  a  religion  which  makes 
men  indolent  or  careless.  Their  patriarchs  are  represented 
as  honest,  thrifty  and  prosperous.  Yet  this  wisdom  is  never 
irreligious.  It  is  believed  to  be  the  gift  of  Jehovah ;  its 
antithesis  folly  is  utterly  opposed  to  piety.  If  it  is  utilitarian, 
its  ideals  are  not  low,  for  they  are  those  of  a  pure  household 
and  an  upright  life.  The  Proverbs  are  of  value  to  the 
historian  as  revealing  what  manner  of  men  the  ancient 
Israelites  were,  and  their  moral  tone  makes  them  a  valuable 
part  of  the  Sacred  Canon. 

Solomon  died  before  the  great  disruption  of  the  Israelitish 
monarchy,  but  though  by  his  extravagance  and  oppression  he 
had  prepared  for  the  catastrophe,  he  left  behind  him  much 
that  was  permanent.  The  long  peace  he  had  secured,  and 
the  way  he  had  opened  up  intercourse  between  his  own  people 
and  distant  nations  gave  an  impulse  in  the  direction  of 
civilisation,  and  from  his  reign  it  is  permissible  to  date  the  rise 
of  the  imperishable  literature  of  the  Hebrews.  The  building 
of  the  Temple,  whatever  may  have  been  its  original  purpose, 
initiated  a  new  development  in  religion,  which  made  the 
faith  of  Israel  indestructible.  The  fortification  of  Jerusalem 
gave  to  Judah  a  strength  by  which  that  insignificant  people 
was  able  to  outlast  every  other  nation.  For  several  genera- 
tions after  the  disruption  Judah  ceased  to  attract  attention. 
Even  the  book  of  Kings,  though  written  from  a  Judaean 
standpoint,  has  little  to  say  concerning  the  southern  kingdom, 
the  chief  interest  being  centred  in  the  more  powerful  realm 
of  Israel.  Yet  we  must  admire  the  immense  vitality  of 
Judah,  due  partly  to  the  character  of  its  people,  but  also  to  the 
permanence  of  the  dynasty  of  David,  the  regular  succession 
of  the  priesthood,  and  the  growing  reverence  for  the  Temple. 
If  Solomon's  policy  alienated  the  Northern  tribes,  it  must 
have  strengthened  the  loyalty  of  Judah  to  the  dynasty,  and 
that  Judah  was  able  to  survive  all  its  trials  and  calamities  is 
one  of  the  greatest  facts  in  the  history  of  the  human  race. 


Herod  the 
Great 


Chapter  IX 

The  Disruption  of  the  Kingdom 
and  the  Baal  Worship 

Twice  had  Israel  the  opportunity  of  becoming  a  great  world  Solomon  and 
power,  and  on  both  occasions  the  nation  deliberately  rejected  ~ 
it.  It  may  be  considered  fanciful  to  draw  a  comparison 
between  Solomon  and  Herod,  and  yet,  when  due  allowance 
is  made  for  the  difference  of  time  and  circumstances,  the 
parallel  is  suflSciently  striking.  Both  were  men  of  excep- 
tional ability ;  both  ruled  over  the  same  territory ;  both 
made  the  Temple  of  Jerusalem  a  wonder  of  the  world ;  both 
had  strong  sympathy  with  foreign  ideas;  both  cherished 
great  schemes  for  the  aggrandisement  of  the  nation,  which 
were  regarded  in  Israel  as  contrary  to  its  true  destiny. 
These  considerations  suggest  the  possibility  of  the  Chosen 
People  being  more  similar  in  character  and  ideas  in  the  time 
of  Solomon  and  a  thousand  years  later  than  is  generally 
supposed. 

Herod  desired  to  give  the  Jews  all  the  advantage  of  the 
Grseco-Roman  civilisation  of  the  first  century  b.c.  He  saw 
that  if  the  Jews  would  only  consent  to  be  less  rigidly  attached 
to  their  ancestral  customs,  and  more  amiable  to  the  rest  of 
the  world,  they  could  become  the  leading  race  in  the  East. 
His  knowledge  of  his  Roman  masters,  and  his  matchless 
skill  as  a  diplomatist  would  have  been  able  to  secure  Israel 
this  position,  if  only  it  would  pay  the  price.  The  religious 
teachers  of  the  Jews  refused  to  allow  this  to  be  done,  and 
all  Herod's  magnificent  imaginings  came  to  nought. 

Solomon,  like  Herod,  recognised  the  great  possibilities  of 
the  nation.  Tyre  and  Egypt  were  to  him  what  Greece  and 
Rome  were  to  Herod.  Had  Israel  only  been  ready  to  accept 
the  civilisation  of  Piioenicia  and  the  support  of  Egypt,  nothing 

217 


2i8        Biblical  History  oi'  the  Hebrews 


The  prophets 
and  the 
disruption 


1 1 

!  . 


f 


could  prevent  its  being  dominant  in  Syria.  But  the  prophets 
of  Solomon's  age,  like  the  rabbis  at  a  later  date,  pronounced 
against  all  schemes  of  national  aggrandisement  at  the  price 
of  the  independence  and  religious  isolation  of  Israel.  Solomon 
succeeded  in  remaining  king  of  the  whole  nation  till  his  death; 
but  the  House  of  Omri,  which  tried  to  imitate  him,  failed 
completely.  All  this  seems  to  shew  that,  despite  its  relapses 
into  idolatry,  Israel  in  early  days  maintained  a  position  of 
religious  isolation.  As  Balaam  said,  "This  people  shall  dwell 
alone,  and  shall  not  be  reckoned  among  the  nations"  (Numb. 

xxiii  9).  .         1     TT 

The  rising  of  the  great  tribe  of  Ephraim  against  the  House 
of  David  was  instigated  by  a  prophet,  Ahijah  the  Shilonite  ; 
and  Shemaiah,  a  prophet  of  Judah,  declared  it  to  be  in  accord- 
ance with  the  will  of  God.     The  action  of  the  prophets  at  this 
time  is  by  no  means  clear  :  all  that  can  be  postulated  with 
any  certainty  is  that  they  supported  the  movement  against  the 
continuance  of  Solomon's  policy.     If  the  so-called  Jehovistic 
author  of  primitive  history  belongs  to  this  age  he  represents 
this  tendency.     He  is  throughout  in  favour  of  a  simple  country 
life,  and  opposed  to  the  growth  of  luxury.     The  town  is  to 
him  the  home  of  all  wickedness.     Cain,  the  murderer,  builds 
the  first  city.     The  erection  of  Babel  is  an  act  of  presump- 
tuous defiance  of  God.     The  chosen  family  of  Terah  leave  Ur 
of  the  Chaldees  for  the  freedom  of  pastoral  life,  in  which  God 
can  be  served  without  distraction.     It  is  not  impossible  that 
the  description  of  how  Israel  was  oppressed  in  Egypt  was  in- 
tended as  a  reminder  that  as  Israel's  ancestors  had  been  forced 
to  labour  at  erecting  the  monuments  of  royal  pride,  but  had 
been  delivered  by  Jehovah,  and  brought  back  to  the  simpler 
conditions  in  which  their  forefathers  had  lived,  so  their  present 
trials  under  Solomon's  taskmasters  were  contrary  to  the  Divme 
will.     If  such  be  the  case,  it  helps  to  explain  not  only  why 
the  prophets  incited  Israel  to  throw  ofi"  the  yoke  of  Solomon, 
but  also  their  motive  in  turning  so  bitteriy  against  Jeroboam 
when  they  found  that  he  ruled  his  kingdom  on  the  same  lines 
as  his  predecessor.     If  the  prophets  aimed  at  the  return  to 
the  ideally  simple  life  of  antiquity,  they  were  naturally  dis- 
appointed in  finding  that  Jeroboam  was  as  powerless  to  restore 
it  as  he  was  disinclined  to  do  so.     For  centuries  the  prophets 


Disruption  of  Kingdom  and  Baal  Worship  219 

of  Israel  as  well  as  those  of  the  Southern  Kingdom  continued 
their  strife  against  the  worldly  luxury  of  both  kings  and  people, 
taking  the  side  of  the  small  farmer  against  the  rich  landlord, 
the  country  village  against  the  city,  the  noble  simplicity  of 
the  past  against  the  selfish  splendour  of  the  present.  The 
Law  supports  the  prophetic  view  of  an  ideal  state  consisting 
of  many  landowners  governed  by  a  king  without  ostentation 
or  ambition ;  and  in  later  times  the  rabbis,  who  interpreted 
the  Law,  set  themselves  in  opposition  to  all  schemes  of  worldly 
aggrandisement  on  the  part  of  their  rulers.  From  the  days 
of  Saul  to  the  close  of  the  Jewish  history,  Israel  lived  for  an 
ideal,  and  refused  to  sacrifice  it  for  any  worldly  advantage. 
It  must,  however,  be  borne  in  mind  that  herein  lies  one  of 
the  secrets  of  the  vitality  of  the  Jewish  race.  Had  Israel 
consented  to  become  a  great  power,  as  any  other  nation  under 
the  circumstances  would  have  done,  it  would  have  experienced 
the  same  fate,  and  a  period  of  glory  would  have  been  followed 
by  its  disappearance.  As  it  is,  the  empires  of  the  ancient 
world  have  vanished,  but  the  Jews  remain. 

Jeroboam^  compares  unfavourably  with  Saul  and  David, 
neither  of  whom  are  represented  in  Scripture  as  grasping  at 
the  crown.  Like  them  he  was  appointed  by  a  prophet,  but 
in  his  haste  to  seize  the  kingdom  he  shewed  himself  to  be 
of  a  difierent  disposition.  Either  Ahijah  or  Shemaiah,  for 
there  are  different  versions  of  the  transaction,  met  Jeroboam 
privately  and  rent  his  garment  into  twelve  pieces,  giving 
him  ten  as  a  sign  that  he  should  reign  over  ten  of  the 
tribes.  Jeroboam  forthwith  assumed  royal  state;  but  Solomon 
was  equal  to  the  occasion,  and  the  pretender  fled  to  Egypt, 
where  he  bided  his  time.  Shishak  received  him  with  honour 
and  gave  him  the  sister  of  his  queen  to  wife. 

Owing  to  the  confused  and  contradictory  statements  in  Rehoboam 
the  book  of  Kings,  it  is  impossible  to  state  accurately  what 
occurred  immediately  after  Solomon's  death.  His  son  and 
successor,  Rehoboam,  was  not  able  to  assume  the  crown  at 
Jerusalem,  but  had  to  assemble  the  tribes  at  Shechem,  the 
capital  of  the  haughty  tribe  of  Ephraim,  and  listen  to  their 
grievances.  They  ofiered  him  the  kingdom  if  he  would 
pledge  himself  to  abolish,  or  at  any  rate  to  relax,  the  claim 
to  demand  compulsory  service  from  his  subjects,  so  rigidly 


dioboam 


J 


The 

Revolution 


2  20        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


enforced  by  Solomon.  In  all  this  the  guiding  hand  of  the 
prophets  is  clearly  recognisable.  The  wise  old  counsellors 
of  Solomon  advised  moderation.  They  said  it  was  a  case 
for  concessions;  let  the  king  give  way  gracefully  at  this 
juncture  and  bide  his  time,  and  he  would  be  as  powerful  as 
ever  Solomon  had  been.  But  a  man  who  has  waited  too 
long  for  a  position  of  responsibility  is  sometimes  as  dis- 
qualified to  exercise  it  as  the  merest  youth,  and  Rehoboam 
had  evidently  cherished  high  ideas  of  his  royal  prerogative. 
His  companions  advised  him  to  insist  upon  his  rights,  and 
"  he  forsook  the  counsel  of  the  old  men,  that  had  stood 
before  Solomon  his  father,"  and  at  the  suggestion  of  his 
friends,  who  knew  nothing  of  the  practice  of  authority,  told 
his  petitioners  bluntly,  "  My  little  finger  is  thicker  than  my 
father's  loins.  And  now  whereas  my  father  did  lade  you 
with  a  heavy  yoke,  I  will  add  to  your  yoke.  My  father 
chastised  you  with  whips,  but  I  will  chastise  you  with 
scorpions"  (1  Kings  xii.  1-15). 

Jeroboam's  experiences  in  the  days  of  Solomon  had  taught 
him  caution.  He  returned  from  Egypt,  but  did  not  appar- 
ently go  to  Sliechem,  till  he  knew  how  Rehoboam  would 
act.  Throughout  his  career  he  seems  to  have  shewn  himself 
a  clever,  if  unscrupulous,  politician.  It  needed  no  agitator 
to  increase  the  effect  of  Rehoboam's  foolish  reply  to  the 
reasonable  demands  of  his  subjects.  No  sooner  was  it  made 
than  all  the  tribes  save  Judah  repudiated  his  authority,  and 
the  answer  of  the  delegates  at  Shechem  found  an  echo 
throughout  the  land  : — 

' '  What  portion  have  we  in  David  ? 
Neither  have  we  inheritance  in  the  son  of  Jesse : 
To  your  tents,  0  Israel, 
Now  see  to  thine  own  house,  David  "  (1  Kings  xii.  16). 

Adoniram,  who  was  over  the  levy,  was  apparently  the 
only  victim  of  the  revolution.  He  was  sent  by  Rehoboam 
to  quell  the  disturbance,  and  was  immediately  stoned  to 
death.  The  king  fled  to  Jerusalem  ;  and  Jeroboam,  in 
obedience  to  the  summons  of  the  people,  came  to  Shechem 
and  was  solemnly  anointed  king.  The  whole  tribe  of 
Judah  and  part  of  Benjamin  rallied  to  the  House  of  David ; 
but    the  prophet  Shemaiah   declared   the   thing  to  bo  from 


Disruption  of  Kingdom  and  Baal  Worship  22 


Jehovah,  and  prohibited  any  attempt  to  subjugate  the  dis- 
affected tribes.  The  momentous  division  of  the  kin-dom 
took  place  almost  without  bloodshed.  ^ 

T  T^i?  ^Tl  ""^  ^^''^  "^^^  supported  by  its  own  tribe  of  The  Southern 
Judah  and  by  a  section  of  the  Benjamites,    but  the  new  Kingdom 
kingdom  evidently  regarded  the  fidelity  of  the  South  to  the 
older  dynasty  as  an  act  of  national  apostasy.     The  ten  tribes 
assumed  the  name  of  Israel,  and  for  a  long  time  tried  to 
reduce    the   petty   kingdom    of  Judah    to  subjection.     But 
Judah,  despite  its  insignificance  in  population  and  territory 
possessed    many  elements    of   strength.     Though   less   pure 
m  race  than  the  Ephraimites,  for  there    were   many  non- 
Israelite    clans  among    them,    the   Judseans    had   preserved 
many  of  the  simple  habits  of  the  patriarchs.     Shepherds 
rather  than  cultivators,  they  adhered  to  the  ancient  Jehovah 
worship  with  more  fidelity  than   the  Northern  tribes,  who 
had    adopted    the    occupation    and    many   of    the    religious 
practices  of  the   Canaanites.     Their  fidelity  to   the  House 
of   David   secured  them   from    revolution   and    gave    their 
government   a   stability    unknown   in    Israel.     As    a    rule 
their   princes   reigned    long    and    virtuously,    and  at   every 
crisis  their  people  raUied  to  them.     The  strength  of  Jerusalem 
as  a  fortress,  and  the  superiority  of  the  Temple  to  all  other 
sanctuaries,  was  of  great  assistance  in  preserving  Judah  intact 
as  was  the  regularity  of  its  priesthood,  which  seems  to  have 
been  confined  to  the  House  of  Levi  (2  Chron.  xi.  13),  and  to 
have  maintained  a  standard  superior  to  that  of  the  less  regular 
priesthoods   of   the  Northern  sanctuaries.     Insignificant  as 
the  kingdom  of  Judah  certainly  was  throughout  this  period, 
for  even  the  book  of  Kings,  though  written  from  a  strong 
Judjean  standpoint,  has  but  little  to  relate  concerning  it. 
It   displayed   remarkable  tenacity  in  adverse  circumstances,' 
and  shewed  itself  to  be  better  qualified  to  endure  calamity 
than  its  more  favoured  neighbour. 

Jeroboam  was   the   first    biblical   character   to   display   a  Jeroboam  and 
knowledge    of    statecraft.       He    perceived    that    the   great  tne" calves" 
danger   he   ran  was  a   reaction  in  favour  of  the  House  of  ^*  ^e^Hel  and 
David.     Once  let  the  people  go  to  Jerusalem  and  worship  at  ^^ 
the  Temple,  and  the  old  loyalty  to  David's  memory  would 
revive.      To  maintain  political  division,  Jeroboam  resolved 


I 


i  i 


Bethel 


22  2        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Dan 


to  sacrifice   religious  unity.       His   reasoning  was  certainly 

specious  : 

*'  And  Jeroboam  said  in  his  heart,  Now  shall  the  kingdom 
return  to  the  House  of  David  :  if  this  people  go  up  to  offer 
sacrifices  in  the  House  of  the  Lord  at  Jerusalem,  then  shall 
the  heart  of  this  people  turn  again  unto  their  lord,  even  unto 
Rehoboam  king  of  J  udah  ;  and  they  shall  kill  me,  and  return 
to  Rehoboam  king   of  Judah.     Whereupon   the  king   took 
counsel,   and  made  two  calves  of    gold  :    and   he  said  unto 
them.    It  is    too  much  for  you    to    go    up    to    Jerusalem ; 
behold  thy  gods,  0  Israel,  which  brought  thee  up  out  of  the 
land  of  Egypt.     And  he  set  the  one  in  Bethel,  and  the  other 
put  he  in  Dan.     And  this  thing  became  a  sin  :  for  the  people 
went  to  worship  before  the  one,  even  unto  Dan.     And  ho 
made  houses  of  high  places,  and  made  priests  from  among 
all  the  people,  which  were  not  of  the  sons  of  Levi.     And 
Jeroboam  ordained   a  feast    in    the    eighth   month,   on   the 
fifteenth  day  of   the  month,  like  unto  the  feast  that  is  in 
Judah,  and  he  went  up  unto  the  altar ;  so  did  he  in  Bethel, 
sacrificing  unto  the  calves  that  he  had  made :  and  he  placed 
in  Bethel  the  priests  of  the  high  places  which  he  had  made. 
And   he   went   up    unto   the   altar   which   he   had  made  in 
Bethel  on  the  fifteenth  day  in   the  eighth  month,  even  in 
the  month  which  he  had  devised  of  his  own  heart :   and  he 
ordained  a  feast  for  the  children  of  Israel,  and  went  up  unto 
the  altar  to  burn  incense"  (1  Kings  xii.  26-33). 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  this  is  the  Judaean  version 
of  the  cause  of  the  schism,  and  expresses  the  view  of  those 
who  had  witnessed  its  fatal  results. 

Jeroboam's  policy  was  a  specious  one.  Jerusalem  was 
not  an  ancient  Israelitish  sanctuary  like  Bethel  or  even 
Dan.  It  had  no  venerable  traditions  to  link  it  with  the 
past.  The  Temple  was  doubtless  built  at  the  cost  of  much 
suffering  and  oppression.  The  king  now  summoned  his 
people  to  worship  at  Bethel,  where  Abraham  had  built  an 
altar,  and  Jacob  had  seen  the  angels  of  God,  and  had 
anointed  a  pillar  in  the  name  of  the  God  of  Bethel. 

Hither  men  had  been  wont  to  bring  their  simple  offerings 
when  Saul  was  a  youth  sent  to  search  for  his  father's  asses 
(1    Sam.    X.    3).     Dan    possessed    a    hereditary    priesthood 


Disruption  of  Kingdom  and  Baal  Worship  223 

• 

tracing  its  descent  to  no  less  a  person  than  Moses.  Nor 
does  Jeroboam's  conduct  seem  to  have  been  regarded  as 
schismatical  by  the  prophets  of  the  JSTorthern  Kingdom. 
Ahijah  reproaches  him  with  idolatry :  "  Thou  hast,"  he  says 
in  the  name  of  Jehovah,  *'  gone  and  made  thee  other  gods, 
and  molten  images,  to  provoke  Me  to  anger,"  but  he  says 
nothing  of  the  rejection  of  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem  (1 
Kings  xiv.  9). 

Neither  Elijah  nor  Elisha  exhorted  the  Northern  kings  to 
worship  Jehovah  at  Jerusalem ;  and  Amos  and  Hosea,  whilst 
condemning  the  calf-worship  at  Bethel,  do  not  accuse  Israel 
of  being  in  a  state  of  schism.     The  account  of  the  mission  of 
the  unnamed  prophet  of  Judah  to  Jeroboam  is  said  to  be  of 
late  origin.     Its  author  is,  to  all  appearance,  ignorant  of  the 
name  alike  of  the  prophet  and  of  his  colleague  who  enter- 
tained  him,  and  further   he   alludes   to   the  desecration  of 
Bethel,  which  happened  at  the  close  of  the  seventh  century  B.C. 
It  may  be  permissible  therefore  to  infer  that  it  was  not  the 
erection    of    schismatic   temples    which    shocked   the    moral 
sense  of  the  age  of  Jeroboam.^     Nor  was  the  appointment 
of  a  non-Levitical  priesthood  regarded  as  a  serious  crime  at 
this    time,    for    the    Israelites,    though    they    preferred    the 
ministration   of  the   Levites,  had  long  been  accustomed   to 
men  of  every  tribe  acting  as  priests.     It  is  even  uncertain 
whether   the   calf- worship  was   really  abhorrent  to  the  con- 
sciences of  the  best  men  of  this  period,  though  it  is  exceed- 
ingly   dangerous    to    speak    dogmatically    on    this    intricate 
subject.^ 

The  revolution,  which  placed  Jeroboam  on  the  throne  of  Character 
Israel,  was  evidently  due  to  the  conservatism  of  the  Northern  °*^*^f 
tribes.  Politically  it  was  a  reaction  against  the  forced  labour 
and  similar  innovations,  and  it  seems  probable  that  its 
religious  importance  was  due  to  Solomon's  attempt  to  de- 
grade the  ancient  sanctuaries  by  centralising  the  cultus  at 
Jerusalem.  The  object  of  Jeroboam  in  erecting  temples  at 
Bethel  and  Dan,  was  to  secure  his  kingdom  by  rendering 
himself  popular  with  his  subjects.  It  is  inconceivable  that 
so  astute  a  politician  should  have  deliberately  provoked  the 
entire  prophetic  order  by  wantonly  introducing  innovations 
in  religion.     It  was  to  his  advantage  to  pose  as  the  champion 


Revolution 


224       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


ITie  dia- 

obedient 

prophet 


of  the  ancient  faith  of  Israel  in  contrast  with  the  Judsean 
monarchs.  The  choice  of  Bethel  and  Dan  is  a  sufficient 
proof  that  this  was  the  case. 

The  Israelites  did  not  therefore  regard  the  setting  up  of 
the  images  of  the  calves  as  an  act  of  apostasy,  but  rather  as 
a  return  to  the  faith  of  their  fathers.  That  images  were 
employed  in  the  Jehovah  worship  at  this  time  is  incontest- 
able. Even  so  loyal  a  servant  of  Jehovah  as  David  had 
teraphim  in  his  house.  Bulls,  cherubim  and  lions  adorned 
Solomon's  Temple  and  throne.  In  Israelitish  symbolism  the 
bull  was  the  special  representative  of  strength  and  power, 
the  attribute  of  Jehovah.  Both  Aaron  and  Jeroboam  are 
represented  as  declaring  that  the  image  they  caused  to  be 
made  was  the  God  who  brought  Israel  out  of  Egypt.  It 
must  have  been  zeal  for  Jehovah  which  led  both  to  erect 
bulls  (for  the  word  ''calf"  is  somewhat  misleading)  in  His 

honour. 

On  the  other  hand  the  bull-worship  never  seems  to  have 
extended  to  Judah.  It  was  also  opposed  by  the  priestly 
tribe  of  Levi,  which  is  said  to  have  avenged  the  sin  of  Israel 
in  the  days  of  the  Golden  Calf  by  slaughtering  its  wor- 
shippers; and,  according  to  the  Chronicler,  the  Levites  deserted 
the  Northern  tribes  when  Jeroboam  set  up  the  sanctuaries  at 
Bethel  and  Dan  (2  Chron.  xi.  13).  The  partiaUty  of  Israel 
for  this  form  of  worship  may  therefore  be  traceable  to  the 
influence  of  the  Canaanite  agriculturists,  whose  land  the 
Northern  tribes  had  occupied.  Judah  and  Levi,  on  the  other 
hand,  adhered  to  the  purer  traditions  of  remote  antiquity. 

When  Josiah  in  the  latter  part  of  the  seventh  century 
B.C.  was  engaged  in  desecrating  the  schismatic  temple  at 
Bethel,  he  asked  whose  monument  it  was  that  he  beheld  in 
the  mount.  "  And  the  men  of  the  city  told  him,  It  is  the 
sepulchre  of  the  man  of  God,  which  came  from  Judah,  and 
proclaimed  these  things  that  thou  hast  done  against  the  alUr 
of  Bethel"  (2  Kings  xxiii.  17).  The  story  related  of  the 
denunciation  of  Jeroboam  by  a  Judsean  prophet  rests  therefore 
on  an  old  tradition,  though  the  form  of  it  is  comparatively 
recent.  It  is,  however,  so  characteristic,  if  not  of  the  belief 
of  the  age  of  Jeroboam,  at  least  of  the  ideas  prevalent  in 
Josiah's  time,  as  to  merit  careful  attention. 


Disruption  of  Kingdom  and  Baal  Worship  22j- 

On  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  eighth  month,  which  Jeroboam 

had  chosen  for  the  celebration  of  the  feast  probably  observed 

n  Judah  a  month  earlier,  Jeroboam  was  offering^a  so  emt 

prophet  out  of  Judah  appeared  and  prophesied  that  a  day 
should  come  when  a  King  of  Judah,  Josiah  by  name,  should 
sacrifice  the  priests  of  the  high  places  on  this  ve/y  aC 
As  a  sign,  the  altar  should  be  rent  and  its  ashes  poured  out' 

JZ  T.'rf-  *u  T'  ''''  P— Pt-us  messenger  of 
Jehovah,  but  h.s  hand  withered,  so  that  he  could  nof  draw 
It  back,  and  the  altar  was  rent  before  his  eyes  At  ih^ 
request  of  the  prophet,  the  king's  hand  was  restored.  Jero! 
boam  begged  him  to  remain,  but  he  refused,  saying  that  he 
had  been  forbidden  to  eat  bread  in  Bethel  and  ordered  not 
to  return  by  the  way  by  which  he  had  come 

An  aged  prophet  who  dwelt  at  Bethel,  hearing  of  what 
had  occurred  and  that  the  Juda,an  prophet  was  returning  to 
his  tome  rode  after  him  and  begged  him  to  return  to  his 
house.  Whether  out  of  a  desire  to  shew  hospitality  to  a 
colleague,  or  out  of  malice,  the  old  prophet  declared  that  he 
had  received  a  message  from  Jehovah's  angel  commanding 
him  to  invite  the  Judsean  to  his  house.  As  they  sat  at  the 
table,  however,  the  spirit  of  Jehovah  came  upon  the  prophet 
of  Bethel,  and  compelled  him  to  deliver  a  message  of  doom 
to  his  guest : 

"Forasmuch  as  thou  hast  been  disobedient  unto  the  mouth 
of  the  Lord,  and  hast  not  kept  the  commandment  which  (lie 
Lord  thy  God  commanded  thee,  but  earnest  back,  and  hast 
eaten  bread  and  drunk  water  in  the  place  of  the  which  He 
said  to  thee.  Eat  no  bread  and  drink  no  water;  thy  carcase 
shall  not  come  unto  the  sepulchre  of  thy  fathers."  (1  Kings 
xiii.  zl,  2i2i.f 

On  his  way  home  the  prophet  was  slain  by  a  lion,  and  the 
passers-by  saw  that  the  lion  had  spared  the  ass  and  was 
standing  by  the  man's  carcase  without  devouring  it  The 
old  prophet  of  Bethel,  hearing  of  the  prodigy,  rode  to  the 
spot  and  found  that  what  had  been  reported  was  true  He 
took  up  the  body  and  buried  it  in  his  own  sepulchre,  adjuring 
bis  sons  to  lay  his  bones  beside  those  of  his  colleague  • 
For  the  saying  which  he  cried  by  the  word  of  the  Lord 


226       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


3 1 


Moral  diffi- 
culty in  story 


Jeroboam 
and  Aliijah 


Political  in- 
fluence of 
the  prophets 
in  Israel 


against  the  altar  in  Bethel,  and  against  all  ^^e  houses  of  the 
high  places  which  are  in  the  cities  of  Samaria,  shall  surely 

come  to  pass"  (1  Kings  xiii.  32).  ,.«.,„,._  j.^  those 

This  story  presents  a  considerable  moral  difficulty  to  those 
wh^coSr  that  the  death  of  the  disobedient  prophet  was 
Too  sev-e  a  penalty  for  his  offence  He  had  bee^.  gros^ 
deceived  by  the  old  prophet,  and  his  disregard  of  the  Divine 
command  was  iu  a  sense  excusable. 

But  such  considerations  would  hardly  appeal  to  an  Israeh  e 
nnder   the   old   dispensation.     He    would   not   attempt   to 

^ture  the  culpabky  of  ^^\r'^\Z^'%rS^^- 
iu^itice  of  his  doom.     The  man  had  disobeyed  Jehovah  a  com 
mfnd  and  tl>at  was  enough.     The  death  that  overtook  h.m 
wL  not  regarded  as  undeserved,  and  further  it  served  as  a 
IZZl  to  the  disobedient  king.     But  the  story  bears    o 
Tany  traces  of  a  lato  date,  that  it  is  hardly  necessary  to 
Ss  the  moral  difficulty  presented  by  the  event     The 
obTect  with  which  it  is  related  is  obviously  to  shew  that  the 
^rfphe^re't  to  foretell  the  destruction  of  ^h-Ha-f  Be  hel 
A' J  iT.  «.  «;firtlin2  and  miraculous  way,  and  that  nis  tomo 
t'l^eL^^lto  future  generations  that  his  pred.ct.on 

"^SoJ"^^^^^^^^^^^^^^        Fopl^ets  were  disappointed  in  Jeroboam 
is  seen  in  the  twice-told  tale  of  how  he  sent  his  wife  to  the 
a.  d  iSah  to  ask  if  his  child  should  recover  from  his  sick^ 
Zt     tL  queen  went  in  disguise,  with  ^-^^^^^^^^^^ 
cakes  and  raisins,  designed,  according  to  the  LXX    tor  the 
rieTs  children.     Ahijah,  though  blind,  -cogn.ed  h-  ^ 
once   and  foretold  that  the  child  should  die    and  that  the 
rhole  house  of  Jeroboam  should  be  utterly  ^^^^^^^^^^^^^        ^,,, 
Jeroboam  had   done,  he  said,  worse  than  all  that  were 
before  him  in  making  other  gods  and  graven  images,     l^ven 
•f  the  words  put  into  the  mouth  of  Ahijah  bear  evidence  o 
a  it  date,  the  fact  remains  that  Jeroboam  at  the  end  of  his 
rei^n  had  incurred  the  bitter  enmity  of  the  prophets 
"It  cannot  be  more  than  su^-ised  why  the  prophets  turn^^ 
against    Jeroboam.      The    sanctuaries    at    ^f}-^^^^^^^ 
anneared  more  sinful  to  the  later  teachers  of  the  Southern 
Sdom^^an  they  did  to  his  Northern  conte-po™^^^^^^^ 
may  even  have  supported  the  king's  rebgious  policy.        Jero 


Disruption  of  Kingdom  and  Baal  Worship   22 


7 


beam,  the  son  of  Nebat,  who  made  Israel  to  sin,"  is  posterity's 
verdict  of  his  reign.     It  seems  possible  that  the  prophets 
who  encouraged    him    to  rebel   against   Solomon,   expected 
him  to  act  under  their  direction,  and  were  disappointed  at 
finding  him  equally  worldly.     At  any  rate,  the  destruction 
of  his   dynasty   and    family  was   no   isolated   event  in   the 
blood-stained  annals  of  the  Northern  monarchy.     Here  the 
prophets  exercised  most  dangerous  political   power.     Three 
successive  dynasties-— those  of  Jeroboam,  Baasha,  and  Omri 
—perished  at  their  instigation,  and  in  every  case  the  family 
of  the  king  was  put  to  the  sword.     Such  things  occurred 
but    once    in    Judah,    where    prophets,    priests    and    people 
alike  were  loyal  to  the  House   of   David.     But  for  several 
generations  in  Israel  the  prophets  seem,  in  a  certain  degree, 
to  have  resembled  the  Zealots   of  a  later  age  in  being  so 
eager  to  secure  an  ideal  state  of  things,  as  to  be  regardless 
of  public  stability.     Great  and  good  men  were  numbered 
among  the  prophets  at  this  time,  but  the  existence  of  the 
order  was  long  a  menace  to  regular  government  in  Israel, 
and  to  the  revolutions  it  provoked  the  ruin  of  the  state  is  in 
part  traceable. 

One  event  occurred  early  in  Jeroboam's  reign,  to  which  only  SMshak 
a  passing  allusion  is  made  in  the  books  of  Kings  and  Chronicles  i^^vades 
in  connection  with  Jerusalem,  though  in  reality  it  affected  ^^®^^^^® 
the  Northern  as  well  as  the  Southern  Kingdom.     The  fact  that 
the  Sacred  History  makes  no  further  mention  of  the  invasion 
of  Palestine  by  Shishak,  King  of  Egypt,  than  to  relate  how  the 
treasury  of  the  Temple  and  palace  at  Jerusalem  were  de- 
spoiled and  that  Solomon's  golden  shields  were  removed,  is  a 
proof  that  the  Sacred  Authors  have  omitted  to  record  many 
important  historical  facts  as  not  bearing  on  their  subject. 
From  Shishak's  inscription  in  the  court  of  the  great  Temple 
of  Amen  at  Karnak,  it  appears  that  not  only  Judah  suffered 
from  this  invasion,  but  Israel  was  ravaged  as  far  as  the  Plain 
of  Esdraelon.     It  is  noteworthy  that  among  133  names  of 
places,  that  of  Jerusalem  does  not  occur.* 

Jeroboam  continued  his  building  operations  after  he  had 
become  king.  It  was  an  age  of  fortification,  and  the  first 
recorded  acts  of  his  reign  were  the  building  of  Shechem  in 
Mount  Ephraim,  and  of  Penuel  in  Gilead. 


228       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Nadab  Blain 
by  Baaslia 


History  of 
Judah 


Asa'a 

religioni 

reforms 


The  long  war  with  Judah,  which  lasted  during  the  reigns 
of  Jeroboam,  Nadab,  Baasha  and  Elah,  was  '"=^-  y^J"  °* 
sie-es  It  continued  without  intermission  during  the  twenty- 
two  yeara  Jeroboam  was  on  the  throne  of  Israel. 

Jeroboam  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Nadab  who  reigned, 
at  most  two  years,  and  was  slain,  whilst  besieging  a  place 
iToiethon,  by  Baasha  the  son  of  Ahijah      Baasha  pu 
to  death  the  entire  family  of  Jeroboam  "he  left  not,    says 
The   Sacred   History,    "one   that   breathed."      He   reigned 
twenty-four  years,  and,  like  Jeroboam    proved  ^capable  of 
satisfying  his  prophetic  supporters     Jehu,  the  son  of  Hanani, 
foretold  the  doom\f  his  house,  which  came  on  his  son  Elah. 
Zimri  slew    Elah   during  a  drunken  orgy  .'°  Tirzah,  and 
during  his  short  reign  of  seven  days,  exterminated  the  house 
of  Baasha.     An  avenger   appeared  in   Omn,   -^o    «d  ^he 
people  against  the  tyrant.     Zimri,  seeing  his  plight  to  be 
ropSess,%urned  him.self  in  his  palace,   and  Omri  entered 
upon  a  four  years'  struggle  for  the  throne,  with  Tibni,  the 
Ton  of  Ginath     Nothing  is  related  of  this,  save  its  conclusion 
"So  Tibni  died,  and  Omri  reigned."    His  accession  put  an  end 

*^;htlIn^ge'o?j1:^ih:1^ess  distracted  by  domestic 
discord,  had  but  little  peace.  It  was  too  weak  to  recover 
that  Pehoboam's  folly  had  lost,  but  strong  enough  to  resist 
Ittempts  on  the  part  of  the  Ten  Tribes  o  reduce  it  to 
subjection.  More  fortunate  than  the  sster  kingdom  Judah 
was  lone  under  the  rule  of  a  monarch  of  high  character. 

Rehoboam  and  Abijah  were  succeeded  by  Asa  who  is  sa,d 
to  have  commenced  his  reign  by  a  religious  purification  of  h  s 
kingdom.     According  to  the  Chronicler,  he  was  mc.ted  to 
make  reforms  by  the  prophet  Azariah    the  son  of  Oded 
Tfter  the  victory  of  his  army  over  Zerah  the  Ethiopian,  who 
h^d  invaded  Judah  with  a  million  men  and  three  hundred 
chariots  (2  Chron.  xiv.  9-15).»     Nothing  is  said  of  this  m 
the  book  of  Kings,  except  that  Asa  drove  out  the  vilest 
the  votaries  of  Canaanitish  worship,  and  removed  the  idols 
Ss  fathers  had  made.    He  also  deposed  Maachah,  the  queen 
mother,  for  making  an  image  and  an  Asherab,  which  he  bu  nt 
at  the  brook  Kidron.     "  But,"  adds  this  writer,     the  high 
places  were  not  taken  away. 


Disruption  of  Kingdom  and  Baal  Worship   229 

The  religious  state  of  the  people  is  only  revealed  by  such 
brief  notices  as  these,  so  it  is  iiarclly  possible  to  speak  very 
definitely  on  this  subject.     They  are  the  judgments  of  men 
who  believed  that  only  one  place  could  properly  exist  for  the 
sacrificial  worship  of  Jehovah,  and  that  all  other  sanctuaries 
were  illegal.     But  in  the  tenth  and  ninth  centuries  this  was 
not  the  case ;  the  laws  of  worship  were  vague  and  ill  defined, 
and  differed  in  the  various  localities.    So  little  is  known,  that 
the  most  opposite  theories  are  maintained  as  to  the  nature  of 
the  Jehovah  worship.     All  that  can  be  said,  with  certainty, 
is  that  all  the  Israelites  considered  themselves  to  be  His 
people.     They  worshipped  Him  as  their  national  God  in  every 
spot  considered  suitable  for  the  erection  of  an  altar.     Trees 
and  wells  were  regarded  as  tokens  of  His  presence,  but  the 
mountain  top  was  thought  to  be  especially  favoured  by  Him. 
On  the  "high   place,"  as  it  was  styled,  rude  altars  were 
made  of  unhewn  stones  or  earth,  and  sacrifices  offered  upon 
them.     In  some  cases  a  tree  overshadowed  the  altar,  or  a 
sacred  pole  was  set  up  beside  it  in  the  absence  of  palm  or 
terebinth.    This  was  called  the  Asherah.     Sacred  stones  were 
highly  honoured,  pillars  were  set  up,  and  oil  was  poured  upon 
them.      This   worship  connected    with    natural  objects  was 
probably    copied    from    the    Canaanite    observances.      It  is 
certainly  represented  as  sanctioned  by  the  examples  of  the 
patriarchs  of  the  nation.    Abraham,  Isaac  and  Jacob  observed 
the  same  rites,  and  the  most  sacred  spots  were  connected 
with  their  doings.     Shechem,  the  mountain  between  Bethel 
and  Ai,  the  terebinths  of  Mamre,  near  to  Hebron,  Beersheba, 
Penuel  and  Mahanaim,  had  all  traditional  claims  to  honour 
because   of   their  associations   with   these   venerable  names. 
Perhaps  the  best  means  of  discovering  what  was  considered 
the  proper  worship  of  Jehovah  at  this  age  is  to  be  found  in 
the  description  of  the  patriarchal  rites  in  the  book  of  Genesis. 
But  the  less  innocent  side  to  the  worship  at  these  natural 
sanctuaries  revealed   itself  when    the    Israelites    under    the 
kings  began  to  assimilate  themselves  more  and  more  to  the 
surrounding  nations.     They  did  not  forsake  Jehovah  in  the 
sense   of  abandoning   His   worship  :    when   the  idea  that  a 
nation  and  its  God  were  indissoliibly  united  was  universally 
prevalent,   such    an    action   would   he  almost  inconceivable. 

u 


230       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Popular  view 
of  Jehovali 


Cruelty  of 
Canaanite 
worsliip 


But  when  they  began  to  imitate  other  nations  in  the  arts  of 
life,  the  Israelites  shewed  a  disposition  to  copy  them  in 
religious  practices  also.  It  has  been  maintained  that  many 
innocent  and  salutary  religious  customs  in  Israel  (like  the 
vintage  festival,  and  even  prophetism)  were  of  Canaanite 
origin,  but  it  was  impossible  to  come  into  contact  with  the 
nature  worship  of  Palestine  and  not  be  influenced  by  its 
polytheism,  its  cruelty  and  its  impurity. 

The  early  Hebrews  had  no  genius  for  theology.  They 
accepted  Jehovah  as  their  God  without  indulging  in  many 
speculations  as  to  His  nature.  Even  if  they  believed  that  it 
was  not  lawful  for  them  to  worship  any  God  besides  Him,  this 
did  not  mean  that  they  denied  the  existence  of  other  deities. 
On  the  contrary,  they  sometimes  acknowledged  that  the  gods 
of  the  heathen  were  allowed  to  exercise  real  power  over  the 
nations  whose  destinies  were  entrusted  to  their  care.  Chemosh 
the  god  of  Moab  had  given  his  people  their  territory,  just  as 
Jehovah  had  given  the  Israelites  their  land  (Judges  xi.  24). 
The  local  Baals  gave  the  husbandman  the  fruit  of  the  soil, 
and  taught  him  the  art  of  cultivation  (Hosea  ii.  5  ;  Isa. 
xxviii.  26.) 

Every  town  occupied  by  the  Israelites  had  its  peculiar  deity, 
who  was  degraded  but  not  annihilated  when  Jehovah's  people 
occupied  his  territory.  So  closely  moreover  were  nations 
identified  with  their  gods,  that  alliance  with  them  implied  a 
recognition  of  their  presiding  deities.  It  was  natural,  there- 
fore, that  the  Israelites  should  be  influenced  by  polytheistic 
ideas,  and  occasionally  seek  to  propitiate  the  favour  of  other 
gods  besides  their  own. 

The  Semites  as  well  as  the  Phoenicians  were  all  addicted 
to  human  sacrifices,  nor  were  the  ancient  Hebrews  entirely 
exempt  from  such  practices.  The  devotion  (cherem)  of  an 
enemy  to  Jehovah  for  destruction,  the  slaying  of  a  conquered 
king  "  before  the  Lord "  in  the  case  of  Agag  ;  the  hanging 
up  of  victims  "  before  the  Lord  "  when  Saul's  sons  were  made 
to  atone  for  their  father's  slaughter  of  the  Gibeonites,  as  well 
as  the  substitution  of  cattle  for  the  first-born  sons,  are  indica- 
tions that  in  early  days  the  sacrifice  of  men  was  considered 
acceptable  in  the  eyes  of  Jehovah.  Down  to  a  very  late 
period  it  required  all  the  influence  of  the  great  prophets  to 


Disruption  of  Kingdom  and  Baal  Worship   23 


prevent  the  oflfering  of  children  to  Moloch  or  even  to  Jehovah 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  Israelites  followed 
the  example  of  the  neighbouring  nations  in  this  respect  with 
far  more  readiness  than  the  general  excellence  of  their  religion 
might  lead  one  to  suppose  would  be  the  case.^ 

The  impurity  of  many  of  the  religions  of  Canaan  and  Impurity 
Phoenicia  was  not  less  than  their  cruelty,  as  the  Hebrew 
word  employed  to  designate  those  who  abandon  themselves 
to  the  practice  of  various  abominations  implies.  They  were 
called  "  devotee  "  to  signify  that  they  acted  in  the  service  of 
their  gods.  The  Hebrew  prophets  fully  recognised  the  great- 
ness of  the  national  danger  of  yielding  to  the  seductions  of 
this  dreadful  form  of  superstition. 

The  foregoing  observations  are  perhaps  sufficient  to  explain  Toleration 
the  toleration  of  the  **  high  places"  by  devout  kings  and  of  liigii places 
prophets.  It  was  not  against  old  customs,  but  against  the 
attempt  to  conform  the  worship  of  Jehovah  to  the  heathen 
beliefs  and  observances,  that  they  strove.  Asa  and  his  ad- 
visers were  trying  to  stem  the  tide  which  from  the  age  of 
Solomon  had  been  setting  in  favour  of  foreign  religious  obser- 
vances, and  which  was  destined  to  reach  its  height  at  a  later 
time.  It  is  not  just  to  say  of  this  king  that  he  was  a  mere 
ritual  reformer,  for  the  question  of  public  morality  was  always 
involved  in  attempts  to  harmonise  Hebrew  and  Canaanite 
ideas. ^  The  religion  of  Jehovah  always  taught  a  lofty  if 
narrow  morality,  whilst  the  nature-worship  of  the  Canaanite 
fostered  and  encouraged  some  of  the  foulest  acts  of  brutality 
and  vice. 

Circumstances,  however,  drove  Asa  into  an  act  which  the   Syrians  hired 
Chronicler  rightly  denounces  as  a  serious  crime.     When  hard  ^y  ^^^ 
pressed  by  Baasha,  who  by  fortifying  Ramah  had  prevented 
Judah  from  holding  any  communication  with  the  North,  Asa 
despatched  an  embassy  to  Ben-hadad,  son  of  Tab-rimmon,  son  of 
Hezion,  King  of  Damascus,  and  persuaded  him  to  declare  war 
against  Baasha.     Thus  the  Syrians  were  called  in  to  interfere 
in  the  civil  war  between  Israel  and  Judah,  a  policy  fatal  to 
the  strength  of  both  kingdoms  ("1  Kings  xv.  19  ;  2  Chron.  xvi. 
1-6).       Ben-hadad  devastated   the  whole  of  the  north-west 
of  Israel,  "Ijon  and  Dan  and  Abel-beth-Maachah,  and  all 
Chinneroth,  with  all  the  land  of  Naphtali."     Baasha  was  com- 


.1 


i'i 


Omri 


thern 

.::l?ts 


232        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


pelled  to  desist  from  molesting  Judah,  and  Asa  destroyed 
Ramah,  and  raising  a  general  levy  throughout  his  kingdom, 
built  Geba  of  Benjamin  and  Mizpeh.  So  severely  had  Baasha 
oppressed  Judah,  that  Asa  (as  is  incidentally  mentioned  in 
the  book  of  Jeremiah)  made  pits  to  conceal  his  men  at  the 
time  of  the  Israelitish  invasion  of  Judah  (Jer.  xli.  9).  This 
pai-tially  justified  his  action  in  inviting  the  assistance  of  the 
Syrians,  the  results  of  which  were  so  disastrous. 

The   accession    of   the  House   of   Omri  is  an  important 
turning-point  in  the  history  of  both  kingdoms.     It  is  marked 
by    the   cessation  of  hostilities  between  Israel  and  Judah  ; 
the  long  war  with  Syria,  with  all  its  varying  fortunes  ;  the 
subjugation  and  revolt  of  the  Moabites;  the  introduction  of 
the  w'orship  of  the  Sidonian  Baal,  and  the  energetic  protest 
of  the  prophets   of  Jehovah  headed  by  Elijah,  which   cul- 
minated in  the  total  destruction  of  the  entire  family.     The 
four  sovereigns  of  this  dynasty  were  Omri,  Ahab,  Ahaziah 
and  Jehoram.     The  verdict  on  these  princes  in   that   part 
of  the  book  of  Kings  in  which  their  reigns  are  summarised 
is    extremely   unfavourable;   Omri  is   said   to    have   "done 
wickedly  above  all  that  were  before  him  " ;  Ahab  to  have 
done    more    "to    provoke    the   Lord    the   God   of   Israel   to 
anger"  than  all  his  predecessors.      But  even  in  the  hostile 
narratives  in  the  Kings  it  is  evident  that  these   monarchs 
were  men  of  courage  and  ability,  who  did  much  to  preserve 
their    country    in    times   of   great    difficulty,   and    that    the 
overthrow  of  their  dynasty  was  a  national  calamity. 

The  partiality  shewn  by  Omri's  descendants  for  the 
worship  of  Baal  evoked  a  great  display  of  prophetic  zeal, 
and  was  the  cause  of  the  grand  career  of  Elijah,  the  greatest 
and  boldest  of  all  the  prophets  of  Israel.  Hitherto,  from 
the  scanty  information  given  concerning  the  Northern 
prophets,  it  is  difficult  not  to  condemn  their  acts.  To 
foretell  the  overthrow  of  a  dynasty  was  to  provoke  rebellion, 
and  to  prophesy  that  every  member  of  it  should  be  exter- 
minated was  to  excite  the  fierce  passions  of  a  wild  age. 
The  murders  of  Nadab  and  Elah  brought  no  benefit  to 
Israel,  but  only  tended  to  increase  disorder  by  making  the 
crown  the  prize  for  any  military  adventurer  to  grasp  at. 
Though  the  prophets  were  actuated  by  loyalty  to  Jehovah, 


Disruption  of  Kingdom  and  Baal  Worship  233 

we  hear  nothing  of  any  attempt  to  reform  the  people  save 
by  revolution.  With  the  dynasty  of  Omri,  however,  prophecy 
entered  upon  a  nobler  career.  The  prophets  began  to  con- 
tend for  more  definite  principles.  By  opposing  all  attempts 
to  introduce  foreign  deities  and  customs,  they  prepared  the 
way  for  the  great  teachers  of  righteousness  of  the  succeeding 
age. 

Nothing  is  related  of  the  reign  of  Omri,  save  that  he  Samaria  built 
reigned  over  Israel  for  twelve  years,  during  six  of  which 
he  made  his  capital  at  Tirzah.  He  then  acquired  a  hill 
belonging  to  a  certain  Shemer  for  two  talents  of  silver,  and 
built  a  city  called  after  the  former  owner  of  the  hill, 
Shomeron  or  Samaria.  The  new  city,  which  gave  its  name  in 
after  days  to  the  surrounding  district,  lay  to  the  north-west 
of  Mount  Ebal,  a  few  miles  distant  from  the  ancient  Shechem. 
It  became  to  the  Northern  Kingdom  what  Jerusalem  was 
to  the  Southern — the  city  on  which  all  the  hopes  of  the  land 
were  centred  ;  there  was,  however,  this  important  difference, 
that  whereas  with  the  fall  of  Samaria  the  Israelite  confedera- 
tion was  ruined,  the  sacks  and  destruction  of  Jei'usalem 
only  strengthened  the  bond  of  nationality  amongst  the 
Judseans. 

Very  little  is  said  about  Omri  in  the  Old  Testament,  Greatness  of 
yet  he  was  evidently  a  very  great  monarch.  For  genera-  ^°^ 
tions,  even  for  centuries,  his  name  was  used  as  almost 
synonymous  with  the  Northern  Kingdom.  Samaiia  is 
styled  in  Assyrian  inscriptions  the  "  House  of  Omri " ; 
Jehu,  though  he  overthrew  the  dynasty,  is  described  as  the 
"son  of  Omri"  on  the  black  obelisk  of  Shalmaneser ;  Micah, 
the  Judsean  prophet,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  eighth 
century  B.C.,  alludes  to  the  sins  of  his  House  as  the  "  statutes 
of  Omri."  It  has  been  supposed  that  his  reign  was  longer 
than  is  implied  in  the  book  of  Kings,  and  that  the  reign 
of  his  predecessor,  Baasha,  did  not  really  extend  over  twenty- 
four  years.^  At  any  rate,  Omri  made  a  profound  impression 
on  his  age  and  country  as  one  of  its  ablest  rulers.  He 
seems  to  have  had  the  sagacity  to  recognise  the  impossibility 
of  conquering  Judah,  and  to  have  stopped  the  fratricidal 
strife  between  the  two  Hebrew  nations.  Judah  readily 
accepted  the  situation  of  an  independent  but  inferior  state. 


134       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


II  ■  H 

if         War  with 
Moab 


War  With 
Syria 


and  co-operated  with  Israel  against  Moab  and  Syria.  The 
family  of  David  subsequently  allied  itself,  by  marriage, 
with  that  of  Ouiri,  and  the  relations  of  Israel  and  Judah 
seem  to  have  been  friendly  as  long  as  the  dynasty  of  Omri 
lasted.  This  could  not  fail  to  have  been  politically  advan- 
tageous to  both  kingdoms,  had  it  not  been  that  both  were 
led  into  the  guilt  of  most  serious  apostasy,  by  the  malign 
influence  of  Omri's  daughter-in-law  Jezebel. 

Omri  evidently  tried  to  imitate  the  policy  of  David  and 
Solomon.  The  Phoenician  alliance  was  renewed,  and  Omn's 
son  Ahab  married  the  daughter  of  Ethbaal,  king  of  the 
Zidonians.  The  influence  of  the  superior  civilisation  of 
Phoenicia  was  again  felt  in  Israel.  Building  operations 
were  carried  on  once  more.  Samaria,  Jericho  and  Jezreel 
all  rose  to  importance  under  Omri  and  his  son.  The  ivory 
palace  of  Ahab  recalled  the  memory  of  Solomon's  edifices 
and  the  great  Temple  of  Baal  at  Samaria  shewed  the  fatal 
nature  of    the   attraction  of   the    idolatry    of    Israel's   new 

allies. 

But  perhaps  Omri's  greatest  exploit  was  the  subjugation 
of  Moab.  The  opening  words  on  the  Moabite  Stone  record 
how  successful  this  king  was  as  a  warrior.  It  seems  that 
during  the  trouble  which  followed  the  disruption  of  the 
Hebrew  kingdoms,  Moab  had  managed  to  establish  an  inde- 
pendent monarchy.  Chemosh-melech  reigned  for  thirty 
years  and  Omri  seems  to  have  deprived  him  of  all  the 
debatable  land  which  had  belonged,  first  to  Moab,  then 
to  Sihon,  and  afterwards  to  the  tribe  of  Reuben.  Mesha, 
the  next  King  of  Moab,  was  compelled  to  pay  a  tribute 
consisting  of  sheep  and  their  wool  to  the  King  of  Israel  m 
acknowledgment  of  his  supremacy— a  condition  of  things 
which  lasted  throughout  the  whole,  or  at  least  part,  of  the 

reign  of  Ahab. 

Omri  was  less  successful  with  the  Syrians.  From  a  hint 
dropped  in  the  book  of  Kings  it  appears  that  the  King 
of  Syria  took  some  of  his  cities,  and  compelled  Omri  to 
give  him  a  quarter  in  his  new  city  of  Samaria.  But  the 
subject  of  the  relations  of  Syria  to  Israel  in  this  reign 
is  a  difficult  one,  for  Omri's  undoubted  fame  as  a  soldier 
and  as  a  king  makes  it  hard  to  believe  that  he    was   a 


Disruption  of  Kingdom  and  Baal  Worship  235 

vassal  of  the  Syrians,  even  though  he  sustained  a  defeat 
at  their  hands.  He  may  merely  have  made  a  disadvan- 
tageous peace,  whilst  retaining  his  independence. 

Omri  was  succeeded  by  Ahab,  of  whom  more  is  related  in  Ahab 
the  book  of  Kings  than  any  king  after  Solomon.  He  is  the 
only  King  of  Israel  whose  character  is  really  known.  He 
appears  at  one  time  at  his  best,  at  another  at  his  worst.  He 
IS  the  exact  opposite  of  David,  being  a  bad  man  with  several 
good  qualities,  whereas  in  David  real  goodness  was  obscured 
by  many  serious  failings.  But  Ahab  is  not  the  leading  figure 
m  the  sacred  story.  He  falls  into  the  background  to  make 
room  for  the  real  combatants,  his  wife  Jezebel  and  the 
prophet  Elijah. 

There  is  evidence  that  two  narratives  are  introduced  into 
the  concluding  portion  of  1  Kings.  One  of  these  tells  the 
story  of  Elijah,  and  its  interests  are  mainly  religious  j  the 
other  relates  the  reign  of  Ahab  from  a  somewhat  more 
political  standpoint.  In  the  account  of  Elijah  the  writer  is 
evidently  hostile  to  Ahab,  whilst  in  the  other  Ahab  is  more 
favourably  described.  In  both  cases  it  is  easy  to  recognise 
the  same  king.  Ahab's  character  abounds  in  inconsistencies, 
and  is  for  this  reason  eminently  natural. 

The  story  of  Elijah  is  perhaps  the  finest  piece  of  Hebrew 
prose    writing   in    the    Old    Testament.      It    is    thoroughly 
dramatic,  nowhere  more  so  than  when  Elijah  himself  first 
appears  on  the  scene.     Ahab  had  done  worse  than  all  the 
kings  of  Israel.     He  had  married  Jezebel,  and  had  given  up 
Jehovah  for  Baal.     He  built  a  temple  in  his  honour  in 
Samaria,  and  reared  up  an  altar  for  Baal.    He  did  "  yet  more 
to  provoke  the  Lord  the  God  of  Israel,  to  anger,  than  all  the 
kings  of  Israel  before  him."     So  great  was  the  wickedness 
of  the  age,  that  even  Joshua's  curse  against  the  rebuilder  of 
Jericho  was  disregarded.      Hiel,  a  Bethelite,  presumed  to 
refound  the  cursed  city.     But  Joshua's  words  came  true. 
Hiel    lost    his    first-born    son    Abiram    when    he    laid    the 
foundations,  and  his  youngest  son  Segub  when  he  set  up 
the  gates  (1  Kings  xvi.  34). 

After  this  recital  of  these  sins  of  the  age,  Elijah  appears  Appearance 
without  warning  and  foretells  the  three  years'  famine  as  o^Elijali 
a  punishment  for  Israel's  sin.     The   well-known   story   of 


4 


Jezebel 


■    * 


236        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

^iiis^contest^ith  Ahab  may  be  recapitulated  in  a  fe^ 
sentences,  for  no  paraphrase  can  do  justice  to  the  biblical 

*"  eSu    came   from    Gilead.     It   is    remarkable   that   the 
advocates  of  the  pure  worship  of  Jehovah  were  m  almost 
every  case  those  Israelites  whose  circumstances  most  resembled 
the  nomad  conditions  under  which  the  ancient  Hebrews  had 
lived      It  was  the  civilised  Israelites  who  were  in  danger  of 
apostasy  ;  the  wild  shepherds  of  Judah  and  Gilead,  and  the 
Kechabites  who  refused  to  till  the  soil,  were  the  champions  of 
Jehovah.     Elijah  was  the  representative  of  primitive  Israel, 
not  of  the  luxurious  people  who  dwelt  in  the  fertile  vall^s 
of  Ephraim,  but  of  the  ancient  wanderers  of  the  desert.     He 
appears  and  disappears  with  startling  suddenness,  and  always 
alone.      From  the  description  given  to  the  sick  king,     an 
hairy  man,  and  girt  with  a  girdle  of  leather  about  his  loins, 
Elijah  is  instantly  recognised.     Few  utterances  of  the  prophet 
are  recorded,  but  these  are  stern  and  incisive,  well  befitting 
his  wild  appearance  and  uncompromising  loyalty  to  his  God 
No  prophet,  it  may  almost  be  said  no  character  in  the  Old 
Testament,  has  made  such  an  impression  upon  posterity  as  he. 
To  this  day  the  Jews  and  Arabs  believe  that  his  spirit  haunts 
the  earth,  and  that  he  appears  at  times  as  he  did  when  he 

rebuked  Ahab.*  „  .     ^i     t     j  »i.„ 

The  first  recorded  words  of  Elijah  are  :      As  the  Lord  the 
God  of  Israel  liveth,  before  whom  I  stand,  there  shall  not  be 
dew  nor  rain  these  years,  but  according  to  my  word.       He 
claimed  and  exercised  the  power  of  withholdmg  the  ram  till 
Israel  should  have  repented.     His  words  were  a  declaration 
of  war  against  Jezebel,  and  the  proud  queen  was  ready  to 
take  up   the    challenge.     A    massacre   of   the   prophets   0 
Jehovah  was  her  answer.     Ahab  himself  was  in  a  difficult 
position.     As  an  Israelite  he  worshipped  Jehovah,  and  in  a 
way  desired  to  serve  Him.     His  sons  bore  the  sacred  name 
Ahaziah  (Jehovah  is  strong),  Jehoram  {Jehovah  is  exalted). 
His  vizier  was  especially  devoted  to  the  national  woi^hip, 
as  his  name.  Obadiah  (servant  of  Jehovah),  testifies.     AV  hen 
the  prophetic  order  was  proscribed,  Obadiah,  without  losing 
Ahab's    favour,    saved    the    Uves    of    a    hundred    Fopl^ets. 
At    the    same    time    Ahab    did    not    wish    to    offend    his 


Disruption  of  Kingdom  and  Baal  Worship  237 

wife,   nor  to   lose   the  advantages  of  the  Phoenician  trade. 

Jezebel,  no  doubt,  looked  on  the  Israelites  as  a  barbarous 

people,    and    could    not    brook    opposition    to   the    worship 

of  the  mighty  Melkarth,  the  god   of  wealthy  and  civilised 

Tyre.      Ahab,  like  many  Jews  in  the  later  Greek  period, 

seems  to  have    thought   that  the  service  of  Jehovah  was 

not  incompatible  with  conformity  to  heathen  customs.     He 

desired  peace:  his  policy  was  one  of  "Live  and  let  live." 

To  him  Elijah,  the  advocate  of  uncompromising  principles, 

was  a  "  troubler  of  Israel."     He  tried  to  seize  the  prophet,   Elijali  escapes 

and  sent  to  every  kingdom  to  search  for  him.     Elijah  eluded  ^^^^  ^^^ 

pursuit ;  so  mysteriously  did  he  appear  and  disappear,  that  it 

was  believed  that  the  spirit  of  God  removed  him  from  place 

to  place.      During  his  wanderings  he  dwelt  by  the  brook 

Cherith,  where  he  was  miraculously  fed  by  ravens,  or  by  the 

wandering  Arabs.     Then  he  sought  refuge  in  the  very  country 

from  which  Jezebel  had  come,  at  "  Zarephath  which  belongeth 

to  Zidon  "  (1  Kings  xvii.  10).     His  sojourn  with  the  widow 

woman,  who,  heathen    as    she    was,   was    ready   to   extend 

hospitality  to  the  champion  of  Jehovah ;  how  he  caused  her 

barrel  of  meal  and  her  cruse  of  oil  never  to  fail  as  long  as 

the  famine  lasted,  and  raised  her  son  from  the  dead,  are 

beautiful  episodes  in  his  wild  and  solitary  life. 

In  the  third  year  of  the  famine  Ahab  and  Obadiah  seek  The  sacrifice 
for  grass  to  save  the  horses  and  mules,  and  Elijah  reveals  on  Carmel 
himself  to  Obadiah.  The  faithful  servant  of  Jehovah  falls 
on  his  knees  before  the  prophet,  and  beg^  him  to  excuse  him 
from  delivering  his  message  to  Ahab — "  Behold,  Elijah  is 
here."  He  fears  that  the  spirit  of  Jehovah  will  bear  the 
prophet  away,  and  that  Ahab  will  slay  him  for  being  the 
bearer  of  false  news.  But  Elijah  reassures  him  :  "  As  the 
Lord  of  hosts  liveth,  before  whom  I  stand,  I  will  surely 
shew  myself  unto  him  to-day."  Ahab  and  Elijah  meet,  and 
the  prophet  commands  the  king  to  assemble  all  the  pro- 
phets of  Baal  to  Mount  Carmel.  A  great  national  assembly 
is  held.  Elijah  exhorts  the  people  to  be  more  consistent. 
He  places  before  them  the  alternative,  Jehovah  or  Baal. 
"How  long,"  he  exclaims,  ''halt  ye  between  two  opinions? 
If  Jehovah  be  God,  follow  Him ;  but  if  Baal,  then  follow 
him"  (1    Kings    xviii.    21).      He    proposes  an  ordeal   by 


238        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Slaughter 
of  Baal's 
prophets 


fire.  Let  each  side  erect  an  altar :  Elijah  to  Jehovah,  and 
the  prophets  of  Baal  another  to  their  god.  Let  a  bullock 
be  placed  on  each  altar,  and  let  the  God  who  answers  by 
fire  be  accepted.     The  test  is  declared  by  the  people  to  be 

a  fair  one. 

Then    follows    the    contrast    between    the    unreasoning 
fanaticism  of  a  false,  and  the  calmness  of  a  true  faith .     The 
prophets  of  Baal,  from  morning  till  noon,  cry  aloud  to  their 
god,  "  O  Baal,  answer,"  leaping  in  wild  frenzy  on  the  altar 
they  had  made.     When  Elijah  taunts  their  fruitless  labour, 
they  make  fresh  efforts  to  attract  Baal's  favour  by  gashing 
themselves  with  swords  and  knives  till  their  bodies  stream 
with  blood.     At  last,  as  the  hour  of  the  minchah  or  evening 
oblation  drew  near,  Elijah  calls  the  people  to  him,  and  with 
twelve  stones  repairs  the  ruined  altar  of  Jehovah,  around  it 
a  trench  is  made,  and    when    the    bullock    has    been  duly 
divided  and  laid  on  the  wood,  water  is  poured  on  the  altar 
till  the  trench  around  is  full     When  the  time  of  the  even- 
ing sacrifice  was  come,  Elijah  prays  Jehovah  to  hear  him  : — 
°"  O  Lord,  the  God  of  Abraham,  of  Isaac,  and  of  Israel, 
let  it  be  known  this  day  that  Thou  art  God  in  Israel,  and 
that  I  am  Thy  servant,  and  that  I  have  done  all  these  things 
at  Thy  word.     Hear  me,  O  Lord,  hear  me,  that  this  people 
may  know  that  Thou,  Lord,  art  God,  and  that  Thou  hast 
turned  their  heart  back  again.     Then  the  fire  of  the  Lord 
fell,  and  consumed   the  burnt-oflering,  and  the  wood,  and 
the  stones,  and  the  dust,  and  licked  up  the  water  that  was 
in  the  trench.     And  when  all  the  people  saw  it,  they  fell  on 
their  faces  :  and  they  said,  The  Lord,  He  is  God ;  the  Lord, 
He  is  God  1"  (1  Kings  xviii.  36-39). 

By  Elijah's  command  the  prophets  of  Baal  are  slain  on 
the  banks  of  the  Kishon,  and  he  himself  once  more  ascends 
Carmel  with  his  servant,  and  prays.  Seven  times  did  the 
lad  look  seaward,  and  at  last  saw  the  little  cloud,  no  bigger 
than  a  man's  hand,  which  proclaimed  the  coming  of  the  long- 
wished-for  rain. 

Ahab  hastens  to  Jezreel  in  his  chariot,  to  avoid  the  im- 
pending storm,  and  Elijah,  full  of  the  spirit  of  Jehovah,  runs 
before  him  to  the  entrance  of  Jezreel.  Ahab  tells  Jezebel 
how  the  prophets  of  her  god  had  been  slain  and  she  vows 


I 


Disruption  of  Kingdom  and  Baal  Worship   239 

vengeance  against  Elijah.      Again  he  becomes  a  fugitive  and 
traverses    the   kingdom  of    Judah.      A    day's  journey  from  Elijah  goes 
Beersheba,  in  the  sohtude  of  the  desert,  the  prophet  prays  *o  ^^reb 
God  to  take  away  his   life.     An  angel    comforts    him  and 
feeds  him,  and  for  forty  days  and  forty  nights  he  is  said  to 
have  been  sustained  by  this  food  miraculously  supplied      He 
comes  to  Horeb,  the  Mount  of  God,  and  like  Moses  takes 
refuge  in  a  cave  or  cleft  of  the  rock.     There  he  receives  a 
vision  of  God.     The  wind,  the  earthquake  and  the  fire  follow 
one  another,  but  Jehovah  was  not  in  them.     He  comes  to 
Elijah  in  "a  sound  of  gentle  stillness,"  and  gives  the  prophet 
charge  to  anoint    three  persons  who  between    them  would 
punish  Israel  for  its  apostasy  and  restore  the  true  worship 
These  were  Hazael,  the  future  King  of  Syria ;  Jehu  the  son 
of  Nimshi,  the  destroyer  of  the  House  of  Ahab ;  and  Elisha 
the^son  of  Shaphat  of  Abel-meholah,  the  successor  of  Elijah. 
"  And  it  shall  come  to  pass,  that  him  that  escapeth  from 
the  sword  of  Hazael  shall  Jehu  slay  :  and  him  that  escapeth 
from  the  sword  of  Jehu  shall  Elisha  slay.     Yet  will  I  leave 
me  seven  thousand  in  Israel,  all  the  knees  which  have  not 
bowed  unto  Baal,  and  every  mouth  which  hath  not  kissed 
him."     (1  Kings  xix.  17,  18.) 

Only  one  of  these  commissions  was  actually  fulfilled  by   Anointing  of 
Jilijah.     He  found  Elisha  at  the  plough,  possibly  in   com-  Elisha 
pany  with  eleven  others,  for  in  that  warlike  age  no  man  dare 
plough  alone.     As  the  prophet  passed  his  future  successor 
he  cast  his  garment  on  him.     Elisha  recognised  the  call,  but 
begged  Elijah  for  leave  to  bid  farewell  to  father  and  mother. 
But  the  call  was  too  pressing  to  be  accepted  in  such  a  spirit 
and  Elijah  sternly  told  him,  "  Go  back,  for  what  have  I  done 
to  thee  ]  "     Elisha  returned,  but  only  to  sacrifice  his  oxen 
and  give  their  flesh  to  the  assembled  people.     Then  he  arose 
and  followed  Elijah  as  his  minister  (1  Kings  xix.  19-21). 

In  this  way  the  great  reaction  against  the  Baal  worship 
in  Israel  began.  Ahab  was  evidently  half  convinced  that 
Jehovah  was  indeed  the  God  of  Israel,  for  he  consulted  the 
prophets,  and  was  on  good  terms  with  Jehoshaphat  the 
pious  King  of  Judah.  The  real  enemy  of  the  cause  of 
Jehovah  was  Jezebel,  whose  daughter  Athaliah  was  married 
to  Jehoram,   son  and  successor  of  Jehoshaphat.     By  this 


^ 

I 


I ; 


I  ■ 


240 


Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


means  the  Baal  worship  was  introduced  into  the  Southern 
Kingdom,  and,  but  for  the  resolute  conduct  of  the  prophets, 
the  entire  nation    would    have  become    worshippers  of  the 

Tyrian  god.  •     ^.-n      n. 

The  extremity  of  the  danger,  m  a  measure,  justifies  the 

terrible  acts  which  attended  the  suppression  of  the  cultus. 

Naboth's  Elijah's  last  interview  with  Ahab  was  due  to  an  act  of 

vineyaxd  violence  on  the  part  of  Jezebel,  which  revealed  the  fact  that 

the  supremacy  of  her  influence  meant  the  introduction  of 

unheard-of  tyranny  into  Israel. 

Like  all  peoples  worthy  of  freedom,  the  Israelites  were 
intensely  attached  to  their  ancestral  properties.     Their  laws 
made  it  very  difficult  to  alienate  landed  estates,  and  provided 
for  their  retention  by  the  family  of  their  holders.    As  a  rule 
the  land  was  occupied  by  small  proprietors  jealously  attached 
to   their  holdings.     This    class   was  strongly   supported   by 
public  opinion  and  by  the  prophetic  order.     Any  attempt  to 
seize  an  estate  by  violence  was  certain  to  be  fiercely  resented, 
especially  as  the  land  was  considered  to  belong  to  Jehovah, 
and  to  be  held  by  its  owner  as  a  gift  from  Him.     Ahab  was 
aware  of  this  when  he  tried  to  induce  Naboth,  a  native  of 
Jezreel,  to  sell  him  his  vineyard,  and,  when  he  refused,  the 
king  felt  powerless  to  do  anything,  and  could  only  shew  his 
vexation  by  refusing  to  partake  of  food. 

Jezebel  had  none  of  her  husband's  scruples,  but  even  she 
did  not  presume  to  attack  Naboth  directly.  A  charge  of 
treason  and  blasphemy  was  preferred  against  him  at  her 
instigation,  and  the  elders  of  the  city  condemned  him  to  be 
stoned  to  death.  The  sentence  was  executed;  Naboth s 
property  became  the  property  of  the  crown,  and  Ahab  took 
possession  of  the  vineyard. 

Acrain  Elijah  is  sent  to  Ahab,  and  appears  before  the 
kin-'' as  he  goes  to  possess  himself  of  Naboth's  land.  This 
time'  Ahab  greets  him  with  the  words,  ''  Hast  thou  found 
me  O  mine  enemy  1"  Elijah  then  delivers  his  terrible 
message.  For  this  crime  the  family  of  Ahab  will  be  utterly 
destroyed.  His  blood  shall  be  licked  up  by  the  dogs  m  the 
very  spot  where  they  had  licked  that  of  Naboth,  and  the 
doers  shall  eat  Jezebel  on  the  rampart  of  Jezreel.  But  Ahab 
w^  not  utterly  depraved,  and  his  penitence  was  so  sincere 


Disruption  of  Kingdom  and  Baal  Worship   241 

that  Elijah  was  assured  that  Jehovah  would  not  bring  the 
punishment  on  his  house  till  after  his  death  (1  Kings  xxi.). 

The  destruction  of  the  Baal  worship  is  one  of  the  most  Reasons  for 
sanguinary  incidents  in  the  blood-stained  annals  of  Northern   *?e  destruc- 
Israel.  ^  The  introduction  of  it  was  the  inevitable  outcome  of  BaS  ^oMhlp 
the  policy  of  Solomon.      The  religion  of  Israel  at  this  time 
depended  on  the  isolation  of  the  nation.     The  simplicity  of 
its  ritual,  the  absence  of  rigidly  defined   rules  of  worship, 
its  lack  of  definite  teaching  even  concerning  Jehovah,  made 
the  introduction  of  foreign  ceremonies  and  beliefs  easy.     The 
very  morality  of  the  people  depended  upon  the  rude   and 
healthy  conditions  under  which  the  Israelites  lived.    Phcenician 
civilisation  was  bound  to  have  a  deteriorating  effect  upon  such 
a  people,  and  the  worship  of  gods  who  presided  over  rich  and 
flourishing  cities,  was  certain  to  attract  a  nation  of  peasants 
as  soon  as  they  began  to  acquire  some  knowledge  and  ap- 
preciation of  the  refinements  of  Hfe.    Perhaps  Jezebel  wished 
to  bring  her  adopted  country  into  some  sort  of  conformity 
with  her  native  land.     But  whether  she  acted  from  fanaticism 
or  from  policy,  her  religion  had  its  fascination  for  the  Israelites. 
The  contest  was  a  long  and  bitter  one.      It  lasted  from  the 
massacre  of  Jehovah's  prophets,  and  the  desecration  of  His 
altars,  to  the  overthrow  of  Ahab's  house  by  Jehu.      It  began 
with  persecution,  and  ended  in  civil  war.     It  had  no  small 
share  in  hastening  the  fall  of  the  Northern  Kingdom.     It 
was  waged  with  extraordinary  bitterness.    Jezebel  encountered 
in  the   prophets  of  Jehovah   as  stern  a  spirit  as  her  own. 
Both  sides   were   ready   to   kill   or  be  killed  in  defence  of 
their   respective   worships.     Jezebel    slays   the    prophets   of 
Jehovah  ;  Elijah  commands  the  slaughter  of  the  proi)hets  of 
Baal;  Elisha  sends  a  prophet  to  anoint  Jehu,  the  most  terrible 
avenger  of  apostasy  in  the  annals  of  Israel.     Once  did  the 
disciples  of  Jesus  Christ  remind  Him  of  those  fierce  days,  and 
it  is  said  *'  He  turned  and  rebuked  them."  (Luke  ix.  54,  55.) 

Yet  if  all  the  actions  of  the  prophets  cannot  be  approved, 
their  cause  was  right.  A  Phoenicianised  Israel  would  have 
been  no  longer  a  people  of  the  living  God.  In  saving  the 
Northern  Kingdom  from  apostasy,  Elijah  and  his  followers 
enabled  it  to  give  the  world  its  message  by  the  hands  of  his 
successors.     The  work  of  this  age  can  hardly  be  judged  by 


i  * 


Eli  jail  and 


V  ' 


H 


II- 


Ascent  of 

Elijah 


1-* 

I: 
I 


242 


Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


il 


the  records  which  have  been  preserved.     Its  results  appear 
nearly  a  century  later  in  the  great  prophets  of  the  eighth 

century.  ^  ,  at 

Because  Elijah  resisted  Ahab,  such    men   as   Amos  and 

Hosea  were  able  to  give  Israel's  message  to  mankmd  m  a 

^^  Eliiar  survived  Ahab,  as  a  comparatively  late  tradition 
relates  how  he  predicted   the   death  of  Ah ab's  eldest  son 
Ahaziah,  who  had  sent  to  Beelzebub,  the  god  of  Ekron,  to 
inquire  whether  he  would  recover  from  an  accident,     ii^lijah 
asked  the  messengers,  on  their  way  to  the  oracle  :  "  Is  it 
because  there  is  no  God  in  Israel,  that  ye  go  to  Beelzebub, 
the  god  of  Ekron  1 "     He  foretold  Ahaziah's  death,  and  the 
kincT  sent  tifty  men  to  take  him.     But  at  the  word  of  the 
prophet,  the  fire  came  down  from  God   and  consumed  the 
men  and  their  leader.     Again  fifty  were  sent  and  consumed 
A  third  fifty  were  despatched,  and  their  captain  besought 
Elijah  to  come  with  him.     Jehovah  allowed  him  to  accede 
to  this  prayer,  and  Elijah  went  into  the  presence  of  Ahaziah 
and  pronounced  his  doom.     The  whole  story  seems  to  lack 
the  di-nity  and  beauty  of  the  earlier  narrative  (2  Kings  i.). 

Not  so  the  fine  description  of  Elijah's  ascension,  which 
properly  belongs  to  the  life  of  Elisha.     The  two  prophets  go  to 
Gilo-al,  and  Elijah  orders  Elisha  to  wait  there.     Elisha  replies, 
»  As  the  Lord  liveth,  and  as  thy  soul  li  veth,  I  will  not  leave  thee. 
At  Bethel  and  at  Jericho  the  same  thing  occurs,  but  at  these 
places  the  sons  of  the  prophets  warn  Elisha-"  Knowest  thou 
that  the  Lord  will    take  away  thy  master   from    thy  head 
to-day  ] "     And  he  answered,  ''  Yea  I  know  it,  hold  ye  your 
peace  "     They  come  to  Jordan,  and  Elijah  smites  the  waters 
with  his  mantle  and  they  divide.     Then  Elijah  asks  his  disciple 
to  ask  a  favour  of  him,  and  Elisha   requests  that  he  may 
receive  as  his  first-born  son  a  double  portion  of  the  prophetic 
spirit      "  Thou  hast  asked  a  hard  thing,"  replies  Elijah  :     it 
thou  Shalt  see  me  when  I  am  taken  from  thee,  it  shall  be  so 
unto  thee  ;  but  if  not,  it  shall  not  be  so."     EUjah  is  now  in 
the  very  district  from  which  Moses  saw  the  Promised  Land. 
It  may  be  he  ascended  the  Mount  Nebo  as  his  great  exemplar 
had  done.    As  he  talked  with  Elisha,  a  chariot  of  fire  and  horses 
-    of  fire  appear  and  he  is  parted  from  his  friend  and  minister. 


Disruption  of  Kingdom  and  Baal  Worship  243 

"And  Elijah  went  up  in  a  whirlwind  into  heaven      And 
Ehsha    saw   it,    and    he    cried,    My   father,  my  father    the 
chariots  of  Israel  and  the  horsemen  thereof  !     And  he  saw  him 
no  more  :  and  he  took  hold  of  his  own  clothes  and  rent  them 
in  two  pieces.     He  took  up  also  the  mantle  of  Elijah  that  fell 
from  him,  and  went  back  and  stood  by  the  bank  of  Jordan 
And  he  took  the  mantle  of  Elijah  that  fell  from  him,  and 
smote  the  waters  and  said.  Where  is  the  Lord,  the  God  of 
Elijah  ?     And  when  he  also  had  smitten  the  waters   they 
were  divided  hither  and  thither,  and  Elisha  went  over.  '  And 
when  the  sons  of  the  prophets  wliich  were  at  Jericho  over 
against  him  saw  him,  they  said,  The  spirit  of  Elijah  doth  rest 
on  Elisha."     (2  Kings  ii.  11-15.) 


The  Fall  of  the  Northern  Kingdom     245 


Alliance  of 
Israel  and 
Judab 


Chapter  X 

The  Syrians,  Assyrians  and  the  Fall 
of  the  Northern  Kingdom 

Under  the  House  of  Omri  Israel  resumed  its  position  as  the 
dominant  power  In  Palestine,  and  pursued  its  course  without 
fear  of  domestic  foes.  The  Canaanites  disappear  from 
history  •  the  Philistines  were  no  longer  formidable,  and  the 
lesser  Hebrew  nations,  Judah,  Moab  and  Edom,  became 
more  or  less  unwilling  members  of  a  confederacy  of  which 
the  King  of  Israel  was  the  head.  ,  t%     -j 

The  long  and  fratricidal  war  between  the  House  of  David 
and  the  successors  of  Jeroboam  was  succeeded  by  a  period 
of  amity  lasting  as  long  as  the  dynasty  of  Omri  endured^ 
The  royal  families  of  Israel  and  Judah  intermarried,  and 
Ahab's  and  Jehoshaphat's  sons  bore  the  same  names  In 
victory  and  defeat  the  armies  of  Northern  and  Southern  Israel 
fought  Bide  by  side,  and  throughout  this  period  no  dispute 
between  the  two  kingdoms  is  so  much  as  hinted  at  in  the 
book  of  Kings.  Whether  Judah  was  reduced  to  a  state  ot 
vassalage,  or  entered  into  a  voluntary  alliance  with  Israel, 

is  not  known.  ,        ,  -r^ , 

The  two  turbulent  little  nations  of  Moab  and  Edom  never 
acknowledged  the  supremacy  of  Israel  except  under  compul- 
sion At  the  time  of  the  disruption,  Moab  had  fallen  to  the 
lot  of  the  Northern  Kingdom,  Edom  to  the  Southern  Three 
records  of  the  constant  wars  between  Israel  and  Moab  are 
preserved  :  one  in  the  book  of  Kings ;  a  second  m  that  o 
Chronicles  (2  Kings  iii.  ;  2  Chron.  xx.);  whilst  the  third  on 
the  famous  Moabite  Stone,  discovered  in  1868,  is^  of  peculiar 
interest  as  the  earliest  non-Biblical  notice  of  ancient  Israel. 


In  the  book  of  Kings,  Meslia,  King  of  Moab,  is  said  to  War  with 


have  been  a  sheep-master  to  the  King  of  Israel  and  to  have 
paid  a  heavy  tribute  from  his  flocks  (2  Kings  iii.  4  ;  Isa 
xvi.  1).  After  Ahab's  death  Mesha  rebelled  against  Israel, 
and  no  effort  was  made  to  reduce  Moab  till  the  reign  of 
Jehoram.  The  King  of  Israel  assembled  his  army  in  Samaria  ; 
but,  instead  of  crossing  the  Jordan,  he  marched  against 
Moab  by  way  of  the  Red  Sea,  taking  with  him  the  armies 
of  Jehoshaphat  of  Judah  and  of  the  vassal  King  of  Edom. 
Their  water  failed  before  they  reached  the  frontier  of  Moab, 
and  the  whole  host  was  threatened  with  destruction.  Elisha, 
who  had  accompanied  the  army,  was  called  upon  by  Jehoram 
to  assist  him  in  his  distress,  but  the  prophet  roughly  bade 
the  king  "  Get  thee  to  the  prophets  of  thy  father  and  the 
prophets  of  thy  mother."  And  when  Jehoram  persisted,  the 
prophet  said  that  but  for  Jehoshaphat  he  would  not  so  much 
as  look  on  him.  However,  Elisha  ordered  a  minstrel  to  be 
brought,  and  as  the  prophet  listened  to  the  music  the  band 
of  Jehovah  came  upon  him.  By  divine  inspiration  Elisha 
commanded  the  king  to  dig  ditches  in  the  valley,  and  fore- 
told that  without  rain  or  storm  they  should  be  filled  with 
water.  At  the  hour  of  the  offering  of  the  minchah^  or  meal- 
offering,  streams  were  seen  to  flow  into  the  valley  from  the 
hills  of  Edom.  As  the  rising  sun  shone  upon  it,  the  water 
had  all  the  appearance  of  blood  ;  and  the  Moabites,  thinking 
that  the  allies  had  fought  one  against  the  other,  rushed  to 
the  spoil.  The  Israelites  attacked  them,  won  a  decisive 
victory,  and  proceeded  to  lay  waste  the  Moabite  territory. 
The  cities  were  destroyed,  the  cultivated  land  made  desolate, 
and  the  fruit  trees  cut  down.  Mesha,  with  the  remnant  of 
his  army,  was  shut  up  in  Kir,  and  after  a  vain  attempt  to 
break  through  to  the  King  of  Edom,  the  Moabite  king 
solemnly  offered  his  eldest  son  as  a  burnt-offering  on  the  city 
wall.  "And,"  the  Sacred  Narrative  concludes  abruptly,  "there 
was  great  indignation  against  Israel ;  and  they  departed  from 
him,  and  returned  to  their  own  land  "  (2  Kings  iii.).^ 

It  is  possible  that  the  ferocity  displayed  in  this  Israelite 
invasion  of  Moab,  as  well  as  the  strange  policy  of  marching 
by  way  of  Edom  to  the  attack  instead  of  boldly  crossing  the 
Jordan  near  Jericho,  is  accounted  for  by  Mesha's  monument, 


Mesha  of 
Moab 


The  Moabite 
Stone 


a44 


246        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


|:  !» 


Jud&h  and 
Edom 


¥  ^. 


The  Syrians 


on  which  he  states  that  Moab,  after  being  for  a  generation 
under  the  domination  of  the  House  of  Omri,  had  asserted  its 
independence  so  boldly  as  to  annex  all  the  debatable  land 
on  the  north  bank  of  the  Arnon.  The  Gadites,  who  had 
seized  this  territory,  were  driven  out  of  their  cities,  and 
Moabites  placed  in  them.  The  whole  account  of  Mesha's 
triumphs  reads  like  a  chapter  of  the  Bible,  and  almost  every 
act  of  Mesha  has  its  parallel  in  Israelitish  history.  From 
this  period  the  Moabites  seem  to  have  been  able  to  hold 
their  own,  at  any  rate  in  the  territory  of  the  ancient  tribe  of 
the  Reubenites.^ 

Edom  was  a  possession  of  the  kings  of  Judah  from  its 
conquest  to  the  reign  of  Jehoram,  and  the  port  of  Elath  on 
the  Red  Sea,  south  of  Edom,  but  not  strictly  Edomite  (Numb. 
XX.  18  ;  xxi.  4)  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Judseanstill  the 
days  of  Ahaz.  Sometimes  the  kings  of  Judah  ruled  Edom 
by  an  officer  of  their  own,  and  at  others  they  allowed  a 
native  prince  to  assume  the  title  of  king ;  but  the  antipathy 
between  these  kindred  people  was  always  bitter  and  seemed 
to  become  more  intense  as  time  went  on  (1  Kings  xxii.  47 ; 

2  Kings  viii.  20.) 

But  the  wars  with  Moab  and  Edom  are  minor  episodes 
compared  with  the  great  struggle  between  Israel  and  the 
Syrians  of  Damascus.  This  powerful  people  were  of  the 
same  stock  as  Israel,  an  elder  branch  of  the  family  of  Terah. 
The  patriarchs  had  chosen  their  wives  from  their  Aramean 
kindred,  and  Jacob's  wealth  was  obtained  by  over-reaching 
his  Syrian  father-in-law  Laban.  It  was  believed  that  these 
patriarchs  had  fixed  the  boundaries  of  their  respective 
nations  on  the  east  of  Jordan  (Gen.  xxxi.  45-55).  Till  the 
time  of  David  nothing  further  is  recorded  of  Syria  in 
connection  with  the  Israelites;  and  the  accounts  of  his 
campaigns  against  them  are  very  obscure  (vide  supra,  ch.  vii.). 
In  the  days  of  Solomon,  Rezon,  the  son  of  Eliada,  a  fugitive 
from  David's  enemy  Hadadezer,  King  of  Zobah,  established 
himself  as  king  in  Damascus  (1  Kings  xi.  23-25);  and 
during  the  wars  between  Baasha  and  Asa,  the  King  of  Judah 
made  an  alliance  with  Ben-hadad  the  son  of  Tabrimon,  the 
son  of  Hezion  "  king  of  Syria  that  dwelt  at  Damascus." 
This  Ben-hadad  laid  waste  the  district  afterwards  known  as 


The  Fall  of  the  Northern  Kingdom     247 

Upper  Galilee,  and  forced  Baasha  to  relinquish  his  attempts 
to  subdue  Judah  (1  Kings  xv.  18-20).^  Another  king  of 
the  same  name  appears  in  the  days  of  Ahab  as  the  overlord 
of  Israel.  Ahab  acknowledged  his  supremacy,  and  humbly 
agreed  to  the  extravagant  pretensions  of  the  Syrian  king. 
At  last,  however,  Ben  hadad,  by  his  demands  to  search  the 
palace  of  Ahab,  shewed  that  he  would  be  satisfied  with 
nothing  short  of  entire  submission,  and  Ahab  resolved  on 
war.  His  message  to  Ben-hadad  was  couched  in  the  form  of 
a  pithy  proverb,  **  Let  not  him  that  girdeth  on  his  armour 
boast  like  him  that  putteth  it  off"  (1  Kings  xx.  11).  Twice 
did  Ben-hadad  invade  Israel.  On  the  first  occasion  he  came 
with  his  thirty-two  vassal  kings  in  all  the  pomp  of  an 
Oriental  conqueror.  Ahab,  by  advice  of  a  prophet,  sent  his 
army  against  the  Syrians  under  "  the  young  men,  the  princes 
of  the  provinces,"  and  utterly  defeated  them.  Again  Ben- 
hadad  attacked  Israel,  but  with  a  better  organised  army, 
commanded,  not  by  kings  of  doubtful  fidelity,  but  by  tried 
Syrian  officers.  He  also  determined  not  to  risk  a  battle 
among  the  hills  of  Samaria,  for  Jehovah  the  God  of  Israel 
was  believed  to  be  only  powerful  as  a  mountain  deity. 
When  the  Syrians  filled  the  valley,  the  army  of  Israel, 
encamped  on  the  hillside,  looked  like  "  two  little  flocks  of 
kids,"  but  a  prophet  urged  them  to  attack  the  Syrians  and 
to  vindicate  the  honour  of  Jehovah,  whose  power  to  fight  for 
His  people  in  the  valley  had  been  denied.  The  Syrians 
were  utterly  defeated,  and  Ben-hadad  and  the  remnant  of  his 
array  took  refuge  in  a  city.  Trusting  to  the  reputation  for 
mercy  which  the  kings  of  Israel  enjoyed,  Ben-hadad  sub- 
mitted to  Ahab,  and  a  treaty,  advantageous  to  Israel,  was 
concluded.  The  Syrians  surrendered  all  their  conquest  and 
gave  the  Israelites  a  quarter  in  Damascus  (1  Kings  xx.  1-34). 

But  the  prophets  evidently  regarded  the  peace  as  in-  Ahab  rebuked 
auspicious.  In  sparing  Ben-hadad's  life,  Ahab  had,  like  Saul, 
been  guilty  of  a  serious  crime  :  for  the  King  of  Syria  was 
herem  to  Jehovah.  An  acted  parable  shewed  the  King  of 
Israel  his  sin  and  punishment.  A  prophet  feigned  to  be  a 
soldier,  who  had  let  free  a  prisoner  committed  to  his  charge. 
The  king  pronounced  him  guilty.  The  prophet  revealed  who 
he  was,  and  gave  the  Divine  sentence  against  Ahab : — '*  Thus 


Atiab  and 

Assyria 


Ahab  and 
Micalali 


!*   . 


248        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

saith  the  Lord,  Because  thou  hast  let  go  out  of  thy  hand 
the  man  whom  I  had  devoted  to  destruction,  therefore  thy 
life  shall  go  for  his  life,  and  thy  people  for  his  people " 
(1  Kings  XX.  42)> 

A  monument  of  Shalmaneser  II.,  King  of  Assyria,  shews 
that  Ahab  during  his  reign  was  a  member  of  a  confederacy 
presided  over  by  Addu-idri  (Hadad-ezer),  King  of  Damascus, 
to  which  the  King  of  Israel  contributed  the  largest  force  of 
chariots.  Its  object  was  to  stem  the  advance  of  the  Assyrian 
army  against  Hamath,  but  the  combined  forces  of  the  allies 
were  defeated  in  B.C.  854  at  Qarqara.  This  is  the  earliest 
date  in  the  history  of  Israel  which  can  be  definitely  fixed.^ 

How  the  alliance  between  Israel  and  Syria  was  broken  is 
unknown,  but  Ahab  fell  in  battle  with  Syria  ;  and  his  death 
is  related  in  one  of  the  finest  chapters  in  the  historical  books 
of  the  Old  Testament.  Ahab  invites  Jehoshaphat  to  accom- 
pany him  to  Ramoth-Gilead,  which  the  Syrians  have  taken 
from  Israel.  The  King  of  Judah  agrees,  "  I  am  as  thou  art, 
my  people  as  thy  people,  my  horses  as  thy  horses."  The 
prophets  are  summoned  before  the  two  kings  and  with  one 
voice  exhort  them  to  go  up  to  battle.  But  Jehoshaphat 
notices  that  the  prophets  refrain  from  using  the  sacred  name, 
and  asks  if  there  is  not  a  prophet  of  Jehovah  besides.  Ahab 
says  that  there  is  one,  Micaiah  the  son  of  Imlah,  but  he 
always  prophesies  ill.  As  Jehoshaphat  persists,  Micaiah  is 
summoned,  and  as  he  comes  the  prophets  led  by  Zedekiah 
the  son  of  Chenaanah  shout  to  Ahab,  "Go  up  to  Ramoth- 
Gilead  and  prosper :  for  Jehovah  shall  deliver  it  into  the 
hand  of  the  king."  Zedekiah  makes  horns  of  iron  to  shew 
how  the  Syrians  shall  be  pushed  to  destruction.  Ahab's 
messenger  begs  Micaiah  not  to  prophesy  evil,  and  when  the 
king  asks  him,  he  replies  in  the  very  words  of  his  colleagues. 
But  when  Ahab  adjures  him  to  speak  the  truth,  he  says,  **  I 
saw  all  Israel  scattered  upon  the  mountains,  as  sheep  which 
have  no  shepherd."  Then  Micaiah  proceeds  to  unfold  his 
vision.  He  sees  the  host  of  heaven  in  the  presence  of 
Jehovah  consulting  how  Ahab  may  be  led  to  his  destruction. 
A  spirit  promises  to  enter  into  his  prophets  and  to  deceive 
the  king,  and  Jehovah  sends  him  forth.  Zedekiah  smites 
Micaiah,  who  is  committed  to  prison  until  Ahab  returns  in 


The  Fall  of  the  Northern  Kingdom     249 


peace.  He  goes  out  from  the  king's  presence  with  the 
warning,  *'  If  thou  return  at  all  in  peace  Jehovah  hath  not 
spoken  by  me."  ^ 

.i.'^''  ^^\j^attle  at  Ramoth-Gilead,  Ahab,  knowing  perhaps  Death  of  AHab 

that  the  King  of   Syria   had  given  orders,   'Tight  neither 

with  small  nor  great,   but  only  with  the  King  of  Israel," 

disguised  himself  as  an  ordinary  soldier,  and  was  killed  by  a 

chance  shot  by  an  archer.     He  died  a  hero's  death,  held  up 

m  his  chariot  throughout  the  remainder  of  the  day,  so  that 

his  men  should  not  know  how  seriously  he  was  wounded. 

His  body  was  brought  to  Samaria,  and  the  dogs  licked  his 

blood  in  the  pool  of  Samaria,  where  the  chariot  had  been 

washed  (1  Kings  xxii.  1-38). '^ 

Though  the  chapters  relating  to  the  Syrian  war  present  His  character 
Ahab  in  a  totally  difierent  light  from  those  which  tell  of  his 
struggle  with  Elijah,  the  unity  of  his  character  is  preserved.^ 
In  both  he  is  represented  as  a  man  easily  influenced  by  his 
surroundings,  with  good  impulses,  but  readily  diverted  from 
following  them.  As  a  soldier  the  best  side  of  his  character 
is  seen;  brave  in  adversity,  bold  in  action,  generous  in 
victory  and  undaunted  in  defeat,  the  failure  of  his  life  and 
reign  is  an  instructive  and  necessary  warning. 

The  Syrian  war  as  it  is  related  in  the  book  of  Kings,  Elisha 
abounds  in  striking  incidents.  As  is  frequently  the  case^ 
in  a  protracted  struggle,  there  are  examples  of  interchanges 
of  courtesy  between  the  belligerents.  Throughout,  the  intense 
patriotism  of  the  prophets,  and  especially  of  their  chief, 
Elisha,  is  conspicuous,  yet  even  he  is  at  times  sportive  and 
even  friendly  in  his  dealings  with  the  enemies  of  his  country. 
He  may  almost  be  said  to  fill  a  larger  space  in  the  history 
of  this  age  than  his  great  predecessor,  though  he  never 
appealed,  as  Elijah  had  done,  to  the  imagination  of  posterity. 
Elisha's  popularity  is  attested  by  the  numerous  miracles 
attributed  to  him.     With  one  exception— the  punishment  of 

the  lads  who  mocked  him,  and  who  were  destroyed  by  bears 

Elisha's  wonders  are  beneficent.  He  heals  the  spring  at 
Jericho  by  casting  salt  into  the  bitter  waters  (2  Kings  ii. 
19-22).  He  multiplies  the  oil  of  a  widow  of  one  of  the  pro- 
phets, to  enable  her  to  pay  her  debt  (ib.  iv.  1-7).  When  the 
prophets  at  Gilgal  put  some  poisonous  herbs  in  the  pot  by 


250 


Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


The  Fall  of  the  Northern  Kingdom     25 1 


k 

i 


t    :'    i 


\   :* 


mistake,  Elisha   neutralises  their  effect  by  casting  in  meal 
(ib    iv     38-41).      He    multiplies    the   loaves,    and   feeds    a 
hundred  men  (ib.   42-44).     He    causes    the   prophet's  axe- 
head  to  swim  when  it  falls  into  the  water  (ib.  vi.  1-7).     One 
is  reminded  of  a  saintly  abbot  of  the  Middle  Ages  living  with 
his  monks  as  Elisha  did  with  his  prophets,  and  working  wonders 
for  their  benefit.     The  parallel  is  the  closer,  smce  Elisha  s 
bones  displayed  that  miraculous  power  so  often  recorded  ot 
the  saints  of    the  mediaeval  period.     When  a  corpse   was 
placed   in    the  prophet's  sepulchre   it  was   restored    to    lite 
(2  Kings  xiii.  20,  21).     Two  miracles  of  Elisha  are  recorded 
at  len^h,  and  these  are  among  the  most  beautiful  of  Old 
Testament  stories.     That  of  the  raising  of  the  Shunammite  s 
son  gives  as  pleasing  a  picture  of  life  in  ancient  Israel  as  the 
book  of  Ruth.    The  *'  prophet's  chamber,"  which  she  furnishes 
for  Elisha  with  a  bed,  a  table,  a  stool  and  a  candlestick,  recalls 
the   simple   arrangement  of    a   room  in   an   Eastern   house, 
alluded  to  by  our  Lord.     The  gratitude  of  the  prophet  is 
shewn  by  his  offer  to  speak  on  behalf  of  his  hostess  to  the 
king  or  the  captain  of  the  host ;  but  she  has  no  need  of  royal 
favour,    dwelling    as    she    does    "among    her    own    people^ 
Gehazi,   the    prophet's    servant,    reveals    the    desire    of    the 
Shunammite's  heart,  and  a  son  is  promised.     The  boy  grows 
up  and  his  aged  father  takes  him  to  see  the  harvest  reaped. 
Suddenly  the  child  cries  "  My  head,  my  head  ! "  is  taken  to 
his  mother  and  dies  on  her  knees.     Without  informing  her 
husband  of   his  death,   she   lays  her  child's   body  on   the 
prophet's  bed,  and  orders  her  ass  to  be  saddled  that  she  may 
go  to  Elisha.     Gehazi  goes  forth  to  meet  her,  but  she  will 
not  tell  him  what  has  happened.     "  Is  it  well  with  the  child  1 
he  asks ;  he  is  answered,  "  It  is  well."     She  throws  herself 
at  the  prophet's  feet,  and  when  Gehazi  comes  to  thrust  her 
aside,  Elisha  rebukes  him.     "  Let  her  alone,  for  her  soul  is 
vexed  within   her,  and   the   Lord  hath  hid  it  from  me  and 
hath   not  shewn  me."     When  he  learns  the  news   Elisha 
sends  Gehazi  with  his  staff,  but  the  Shunammite  insists  upon 
his  accompanying  her  in  person.     Elisha  does  so,  and  restores 
the  child  to  life.     At  a  later  period  Gehazi  appears  m  a  more 
amiable  light,  and  defends  the  Shunammite,  whose  lands  have 
been  taken  from  her,  by  telling  the  King  of  Israel  that  it 


is  she  whose  son  Elisha  raised  from  the  dead  "  (2  Kin^^s  iv 
8-37,  viii.  1-6).  "" 

The  story  of  the  healing  of  Naaman  is  too  well  known  to  Naaman 
be  told  at  length,  but  apart  from  its  beauty,  it  deserves  atten- 
tion as  illustrative  of  the  complete  absence  of  exclusiveness 
which  characterises  the  prophets  of  Northern  Israel.  Elijah 
and  the  widow  of  Zarephath,  Jonah  and  the  Ninevites,  Amos 
and  the  neighbouring  nations,  are  similar  instances  of  the  way 
in  which  the  prophetic  mission  was  not  considered  to  be  re- 
stricted to  Israelites.  From  this  narrative  it  appears  that 
the  differences  between  Syria  and  Israel  were  less  religious 
than  political.  The  captive  Israelite  maiden  boasts  to  her 
mistress  that  the  great  prophet  of  her  nation  could  cure 
Naaman.  Naaman  is  offended,  not  because  Elisha  exalts 
Jehovah  above  the  gods  of  Syria,  but  because  he  makes  the 
Jordan  and  not  the  rivers  of  Damascus  the  means  of  cleans- 
ing. He  begs  for  two  mules'  burthen  of  earth,  that  he  may 
be  able  henceforth  to  sacrifice  to  Jehovah,  for  he  will  have 
no  god  but  the  God  of  Israel,  and  his  only  act  of  worship  to 
the  gods  of  his  country  will  be  when  he  is  forced  officially  to 
enter  the  Temple  of  Rimmon  with  the  king.  Elisha  neither 
commends  the  zeal,  nor  blames  the  time-serving  of  Naaman, 
but  bids  him  farewell,  his  words  "  Go  in  peace  "  having  no 
deeper  meaning.  The  only  indication  that  Elisha  shews  that 
he  regarded  Naaman  as  belonging  to  a  race  hostile  to  Israel,  is 
his  refusal  to  accept  any  reward  for  healing  him,  and  his 
punishment  of  Gehazi  for  deluding  Naaman  to  supply  the 
assumed  wants  of  his  master  (2  Kings  v.). 

It  is  no  easy  matter  to  treat  the  life  of  Elisha  historically. 
The  Sacred  Narrative  presents  a  series  of  disconnected 
stories,  with  hardly  any  indication  of  time.  His  life  was 
a  long  one,  extending  over  several  reigns.  He  was  called 
in  the  days  of  Ahab,  and  ministered  to  Elijah  till  the  early 
part  of  the  reign  of  Jehoram.  He  survived  the  fall  of  the 
dynasty  of  Ahab  and  the  reigns  of  two  sovereigns  of  the 
House  of  Jehu,  dying  after  Joash,  the  grandson  of  Jehu,  had 
ascended  the  throne.  He  was  evidently  the  animating  spirit 
which  preserved  Israel  throughout  the  bitter  trials  of  the  Syrian 
wars ;  but  only  glimpses  of  the  figure  of  this  prophet,  during 
the  long  crisis,  are  vouchsafed. 


2S2        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


The  Fall  of  the  Northern  Kingdom     253 


Elisha  and 
tlie  Syrians 


f 
i 


■i 


Hazael 


In  the  first  Elisha  appears  as  acting  almost  playfully, 
though  the  lighter  side  of  this  narrative  is  relieved  by  one 

sublime  incident. 

The  prophet  continually  outwits  the  Syrians.       No  i)lan 
can  be  made  without  his  knowledge.     Every  ambuscade  the 
King  of    Syria  makes  is   revealed   to    the    King   of   Israel. 
"  Elisha,  the  prophet  that  is  in  Israel,"  say  the  Syrian  chiefs 
to  their  king,  "  telleth  the  King  of  Israel  the  word  that  thou 
speakest  in  thy  bedchamber."     The  Syrians  discover  Elisha 
at  Dothan,  and  surround  the  city.     But  Elisha  is  not  dis- 
mayed.    He  tells  his  servant,  ''  There  be  more  with  us  than 
they  that    be   with    them."     At    the    prophet's    prayer    the 
servant's  eyes  are  opened,  and  he  sees  chariots  and  horses 
of   tire  protecting    his   master.     Elisha    smites    the   Syrians 
with  blindness  and  leads   them  to   Samaria.     The  King  of 
Israel  is  eager   to  slay  them,  but  Elisha,  unlike   his  fierce 
colleagues  in  Ahab's  time,  orders  the  king  to  treat  his  foes 
with  kindness  and  to  restore  them  to  their  own  land  (2  Kings 

vi.  8-23).  ^      .       . 

Samaria  is  besieged  by  Ben-hadad,  and  the  famine  is  so 
sore  that  women  eat  their  own  children.  The  King  of  Israel 
sends  to  kill  Elisha.  Elisha  orders  his  house  to  be  closed 
against  the  messengers,  but  tells  them  that  on  the  morrow 
there  shall  be  great  plenty  in  the  city.  His  word  comes 
true,  for  lepers  discover  that  the  Syrians  have  left  their  camp 
in  a  panic,  believing  that  the  King  of  Israel  had  hired  the 
kings  of  the  Egyptians  and  the  kings  of  the  Hittites  to 
attack  them  (2  Kings  vi.  24— vii.  20). 

A  stranger  and  darker  tale  is  related  of  Elisha's  dealing 
with  Syria.  In  accordance  with  the  terrible  commission 
given  to  Elijah  at  Horeb,  his  successor  became  the  appointed 
means  of  raising  up  the  greatest  enemy  of  Israel  to  avenge 
the  sins  of  the  House  of  Ahab.  The  prophet  comes  to 
Damascus ;  and  the  sick  king,  Ben-hadad,  sends  his  officer, 
Hazael,  to  the  prophet  with  the  message,  "  Thy  son  Ben-hadad. 
King  of  Syria,  hath  sent  me  to  thee,  saying,  shall  I  recover  of 
this  sickness i"  Elisha  foretells  the  king's  death,  and  as  he 
does  so  gazes  upon  Hazael  and  reads  his  inmost  thoughts. 
At  last  it  is  said  "the  man  of  God  wept."  Hazael  demanded 
the  reason,  and  Elisha  replied  that  he  knew  the  evil  that  he 


would  do  to  Israel,  and  described  the  fierce  brutality  w^hich 
attended  the  course  of  every  Eastern  conqueror.  Hazael 
professes  to  be  incredulous.  How  is  he,  a  mere  dog,  to 
perform  such  glorious  exploits?  He  goes  forth  from  the 
prophet's  presence  resolved  to  do  the  deed,  by  which  alone 
he  could  hope  to  reign.  The  sick  Ben-hadad  is  murdered, 
and  Hazael  becomes  king  (2  Kings  viii.  7-15). 

Elisha  was  a  witness  of  all  the  evil  he  had  foretold  during  Death  of 
the  reigns  of  Hazael  and  Ben-hadad ;  but  on  his  deathbed  EUsha 
he  was  able  to  predict  victory.  King  Joash  came  to  see 
Elisha,  and  addressed  him,  as  this  prophet  had  long  before 
addressed  his  great  master  Elijah  when  he  was  received  into 
heaven,  "  The  chariots  of  Israel  and  the  horsemen  thereof." 
The  prophet  commands  the  king  to  open  the  window  that  looked 
eastward  and  to  draw  his  bow.  With  the  dying  prophet's 
hands  upon  the  bow  the  king  shot  an  arrow,  and  Elisha  ex- 
claimed, ''The  Lord's  arrow  of  salvation,  even  the  arrow 
of  salvation  over  Syria."  At  the  prophet's  bidding  the 
king  smites  the  ground,  but  his  zeal  is  not  as  burning  as 
that  of  the  aged  patriot.  He  smites  but  thrice:  had  he 
smitten  more  often,  he  would  have  destroyed  Syria.  As 
it   is   Joash   will   only  gain   three   victories  (2   Kin^s   xiii. 

14-19).  y        ^ 

The  part  taken  by  Elisha  in  the  overthrow  of  the  family  Jehu  destroys 
of  Ahab  was  not  great.  It  is  said  that  he  sent  the  prophet  *^®  ^°^^®  ®^ 
to  anoint  Jehu,  but  nothing  is  related  of  him  in  the  sub- 
sequent account  of  the  annihilation  of  the  royal  family,  nor 
in  that  of  the  massacre  of  the  Baal  worshippers.  It  is  a  relief 
to  be  allowed  to  imagine  that  a  prophet  so  beloved  for  his 
kindly  actions,  and  so  honoured  for  his  patriotic  zeal,  stood 
aloof  from  the  horrors  of  that  barbarous  revolution,  and  that 
the  ferocious  Jehu  and  that  fiery  zealot  Jehonadab  the  son 
of  Rechab,  were  the  chief  actors  in  that  dreadful  tragedy. 
Though  prophecy  was  fulfilled  and  the  majesty  of  Jehovah 
vindicated  by  Jehu,  the  prophet  Hosea,  a  century  after  the 
event,  speaks  of  it  as  a  terrible  crime  meriting  the  vengeance 
of  a  just  God  (Hosea  i.  4). 

Not  so  the    author  of  the  second  book  of  Kings,  who 
presents  a  most  spirited  picture  of  the  revolution. 

The  ninth  and  tenth  chapters  can  hardly  be  read  without 


Ahab 


Joram  of 
Israel  slain 


Death  of 
Jezebel 


254        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

a  feeling  of  excitement.  Scene  after  scene  presents  itself  with 
startling  vividness  and  rapidity. 

First  the  captains  of  Israel  are  seen  assembled  at  Ramoth- 
Gilead.  A  prophet  rushes  into  their  midst  and  summons 
Jehu  into  the  house.  Jehu  rejoins  his  companions,  and  they 
inquire  the  message  of  the  *'  mad  fellow  "  who  had  come  to 
him.  Jehu  prevaricates,  "  Ye  know  the  man  and  what  his 
talk  was."  Then  he  tells  the  truth,  "  Thus  saith  the  Lord,  I 
have  anointed  thee  king  over  Israel."  In  an  instant  the 
soldiers'  garments  are  spread  on  the  steps  to  make  a  tem- 
porary throne,  and  the  shout  goes  up,  "  Jehu  is  king ! " 
(2  Kings  ix.  4-13). 

The  scene  shifts  to  Jezreel,  where  Joram,  King  of  Israel,  is 
staying  to  recover  from  his  wounds,  and  with  him  his  kinsman, 
Ahaziah,  King  of  Judah.  The  watchman  sees  the  company 
of  Jehu.  Messengers  are  sent,  but  are  not  allowed  to  return. 
As  the  usurper  draws  near  the  watchman  recognises  "the 
driving  of  Jehu  the  son  of  Nimshi."  The  two  kings  go 
forth,  and  Jehu  draws  his  bow  to  its  full  and  kills  Joram. 
Ahaziah  turns  to  flee,  but  he  also  is  pursued  and  slain.  The 
body  of  the  King  of  Israel  is  cast  into  the  plot  of  Naboth,  and 
Jehu  reminds  Bidkar,  the  captain  of  his  chariots,  how,  '*  when 
they  rode  behind  Ahab,  Jehovah  had  laid  this  burthen  upon 
him  "(2  Kings  ix.  14-26). 

At  the  city  gate,  Jehu  is  greeted  by  Jezebel.  The  terrible 
queen,  after  witnessing  the  death  of  her  son,  stands  undaunted 
at  the  window  over  the  city  gate,  arrayed  in  royal  robes. 
She  taunts  Jehu  with  being  a  "Zimri,"  murderer  of  his  master.^ 
At  his  command  the  eunuchs  of  the  palace  hurl  the  queen 
from  the  window.  Her  blood  is  sprinkled  on  the  wall  and 
on  the  horses  of  Jehu,  as  he  enters  the  city.  During  the 
banquet  held  to  celebrate  his  success,  Jehu  sends  to  bury 
Jezebel,  "for  she  is  a  king's  daughter";  but  the  dogs  have 
already  eaten  the  body — "  They  found  no  more  of  her  than 
the  skull,  and  the  feet,  and  the  palms  of  her  hands  "  (2  Kings 
ix.  30-37). 

But  the  tale  of  blood  is  not  yet  complete.  The  craven 
rulers  of  Samaria  remind  themselves  of  Jehu's  might,  "Behold, 
two  kings  stood  not  before  him  :  how  then  shall  we  stand  1 " 
At  the  command  of  the  new  king,  they  slay  the  seventy  sons 


The  Fall  of  the  Northern  Kingdom     2^^ 


of  Ahab  and  send  their  heads  in  baskets  to  Jezreel.  Jehu 
makes  two  mounds  of  them  at  the  city  gate.  A  general 
massacre  of  all  Aliab's  adherents  was  ordered,  and  was 
followed  by  the  slaughter  of  forty  relatives  of  Ahaziah,  King 
of  Judah  (2  Kings  X.  1-14). 

Every  act  of  severity  towards  the  House  of  Ahab  had  been  The  Baal 
justified  by  Jehu  by  an  appeal  to  the  word  of  Jehovah  spoken  worship 
by  Elijah,  but  now  a  new  religious  leader  appears  on  the     ^^  ^°^® 
scene.     This  is  Jehonadab,  the  son  of  Rechab,  founder  of  an 
austere   sect  which   lasted  for  centuries  and   preserved   the 
ancient  rudeness  of  the  life  of  the  desert.^^     Him  Jehu  takes 
to  Samaria  in  his  chariot,  "to   see  his  zeal    for  Jehovah." 
The  Baal  worshippers  are  collected  into  the  temple  of  their 
god,  which  is  surrounded  by  soldiers,  who  slay  the  unarmed 
multitude.       "  Thus,"   says   the  historian,  "  Jehu   destroyed 
Baal  out  of  Israel"  (2  Kings  x.  15-28). 

It  may  be  assumed  that  the  worship  of  Baal  was  not  sup- 
pressed without  a  civil  war,  which  sapped  the  strength  of 
Israel.  It  is  impossible  to  ignore  the  fact  that  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  House  of  Ahab  was  an  act  of  unmitigated  ferocity, 
and  that  the  Baal  w^orshippers  in  Samaria  were  victims  of  a 
treacherous  stratagem,  which  reflects  no  credit  on  either  Jehu 
or  the  prophets  who  instigated  his  policy.  The  fact  is  that 
the  dreadful  story  has  one  solemn  lesson.  The  sins  of  a  ruler 
like  Ahab  render  the  appearance  of  a  tyrant  like  Jehu 
inevitable,  but  the  cruelties  of  a  bloodthirsty  religious  or 
social  reformer  are  none  the  less  odious  because  they  are  the 
outcome  of  the  crimes  of  a  past  age.  Jehu's  "zeal  for 
Jehovah  "  is  no  more  deserving  of  admiration  than  the  love 
of  liberty  displayed  by  a  Marat. 

Jehu  and  his  descendants  reigned  for  a  longer  period  than  Dynasty 
any  other  dynasty  of  Israel.  Four  successive  monarchs,  Jehu,  o^  ^^^^ 
Jehoahaz,  Joash  and  Jeroboam  occupied  the  throne  of  Israel 
for  a  period  extending  over  a  century.  The  annals  of  their 
reigns  are  extremely  scanty,  but  it  is  plain  that  the  Syrians 
reduced  the  Israelites  to  the  greatest  straits,  and  then  gradu- 
ally their  power  waned,  till,  under  Jeroboam,  the  territory 
under  the  sway  of  Israel  was  almost  equal  to  that  governed 
by  Solomon. 

Under  Jehu  the  whole  of  Eastern  Palestine  was  ravaged 


Assyria 


Tlie  literary 
prophets 


256        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


by  Hazael,  who  also  extended  his  depredations  on  the  western 
side  as  far  as  Jerusalem  (2  Kings  xiii.  17)  :  the  army  of 
Jehoahaz  was  reduced  to  fifty  horsemen,  ten  chariots  and  ten 
thousand  soldiers.  Joash,  according  to  the  prophecy  of 
Elisha,  defeated  the  Syrians  three  times  in  Aphek  and 
recovered  the  cities  of  Israel ;  and  Jeroboam  II.,  encouraged 
by  the  prophecies  of  Jonali  the  son  of  Amittai,  pursued  a 
career  of  victory,  which  ended  in  his  conquering  Damascus, 
and  restoring  "the  coast  of  Israel  from  the  entering  in  of 
Hamath  unto  the  sea  of  the  Arabah  "  (2  Kings  xiv.  23-29). 

Modem  discoveries  have  supplied  the  clue  .to  the  history 
of  the  period.  The  sudden  collapse  of  the  Syrian  kingdom 
of  Damascus  is  accounted  for  by  the  appearance  of  Assyria 
as  a  conquering  power. 

The  period  during  which  the  Israelites  were  engaged  in 
establishing  their  power  in  Palestine  was  one  of  decline 
for  the  Assyrian  empire.  Its  last  great  monarch,  Tiglath- 
Pileser  I.,  had  lived  towards  the  close  of  the  twelfth  century, 
and  after  him  no  records  appear  on  the  monuments  till  the 
days  of  Asshur-nazirpal  (884-860),  who  consolidated  his 
kingdom  between  the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates,  and  took 
tribute  from  the  Western  princes  as  far  as  Phoenicia.  In 
the  days  of  Ahab,  Shalmaneser  II.  (860-824),  as  has  been 
shewn,  defeated  a  confederacy  of  twelve  kings  at  Qarqara  in 
B.C.  854,  and  in  B.C.  842  he  conquered  Hazael,  King  of 
Damascus,  and  took  tribute  from  Jehu  "the  son  of  Omri." 
The  Arameans,  being  nearer  to  Assyria  than  the  Israelites, 
were  the  first  to  feel  the  presence  of  this  formidable  power, 
and  relaxed  their  efibrts  to  conquer  their  rivals.  As  a  con- 
sequence of  this  Israel  rapidly  increased  in  strength,  and 
under  Jeroboam  II.  it  became  the  leading  power  in  Palestine. 
At  this  juncture  a  flood  of  light  is  thrown  on  the  social, 
political  and  religious  condition  of  the  Israelites  by  the 
prophecy  of  Amos,  the  earliest  document  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment of  almost  unquestioned  authenticity. 

In  perusing  the  historical  records  it  is  hard  to  determine 
with  accuracy  how  much  may  or  may  not  be  attributed  to 
the  prejudices  of  the  time  at  which  they  were  composed,  and 
we  are  constantly  being  perplexed  by  having  to  consider  such 
points  as  these :  Was  the  judgment  passed  in  the  book  of 


The  Fall  of  the  Northern  Kingdom     257 


Kings  on  Solomon  or  Jeroboam,  that  of  their  contemporaries, 
or  that  of  posterity]  What  views  did  Samuel  or  Elijah 
hold  as  to  the  nature  of  God  1  In  what  spirit  was  Jehovah 
worshipped  at  Shiloh,  or  even  at  Jerusalem,  in  the  early  days 
of  the  Judsean  Monarchy  ?  What  ideas  were  associated  with 
the  "  calves  "  at  Bethel  and  Dan  ?  At  best  the  answers  to 
sucl\  questions  must  be  conjectural,  and  can  only  be  accepted 
or  rejected  on  the  ground  of  their  probability. 

It  is  otherwise  after  the  appearance  of  the  literary 
prophets.  With  them  it  is  possible  to  enter  into  the  mind 
of  their  day  and  to  understand  the  meaning  of  much  which, 
without  their  aid,  would  be  obscure. 

Amos  is  sometimes  considered  as  a  pioneer  in  religious  Amos 
thought,  as  opening  a  new  world  of  ideas  to  the  men  of  his 
age.  It  is,  however,  equally  permissible  to  regard  him  as 
declaring  long-accepted  but  forgotten  truths,  to  his  con- 
temporaries. Rarely  indeed  does  it  fall  to  any  religious 
teacher  to  unfold  new  truths  !  His  duty  is,  generally,  to 
remind  men  of  what  they  know  to  be  true,  but  are  unwill- 
ing to  acknowledge. 

The  light  the  prophets  shed  falls  backward  as  well  as 
forward,  making  Israel's  past  more  intelligible.  From  Amos 
and  his  younger  contemporary  Hosea  the  beliefs  long  held 
by  the  Israelites  became  known.  To  these  both  prophets 
appeal  as  to  the  foundation  of  their  teaching. 

The  long  war  with   Syria  had   its   eJffects   both  for  good  Religious 
and  for  evil  on  the  people  of  Israel.     It  had  been  a  bitter  revival 
struggle,  and  at  one  time  the  nation  was  almost  annihilated, 
but  it  emerged  from  the  contest  victorious  and  stronger  than 
it  had  ever  been.     Success  strengthened  its  confidence  in 
Jehovah.     There  was  no  danger  of  a  relapse  into  idolatry, 
xs  in  the  days  of  Solomon  or  Ahab.     Every  Israelite  was  ' 
an  enthusiastic  worshipper  of  Jehovah,  for  a  great  religious 
revival  had  accompanied  the  successes  of  Jeroboam  II.     The 
sanctuaries  were  thronged,  offerings  poured  in,  the  festivals 
were  scrupulously  observed.     A  spirit  of  devotion  seems  to 
have   prevailed:    men    eagerly    entered    the   ranks    of    the 
prophetic   order,  or   embraced    the    rigid   discipline  of    the 
Nazirites.     But  above  all  things  the  Israelites  felt  that  they 
were  the  chosen  people  of  Jehovah.     They  gloried  in  the 


258        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


First  appeax- 
ajice  of  Amos 


name  of  Israel ;  they  spoke  of  their  country  as  '*  the  high 
place  of  Isaac,"  they  styled  themselves  the  House  of  Jacob, 
and  the  House  of  Joseph.  The  adventures  of  Jacob  and 
Joseph,   and   the  deliverance  from   Egypt,   were   apparently 

familiar  to  all. 

But  the  religion  of  Israel  was  as  hollow  as  its  prosperity 
was  delusive,  and  the  warning  voice  was  raised  at  the  royal 
sanctuary  at  Bethel  by  a  prophet  who  recognised  the  political 
danger  as  clearly  as  he  saw  the  underlying  rottenness  of  the 
religious  condition  of  the  nation.  This  was  Amos,  a  man  of 
humble  birth,  for  his  father's  name  is  not  recorded,  who  was 
a  prophet  neither  by  profession  nor  by  training,  but  a 
herdsman  of  the  Judaean  township  of  Tekoa  (Amos  vii.  14). 
He  was  not,  to  all  appearance,  an  uneducated  man,  for  his 
style  is  singularly  pure,  and  his  knowledge  of  the  affairs  oc 
Palestine  not  inconsiderable.  He  began  his  message  by  a 
survey  of  the  condition  of  Israel's  neighbours. 

The  prospect  was  like  that  of  a  fair  day  with  storm  clouds 
on  the  horizon.  When  or  how  the  storm  would  burst  no 
one  knew,  and  the  signs  of  its  coming  were  not  visible  to 
every  eye.  Assyria  had  not  yet  begun  to  push  her  armies 
to  the  coast  of  the  Mediterranean,  but  it  was  evident  to  a 
keen  observer  that  she  must  soon  do  so.  Amos  recognised 
that  the  danger  was  coming,  but  it  was  as  yet  so  far  off 
that  he  does  not  name  Assyria.  He  contents  himself  with 
saying  that  it  (the  nameless  terror)  is  coming  and  that 
Jehovah  will  nob  turn  it  aside.^^ 

In  his  opening  address,  Amos  shews  that  he  recognises  in 

Jehovah  the  sole  dispenser  of  justice  upon  earth.     He  is  the 

avenger  of  all  crimes,  and  all  men  are  responsible  to  Him. 

The  prophet  further  shews  a  recognition  of  a  natural  moral 

law,   as   well   as   a  law   revealed   specially   to  Israel.      The 

puidshment  will   fall   on   the  surrounding  nations,   because 

they    have    sinned    against    the    light    vouchsafed    them. 

Barbarous   cruelty,  perfidy   and   treacliery  are   not  natural, 

but  abnormal  ;    Israel,  however,  has  fallen   into  the  same 

condemnation    as    the  nations,   because    it  has    had    better 

opportunities  than  they,  and  has  neglected  them  (Amos  i.  2). 

It  is  because  of  the  extraordinary  privileges  of  this  nation 

that  its  punishment  is  merited  :  ''  You  only  have  I  known  of 


The  Fall  of  the  Northern  Kingdom     259 


all  the  families  of  the  earth  ;  therefore  will  I  punish  you  for 
your  iniquities  "  (Amos  iii.  2).  Except  by  implication,  Amos 
says  little  about  idolatry.  He  is  not  severe  on  ritual 
offences,  but  rather  dwells  on  the  moral  corruption  of  the 
nation. 

According  to  Amos,  the  position  of  Israel  is  unique.  The 
prophet  invites  his  hearers  to  survey  the  neighbouring  nations, 
and  say  if  any  has  a  fairer  heritage  than  Israel  (Amos  vi.  2). 
Well  might  he  speak  thus  in  the  flourishing  days  of  Jeroboam 
IT.  !  Jehovah  has  specially  chosen  or  known  Israel,  He  has 
put  His  spirit  into  the  people  so  that  their  sons  become  His 
prophets  and  His  Nazirites.  His  will  and  His  purposes  are 
always  revealed  to  ''His  servants  the  prophets."  His  provi- 
dence is  seen  in  the  history  of  all  nations,  in  bringing  the 
Syrians  from  Kir  and  the  Philistines  from  Caphtor,  but 
specially  in  leading  Israel  out  of  Egypt  (Amos  ix.  7,  8).  For 
Israel  is  the  favoured  nation.  Hitherto  it  has  always  been 
allowed  to  know  the  word  of  Jehovah. 

If  outward  service  could  satisfy  the  demands  of  Jehovah, 
Israel  was  certainly  not  behind-hand  when  Amos  delivered 
his  message.  The  new  moons  and  sabbaths  were  scrupulously 
observed,  every  morning  the  customary  sacrifice  was  offered, 
the  tithes  and  freewill  offerings  were  paid,  the  people  crowded 
to  Bethel,  Gilgal,  and  even  to  distant  Beersheba.  Incident- 
ally a  sanctuary  at  Samaria  is  alluded  to,  together  with  those 
at  Beersheba  and  Dan.  Sacrifices  were  evidently  offered  with 
great  profusion  (Amos  iv.  4,  5 ;  v.  22). 

Nor  were  the  Israelites  ignorant  of  the  moral  requirements  IsraeUte 
of  the  Divine  law.     There  is  no  proof  tlmt  any  code  was  in  belief  in  the 
existence,  but  the  teaching  of  Amos  appears  to  be  based  on  *"^®  o^  ^mos 
the  laws  found  in  the  "  Book  of  the  Covenant."    Nor  may  it 
be  forgotten  that  in  the  time  of  Amos  there  was  a  continual 
manifestation    of   Jehovah's    will    by   means  of   priest  and 
prophet.     To  lose  this  contact  with  Jehovah  was  regarded 
as  the  most  awful  of  all  misfortunes,  worse  than  famine  or 
the    failure   of  the   supply   of  water.     Amos   threatens  "a 
famine    of   hearing    of    the    words    of    the    Lord"    as    the 
greatest  calamity  that  can  befall  the  nation  (Amos  viii.  11). 

The  sins  which  Amos  denounces  are  not  schism,  for  he 
scarcely  mentions  Judah,  nor  perhaps  even  idolatry,  but  the 


26o       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Civil  wars 
after 
Jeroboam  II. 


callous  cruelty  of  the  prosperous  class  of  a  nation  enervated 
by  luxury.  The  poor  were  ground  to  the  dust,  their  creditors 
shewed  no  mercy.  The  extortioners  had  no  shame;  they 
appeared  at  the  feasts  as  devout  worshippers  with  the  very  gar- 
ments they  had  torn  from  the  wretched  debtors  (Amos  ii.  8). 
In  Samaria  the  palaces  were  stored  with  ill-gotten  luxury ; 
the  great  ladies,  by  their  wanton  extravagance,  caused  the 
poor  to  be  more  oppressed.  Drunkenness  was  a  national 
vice.  No  trouble  seemed  to  rouse  men  from  their  careless 
security.  Famines  and  droughts  had  afflicted  the  land,  but 
they  had  taught  no  salutary  lessons,  and  the  doom  of  the 
Assyrian  invasion  was  inevitable.  There  was  but  one  remedy  : 
"Let  justice,"  cried  Amos,  "run  down  like  waters,  and 
righteousness  like  a  mighty  stream  "  (Amos  v.  24).^ 

This  preaching  is  not  that  of  an  innovator  or  an  introducer 
of  new  truths.  Amos  evidently  appealed  to  the  conscience  of 
the  nation,  and  so  effectually  did  he  arouse  it,  that  Amaziah, 
the  priest  at  Bethel,  declared,  "The  land  is  not  able  to  bear 
his  words."  He  was  bidden  to  go  to  Judah  and  earn  his 
bread  by  prophesying,  but  he  declared  himself  "no  prophet 
nor  prophet's  son,"  but  a  messenger  sent  by  Jehovah  to 
Israel,  and  warned  Amaziah  of  the  doom  of  his  house  and 
the  captivity  of  his  people  (Amos  vii.  10-17). 

The  words  "  decline  and  fall "  can  hardly  be  applied  to  the 
Oriental  empires  of  antiquity.    They  did  not  gradually  waste 
away;  they  vanished  from  sight.     Jeroboam   II.  was  evi- 
dently the  sole  support  on  which  Israel's  prosperity  rested. 
He  died,   and   anarchy  ensued.      His  son,   Zechariah,   was 
murdered  by  Shallum,  the  son  of  Jabesh,  who  was  in  turn 
put  to  death  by  Menahem,  the  son  of  Gadi.     A  civil  war 
followed,  in  which  Menahem  committed  atrocities  like  those 
of  wliich  the  Syrian,  Hazael,  had  been  guilty.     During  his 
rei^n  an  Assyrian  king  is  first  mentioned  in  the  annals  of 
Israel.      Menahem,    when   threatened    by    "  Pul,    king    of 
Assyria,"  paid  a  thousand  talents  to  be  confirmed  in  his 
kingdom.     The  money   was  raised  by   taxing  the  wealthy 
Israelites  (2  Kings  xv.  19-22).     Menahem  was  succeeded  by 
Pekahiah,  who,  in  turn,  was  murdered  by  Pekah,  the  son  of 
Reraaliah.i2     xj^^s  the  history  of  Israel,  during  the  closing 
years  of  the  nation,  is  a  mere  record  of  bloodshed  and  crime. 


The  Fall  of  the  Northern  Kingdom    26 


Again,  light  is  thrown  on  this  troubled  age  by  an  Israelite 
prophet,  Hosea,  the  son  of  Beeri. 

The  life-story  of  Hosea  may  be  given  in  the  opening  of  his  Hosea 
prophecy,  though  some  regard  his  experiences  not  as  real,  but 
as  a  species  of  allegory  to  shew  the  relation  between  Jehovah 
and  His  people.     If  taken  literally,  the  prophet's  tale  is  that 
of  a  broken  life  and  a  ruined  home. 

Though  the  prophets  Hosea  and  Amos  were  almost  con- 
temporaries, the  circumstances,  the  tone  and  the  character 
of  their  prophecies  are  very  different.  Amos  addresses 
Israel  when  the  nation  was  prosperous,  its  religion  decorous, 
and  when  a  tone  of  general  complacency  prevailed.  In 
Hosea's  days  calamities  crowded  thick  and  fast  upon  Israel ; 
religion  was  corrupt,  and  fear  of  Assyria  had  made  the 
rulers  of  Samaria  helpless.  Amos  is  singularly  impersonal. 
He  does  not  name  the  approaching  calamity  but  only  hints 
at  it;  he  addresses  Israel  as  one  of  the  guilty  nations; 
he  gives  his  message  sternly  without  any  expression  of 
personal  feeling.  Hosea  on  the  other  hand  makes  no 
mention  of  any  nation  save  the  chosen  race.  His  interests 
are  limited  to  Judah  and  Israel,  but  are  centred  on  Ephraim. 
His  message  is  as  stern  as  that  of  Amos,  but  he  delivers 
it  with  an  effort.  His  own  heart  is  broken  at  the  doom 
of  his  people.  When  Jehovah  speaks  through  Amos  it  is 
to  announce  that  He  loves  justice  and  is  ready  to  sacrifice 
Israel  to  its  demands.  His  message,  by  the  hand  of  Hosea, 
is  that  He  loves  Ephraim,  and  that  He  suffers  when  He 
has  to  inflict  on  him  the  penalty  of  his  sins. 

Jehovah,  in  Hosea,  is  no  embodiment  of  abstract  righteous- 
ness, but  a  father  chastising  his  people  with  regret,  and 
eagerly  looking  for  signs  of  amendment. 

Hosea  was  married  to  Gomer  the  daughter  of  Diblaim,  Hosea's  wife 
who  bore  him  three  children  (Hos.  i.  2-9).  To  each  of  and  cMldren 
these  the  prophet  gave  symbolical  names.  The  eldest  son 
was  called  Jezreel,  because  Jehovah  was  about  "  to  avenge 
the  blood  of  Jezreel  on  the  House  of  Jehu."  It  is  character- 
istic of  the  prophet's  sensitive  nature  that  he  should  dwell 
on  the  tragedy  of  the  ruin  of  the  House  of  Ahab  with 
horror  (Hos.  i.  4,  5).  A  daughter  was  named  Lo-Euhamah 
because  Jehovah  would  have  no  more  pity  for  Israel,  and 


262       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Decadence 

^f  Israel 


a  second  son,  Lo-Ammi,  in  token  of  the  rejection  of  Israel 
as  the  people  of  God  (Hos.  i.  6-9).  A  day,  however,  was 
at  hand  when  the  names  of  the  younger  children  would  be 
changed  to  Ruhamah  and  Am  mi,  as  a  pledge  of  the  restora- 
tion of  the  nation  (Hos.  ii.  1).  Hosea's  wife  deserted  him 
for  another  man,  and  the  prophet,  by  Divine  command,  took 
her  back  and  made  her  remain  in  seclusion  before  he  again 
lived  with  her  (Hos.  iii.  1-5).^^  In  all  this  he  sees  a 
parable  of  God's  dealing  with  the  faithless  nation  of  Israel. 
The  people  were  espoused  to  God,  but  in  going  after  the 
local  Baalim  and  foreign  deities,  they  had  become  like  a 
faithless  wife  estranged  from  her  husband.  On  repentance 
restoration  was  promised.  Israel  would  be  secluded, 
"  brought  into  the  wilderness,"  that  Jehovah  "  might  speak 
to  her  heart,"  and  then  she  would  enter  into  a  better 
relation  to  Him.  No  more  would  she  call  Him  as  a  slave- 
concubine  "Baali"  (my  owner);  she  would  address  Him 
as  a  freewoman  by  the  title  of  Ishi  (my  husband)  (Hos.  ii. 

16,  17). 

The  apostasy  of  Israel  as  described  by  Hosea  is  far  more 
complete  than  that  in  the  days  of  Amos.  Then  the 
national  sins  were  those  engendered  by  prosperity  and 
spiritual  arrogance,  but  after  the  fall  of  the  House  of  Jehu 
despair  had  seized  on  Israel.  The  last  signs  of  decency 
had  disappeared  from  the  sanctuaries.  The  priests  were  in 
league  with  the  banditti  who  robbed  the  pilgrims  on  the 
way  to  Shechem.  Their  moral  influence  was  gone;  they 
are  compared  to  **  a  snare  at  Mizpah  and  a  net  spread  upon 
Tabor"  (Hos.  v.  1,  2  ;  vi.  9).  The  prophets  were  active,  but 
could  not  persuade  the  people  that  what  Jehovah  desired 
was  ''mercy  and  not  sacrifice,  and  the  knowledge  of  God 
more  than  burnt-offerings"  (Hos.  vi.  6).  A  written  law, 
with  its  ten  thousand  precepts,  was  in  existence,  but  was 
completely  disregarded.^*  Immorality  was  prevalent,  and 
drunken  orgies  disgraced  the  royal  palace.  Hosea  is  much 
more  explicit  than  Amos  in  his  denunciations  of  schism  and 
idolatry,  for  as  his  prophecy  now  stands,  Judah  is  con- 
trasted favourably  with  Israel,  and  the  bull  worship  of 
Samaria  bitterly  denounced.  The  "pillars,"  Baalim,  idols 
and  false  gods,  are  all  reprobated. 


The  Fall  of  the  Northern  Kingdom    263 


Hosea  has  nothing  but  condemnation  for  the  politics  of 
his  time.  Ephraim  is  compared,  by  him,  to  a  timid  dove 
fluttering  helplessly  first  to  Egypt  and  then  to  Assyria  for 
aid.  Curiously  enough  he  dreads  Egypt  the  most,  and 
predicts  a  captivity  in  that  country  as  well  as  in  Assyria. 
"  Ephraim  shall  return  to  Egypt,  and  they  shall  eat  unclean 
food  in  Assyria.  .  .  .  Egypt  shall  gather  them  up,  Memphis 
shall  bury  them  "  (Hos.  xi.  11  ;  ix.  3-6). 

Despite  the  immoral  condition  of  the  nation,  and  the  Jehovah's 
semi-idolatrous  state  of  its  religion,  Hosea  is  able  to  appeal  ^°^®  ^°^  ^^^*®^ 
with  confidence  to  a  feeling  prevalent  in  Israel,  that  the 
state  of  things  then  prevalent  denoted  a  sad  fall  from  a 
higher  ideal.  The  facts  of  the  history  of  his  people,  which 
he  assumes  to  be  familiarly  known,  all  point  to  this.  Jacob, 
the  supplanter  of  Esau,  had  escaped  to  Aram  and  become 
a  servant  to  gain  his  bride  (Hos.  xii.  12).  He  prevailed 
with  the  angel  when  he  strove,  and  found  God  at  Bethel 
(Hos.  xii.  4).  His  descendants  had  gone  down  to  Egypt, 
and  Jehovah  had  called  them  thence  because  He  loved  them. 
A  prophet  brought  them  forth  and  preserved  them  in  the 
wilderness,  where  Jehovah  found  them ;  but  Israel  proved 
faithless  and  provoked  their  God  at  Baal-peor  (Hos.  xi.  1  ; 
ix.  10).  The  land  and  its  fruits  were  the  gift  of  Jehovah, 
who  was  the  true  King  of  His  people,  as  had  been  proved 
by  the  love  which  He  had  displayed  throughout  their 
history, — a  love  which  even  the  sins  of  Ephraim  had  not 
been  able  to  destroy. 

But  though  the  relation  of  Jehovah  to  His  people  had  Israel's 
been  that  of  tender  mercy  (chesed),  though  He  loves  the  rejection 
nation  so  fondly  that  He  says,  "  How  shall  I  give  thee  up, 
Ephraim  1  How  shall  I  deliver  thee,  Israel?  How  shall 
I  make  thee  as  Admah  1  How  shall  I  set  thee  as  Zeboim  1 " 
yet  so  great  is  the  apostasy  that  destruction  is  bound  to 
come.     The  doom  of  Jehovah  is  this  : — 

"  Shall  I  ransom  them  from  the  power  of  the  grave  t 
Shall  I  redeem  them  from  death  ? 
Ho,  Death  !  (come  with)  thy  plagues  ! 
Ho,  Grave  !  (with)  thy  destructions  ! 
Repentance  shall  be  hid  from  Mine  eyes  " 

(Hos.  xiii.  14).w 


264       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Isaiah  and 
Israel 


Tbe  Assyrian 

invasion 

propliesied 


Isaiah  and  Micah,  the  contemporary  proplie-ts  of  Judah, 
allude  to  the  condition  of  the  Northern  Kingdom  in  the  days 
of  its  decline.  In  about  B.C.  735  Isaiah  uttered  an  elaborate 
prophecy  against  Israel.  It  consists  of  several  stanzas,  each 
either  describing  the  calamities  which  have  befallen  the 
nation,  or  denouncing  certain  sins  and  concluding  with  thfl 
words,  "  For  all  this  His  anger  is  not  turned  away,  but  Hii 
hand  is  stretched  out  still." 

The  oracle  begins  with  the  words,  "  The  Lord  sent  a  word 
unto  Jacob  and  it  hath  lighted  upon  Israel."  The  pride 
and  stubborn  courage  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  is  then 
portrayed.  No  calamity  dismays  them.  "The  bricks  are 
fallen,"  say  they,  "  but  we  will  build  with  hewn  stone :  the 
sycamores  are  cut  down,  but  we  will  change  them  into 
cedars."  Their  pride  displeases  Jehovah,  who  sends  the 
Syrians  and  Philistines  to  devour.  Yet  is  not  His  wrath 
turned  away  (Is.  ix.  8-12). 

Then  Jehovah  cut  off  the  guides  and  leaders  of  the  people 
— the  men  who  had  made  Israel  great  in  Jeroboam  II.'s 
days.  Their  leaders  led  them  astray,  and  Jehovah  would 
not  save  the  nation.     Yet  His  wrath  was  not  turned  away 

(Is.  ix.  13-17). 

Again  Jehovah  stretched  forth  His  liand,  and  as  unrighteous- 
ness burned  like  fire,  civil  war  was  kindled,  and  the  brother 
tribes,  Ephraim  and  Manasseh,  were  at  strife,  hating  one 
another,  but  ready  to  unite  if  they  could  humble  the  pride 
of  Judah  (Is.  ix.  18-21). 

Then  the  prophet  pronounces  "Woe"  to  the  sinners  in 
Israel.  On  the  greedy  landowners  who  "added  house  to 
house  and  field  to  field."  On  the  revellers  who  delighted 
in  gorgeous  feasts  accompanied  by  music.  On  the  men  who 
were  only  valiant  as  drunkards.  On  the  unjust  legislators, 
the  venal  scribes  and  the  corrupt  judges.  Though  these 
"  crouch  under  the  captives  and  fall  under  the  slain,"  though 
their  carcases  become  as  the  refuse  of  the  streets  in  the 
captured  cities;  yet  Jehovah's  hand  is  still  stretched  out 
for  the  last  and  greatest  woe  (Is.  x.  1-4 ;  v.  8-25). 

In  such  a  fashion  does  Isaiah  lead  up  to  the  coming  of 
the  Assyrians.  Jehovah,  he  says,  "  lifts  up  His  banner  to 
a  far-off   nation,"   and   even  in   the   words   of  our  English 


The  Fall  of  the  Northern  Kingdom     265 

—      — 

Bible  has  preserved  the  sound  of  the  tread  of  an  advancing 
army. 

"  And  He  will  lift  up  an  ensign  to  the  nations  from  far, 
and  will  hiss  for  them  from  the  end  of  the  earth  :  and, 
behold,  they  shall  come  with  speed  swiftly  :  none  shall  be 
weary  nor  stumble  among  them  ;  none  shall  slumber  nor 
sleep  ;  neither  shall  the  girdle  of  their  loins  be  loosed,  nor 
the  latchet  of  their  shoes  be  broken  :  whose  arrows  are 
sharp,  and  all  their  bows  bent ;  their  horses'  hoofs  shall  be 
counted  like  flint,  and  their  wheels  like  a  whirlwind ;  their 
roaring  shall  be  like  a  lion,  they  shall  roar  like  young  lions ; 
yea,  they  shall  roar  and  lay  hold  of  the  prey,  and  carry  it 
away  safe,  and  there  shall  be  none  to  deliver."   (Is.  v.  26-29.)-^^ 

Israel  now  became  fatally  involved  with  Assyria.     Hitherto  Israel  and 
no  Assyrian  army  had  appeared  in  the  country,  and  kings  Syria  against 
like  Jehu  and  Menahem  had  remained  free  from  molestation     ^ 
by  the   payment  of  tribute.     The  immediate   cause   of  the 
direct  interference  of  Assyria  in  the  politics  of  Israel  was 
an  attempt  on  the  part  of  Pekah,  King  of  Israel,  in  alliance 
with  Rezin,  King  of  Syria,  to  reduce  Judah  to  subjection  by 
deposing  the  Davidic  king,  Jehoahaz  (commonly  known  as 
Ahaz),  and  to  give  the  crown  to  a  nominee  of  their  own, 
probably  a  Syrian,  whom  Isaiah  styles   the  son   of  Tabeel 
(Is.  vii.  7). 

From  the  days  of  Jehu  the  kingdom  of  Judah  had  not  Sketch  of 
had  a  particularly  eventful  history.  The  records  preserved  ^^*ory  of 
in  the  book  of  Kings  are  rather  those  of  a  city  or  sanctuary 
than  of  a  nation,  and  contrast  strongly  with  the  stirring 
events  in  the  story  of  the  Northern  tribes.  The  royal  house 
had  been  almost  exterminated  first  by  Jehu  and  then  by 
Athaliah,  the  daughter  of  Ahab,  who  usurped  the  throne, 
and  reigned  for  seven  years.  During  her  reign  the  Baal 
worshippers  under  their  priest  Mattan  were  allowed  to 
practise  their  religion,  but  the  Temple  remained  under  the 
control  of  Jehoiada  the  priest  of  Jehovah,  a  man  connected 
by  marriage  with  the  House  of  David.  His  wife,  Jehosheba, 
concealed  her  brother  Ahaziah's  son,  Joash,  the  only  child 
Vho  survived  the  massacre  of  the  seed  royal  by  Athaliah,  till 
he  was  six  years  of  age.  Jehoiada  then  decided  to  overthrow 
Athaliah  and  the  Baal  worship.     The   child-king  was  pro- 


266       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Syro- 

Ephraimite 

war 


Isaiali 


claimed  in  the  Temple,  Athaliah  was  killed  and  Mattan  slain 
on  his  own  altar  (2  Kings  xi.).     Joash  reigned  for  forty-six 
years,  but  the  book  of  Kings,  during  this  long  period,  relates 
nothing  save  a  restoration  of  the  Temple  buildings,  and  an 
invasion  of  Judah  by  Hazael,  King  of  Syria.     The  Chronicler 
adds   that   after  Jehoiada's    death   Joash    went    astray   and 
killed  Jehoiada's  son  Zechariah  for  remonstrating  with  him 
(2  Chron.  xxiv.  20-22).     Joash  was  succeeded  by  Amaziah, 
who  reigned  twenty-nine  years,  and  won  a  notable  victory 
over   the    Edomites    (2    Kings    xiv.    7).     He    presumed    to 
challenge  Jehoash,  King  of  Israel,  to  battle,  and  the  con- 
temptuous answer  of  the  latter  shews  how  disdainfully  the 
Northern  monarchs  looked  down  on  their  petty  Jewish  rivals. 
Amaziah    was    utterly    defeated,    and    the    King    of    Israel 
punished  him   by  the   destruction   of   the  northern  wall  of 
Jerusalem  (2  Kings  xiv.  8-14).     Of  Azariah  or  Uzziah,  his 
son,  the  book   of   Kings   says   practically  nothing,  but  the 
Chronicler  describes  him  as  a  valiant  and   prudent   prince 
who  fortified  Jerusalem  and  encouraged  husbandry.      Uzziah 
reigned  no  less   than  fifty-two  years,  and  his  son   Jotham 
sixteen,  but  part   of  this   time   he   may  have   acted  as  his 
father's  regent  (2   Kings  xv.  1-7  ;   2  Chron.  xxvi.,  xxvii.).^^ 
Jotham's  son,  the  weak   and  unprincipled  Ahaz,  succeeded 
his  father  in  the  seventeenth  year  of  Pekah. 

The  invasion  of  Judah  by  the  allied  armies  of  Syria  and 
Israel  is  important,  because  for  the  first  time  since  the  days 
of  Solomon,  the  Southern  Kingdom  comes  into  prominence. 
For  centuries  it  remained  in  obscurity ;  hardly  a  single  name 
of  importance  has  been  handed  down  to  posterity  as  belong- 
ing to  Judah.  The  only  great  prophet,  Amos  the  herdsman 
of  Tekoa,  went  into  the  Northern  Kingdom  to  declare  his 
message.  The  Judahites  had  practically  no  history,  but  in 
the  uneventful  generations  which  followed  the  glorious  age 
of  Solomon  the  little  nation  had  shewn  a  steady  loyalty  to 
their  kings,  which  promised  well  for  its  stability.  The 
people,  like  their  country,  lacked  the  attractiveness  of 
Northern  Israel,  but  the  strength  of  the  Jewish  character 
was  already  making  itself  manifest,  and  in  this  the  ten  tribes 
were  inferior  to  the  smaller  nation. 

Isaiah,  the  prophet  of  Judah  at  this  crisis,  fills  a  unique 


The  Fall  of  the  Northern  Kingdom    267 


place  in  sacred  history  and  literature.  He  appears  to  have 
been  equally  great  as  a  statesman,  a  poet,  and  a  prophet. 
His  wise  counsel  helped  Judah  to  weather  the  storm  be- 
fore which  Israel  succumbed.  The  portions  of  the  book 
attributed  to  him,  which  are  generally  acknowledged  to 
be  genuine,  are  unequalled  specimens  of  Hebrew  poetry. 
As  a  prophet  he  not  only  delivered  his  message  from  the  most 
High,  but  he  also  gave  form  to  the  Messianic  hopes  which 
from  his  day,  at  any  rate,  influenced  the  thoughts  of  the 
Chosen  People. 

Isaiah  was  called  to  the  prophetic  office  by  a  vision  in  the 
Temple  at  Jerusalem  in  the  year  that  King  Uzziah  died,  and 
at  the  time  of  the  invasion  of  Judah  by  the  Syro-Ephraimite 
army  he  was  already  a  prophet  of  repute  and  influence,  and 
the  father  of  a  son  named  Shear-jashub  (Is.  vii.  3).  At  an 
earlier  time,  perhaps  in  B.C.  740,  Isaiah  described  the  con- 
dition of  Judah  as  outwardly  most  prosperous ;  but  side  by 
side  with  increasing  trade  and  wealth  there  was  wanton 
luxury,  especially  among  the  women,  idolatry  and  superstition. 
In  vivid  terms  does  he  depict  Jerusalem  with  its  streets  full 
of  traders  from  the  east,  sorcerers  from  Philistia,  and  chariots 
and  horses  (Is.  ii.  6,  7).  The  great  ladies  go  about  with 
mincing  gait,  decked  in  Query  (Is.  iii.  16-26),  the  images  of 
strange  gods  are  everywhere  to  be  seen,  the  city  has  the 
appearance  of  a  luxurious  heathen  town.  But  all  this 
prosperity  with  its  attendant  wickedness  was,  says  the 
prophet,  destined  to  disappear.  Jehovah  was  about  to  arise 
and  shake  the  earth.  At  the  fear  of  Him  the  idol 
worshippers  would  cast  their  images  "to  the  moles  and  to 
the  bats,"  and  would  hide  in  the  clefts  of  the  rocks.  A 
day  was  coming  when  the  rulers  of  Judah  would  be  like 
children,  too  feeble  to  control  the  state.  The  base  influence 
of  the  harem  would  be  the  dominant  power  (Is.  iii.  12). 
Like  all  the  prophets  of  his  age,  Isaiah  recognises  that  the 
social  evil  is  the  root  of  the  mischief,  for  as  in  Israel  so  in 
Judah  the  rich  men  habitually  ground  down  the  poor  by  their 
selfish  rapacity. 

Under  Ahaz  the  prophetic  words  were  fulfilled,  for  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  this  prince  was  both  feeble  and  wicked. 
Like  Ahab   he  was  a  supporter  of   foreign  religions,  and 


Invasion 
of  Judali 


Immanuel 


268        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

apparently  introduced  the  worship  of  Moloch  into  Jerusalem, 
and  also  erected  altars  on  the  roofs  of  the  Temple  in  honour 
of  the  heavenly  bodies  (2  Kings  xxiii.  12).  Such  a  king 
was  ill  qualified  to  rule  in  a  great  emergency,  and  it  is  not 
surprising  that  when  Pekah  and  Rezin's  armies  threatened 
Jerusalem,  "The  heart  of  Ahaz  was  moved,  and  the  heart 
of  his  people,  as  the  trees  in  the  forest  are  moved  with  the 
wind  "  (Is.  vii.  2). 

The  invasion  was  twofold.  The  Syrians  under  Rezin 
went  through  Edom  and  seized  the  Judsean  settlement  of 
Eloth  on  the  Red  Sea,  which  from  that  time  became  an 
Edomite  or  Syrian  port.  The  army  of  Ahaz  was  utterly 
defeated  by  Pekah  (2  Chron.  xxviii.  6),  and  it  seemed  as 
though  nothing  could  prevent  the  deposition  of  Ahaz  in 
favour  of  the  son  of  Tabeel.  Ahaz  seems  to  have  behaved 
at  this  juncture  with  craft  and  duplicity.  He  sent  privately 
to  Tiglath-pileser,  King  of  Assyria,  saying,  "  I  am  thy  servant 
and  thy  son,  come  up  and  save  me  out  of  the  hand  of  the  king 
of  Syria  and  out  of  the  hand  of  the  king  of  Israel,  which 
rise  up  against  me  "  (2  Kings  xvi.  7).  At  the  same  time  he 
sought  the  advice  of  Isaiah,  who,  as  he  well  knew,  would 
never  have  sanctioned  the  base  and  unpatriotic  action  of 
inviting  Assyria  to  intervene  in  the  affairs  of  Palestine. 
But  the  prophet  was  not  deceived.  His  statesmanlike  eye 
took  in  the  whole  situation.  Neither  Pekah  nor  Rezin  were 
really  formidable.  He  invited  Ahaz  to  ask  for  a  sign  from 
Jehovah  that  deliverance  would  come.  But  the  king,  con- 
scious, no  doubt,  that  help  was  on  its  way  from  Assyria, 
replied,  "  I  will  not  ask,  neither  will  I  tempt  the  Lord." 
Isaiah  rebuked  him  sternly,  "  Hear  ye  this,  O  House  of 
David ;  is  it  a  small  thing  for  you  to  weary  men,  that  ye 
will  weary  my  God  also  ? "    A  sign  was  already  given  by  God. 

Already  a  child  was  conceived  who  was  to  bear  the  name 
of  Immanuel  (God  with  us).  He  was  to  eat  curds  and 
honey,  the  product  of  a  pastoral  country,  for  the  crops  of 
Judah  had  been  destroyed  by  the  invading  army.  Before, 
however,  the  infant  should  know  good  from  evil  the  land  of 
the  invaders  themselves  would  be  desolate.  Then  having 
predicted  the  ruin  of  Israel  and  Syria,  Isaiah  goes  on  to  tell 
Ahaz   of   the  terrible  evil  which  his  cowardly  policy   had 


The  Fall  of  the  Northern  Kingdom     269 


i 


brought  on  his  people.  The  **  razor  he  had  hired  "  in  Tiglath- 
pileser's  army  would  shave  the  land  of  Judah  till  it  was 
utterly  desolate.  Where  vineyards  had  once  fetched  a  large 
rental,  so  great  would  be  the  ruin  that  a  man  would  have  to 
go  armed  for  fear  of  wild  beasts  (Is.  vii.  18-25).  A  son 
born  to  Isaiah  at  this  time  received  the  significant  name  of 
Maher-shalal-hash-baz  (haste  booty,  speed  spoil),  in  token  of 
the  coming  destruction  of  Israel  and  Syria  (Is.  viii.  1,  2). 

The  year  B.C.  734  witnessed  the  first  invasion  of  Palestine  Tiglath- 
(Pilishta  as  it  is   styled)  by  an   Assyrian  army.     Tiglath-   Pileser  in 
pileser  reached  Gaza,  but  neither  Samaria  nor  Jerusalem  seem  ^^®^^® 
to  have  been  threatened  severely. ^^    Northern  Israel  suffered, 
for  the  book  of  Kings  says,  ''  In  the  days  of  Pekah  king  of 
Israel  came  Tiglath-pileser  king  of  Assyria,  and  took  Ijon, 
and  Abel-beth-maacah,  and  Janoah  and  Kedesh,  and  Hazor, 
and  Gilead,  and  Galilee,  all  the  land  of  Naphtali ;    and  he 
carried  them  captive  to  Assyria  "  (2  Kings  xv.  29). 

In  the  following  year  the  Assyrian  monarch  attacked 
Rezin.  Damascus  was  taken,  and  the  inhabitants  were 
led  as  captives  to  Kir.  Ahaz  presented  himself  before 
Tiglath-pileser  to  do  homage  at  Damascus — a  fact  related 
by  the  sacred  historian,  because  Ahaz  erected  an  altar  in 
the  Temple  on  the  plan  of  an  Assyrian  altar  he  had  seen 
on  his  journey.  The  fall  of  Israel  was  now  near.  Pekah 
was  murdered  by  Hoshea  the  son  of  Elah,  who  had  been 
instigated  to  seize  the  crown  by  the  Assyrians. ^^  Hoshea 
reigned  nine  years.  Like  Jehoram,  the  last  of  the  dynasty 
of  Ahab,  he  is  said  to  have  done  less  evil  than  his  pre- 
decessors. But  he  lived  in  evil  days.  For  six  years  he 
paid  tribute  to  Assyria,  and  then,  won  over  by  the  promises 
of  Sabako  or  So,  King  of  Egypt,  he  rebelled.  Shalmaneser, 
the  successor  of  Tiglath-pileser,  besieged  Samaria  but  died 
before  it  was  taken.  For  three  years  the  capital  of  Israel 
resisted,  but  in  the  ninth  year  of  Hoshea  (b.c.  721)  it  was 
reduced  by  Sargon.  With  Samaria  the  kingdom  of  Israel 
fell  to  rise  no  more. 

The  captivity  of  the  Northern  tribes  was  not  a  single  act  Fall  of 
of  any  one  conqueror.     Only  28,000  were  deported  after  the  Samaria 
fall  of  Samaria,^^  but  previous  to  this,  the  territory  of  the 
Northern  and   trans-Jordanic  tribes  had  been  depopulated 


270        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Israel 


by   Tiglath-pileser.     A   century  later   the   old   sanctuary  at 
Bethel  was  still  in  existence,  for  it  was  laid  waste  by  Josiah, 
and  even  after  the  captivity  of  Judah  the  remnant  of  the 
old  Israelitish  inhabitants  of  Sliechera,  Shiloh  and  Samaria 
used    to    present   their  offerings  at    the   ruined    Temple   at 
Jerusalem  (2  Kings  xxiii.  14-20;  Jer.  xli.  5).     Even  in  the 
days  of  our  Lord,  mention  is  made  of  "  Anna  a  prophetess, 
the  daughter  of  Phanuel  of  the  tribe  of  Asher  "  (St  Luke  ii. 
36).     It  seems  that  Israel  gradually  disappeared  after  the 
destruction  of  its  political  existence,  but  it  is  hard  to  believe 
that  the  whole  population  of  so  extensive  a  tract  as  that 
occupied  by  the  Northern  Kingdom,  was  successfully  deported. 
It  is  true  that  the  Persians  had  a  practice  of  clearing  an 
island  of  its  inhabitants  by  a  process  of  "  netting  "  (Herodotus 
vi.  31),  but  this  would  be  impossible  in  a  country  like  Israel. 
At  any  rate,  the  devastation  was  so  far  successful  that  by  the 
time  of  Esarhaddon  (b.c.   681-668)  the  population  was  not 
sufficient  to  keep  down  the  lions,  and  his  new  settlers  peti- 
tioned for  a  priest  "  to  teach  them  the  manner  of  the  God  of 
the  country  "  that  He  might  protect  them  against  the  wild 
beasts.     The  bitterly  hostile  Jewish  account  of  these  settlers 
in  the  book  of  Kings  represents  them  as  half-idolators  "fear- 
ing Jehovah  and  serving  their  own  gods,"  but  they  themselves 
gloried  in  being  the  descendants  of  Jacob  and  Joseph,  and 
at  a  later  date  certainly  practised  a  monotheistic  worship. 
(2  Kings  xvii.  24-41  ;  St  John  iv.  20). 

The  loss  of  the  ten  tribes  can  only  be  rightly  judged  by 
taking  into  account  the  extreme  insignificance  of  the  Southern 
Kingdom  down  to  the  fall  of  Samaria.  Judah  produced  but 
one  judge — Othniel,  no  great  prophet  before  Isaiah,  except 
Shemaiah  and  Amos,  no  important  priest  save  Jehoiada. 
With  the  single  exceptions  of  David,  Joab  and  Solomon,  it 
had  no  one  to  compare  with  Joshua,  Gideon,  Barak,  Jephthah, 
Samson,  Eli,  Samuel,  Saul,  Elijah,  Elisha,  Hosea.  Israel  was 
the  land  of  song  and  story,  of  stirring  traditions  and  legends. 
To  its  people  we  owe  the  preservation  of  the  greater  part  of 
the  story  of  Jacob  and  of  Joseph,  the  Book  of  the  Laws  of  the 
Covenant,  the  prophecies  of  Balaam,  the  Blessing  of  the  Tribes 
by  Moses,  the  last  words  of  Joshua  and  the  Song  of  Deborah 
and  Barak.     Possibly  the  Messianic  Psalm  describing  a  royal 


The  Fall  of  the  Northern  Kingdom     271 

marriage  (Ps.  xlv.),  the  so-called  Song  of  Solomon,  and  the  pro- 
phecy of  Jonah,  are  of  Northern  origin.  The  spirited  stories 
of  how  Gideon  defeated  the  Midianites,  and  Elijah  triumphed 
over  the  Baal  worship,  were,  no  doubt,  often  repeated  among 
the  Israelites  :  and  after  all,  these  are  but  fragments  of  the 
rich  poetry,  literature  and  folklore  produced  by  Israel. 

Dean  Stanley's  excellent  history  of  Israel,  the  only  one 
written  by  a  man  with  a  true  literary  gift,  has  received  from 
its  author  the  singularly  inappropriate  title  of  the  "Jewish 
Church,"  and  it  is  not  uncommon  to  hear  the  great  men 
of  Israel  spoken  of  as  "Jews."  An  ancient  Ephraimite, 
Manassite,  Benjamite  or  Gadite  would  have  regarded  such  an 
appellation  as  the  most  grievous  insult.  The  Josephite 
tribes  at  least  were  of  a  far  purer  stock  than  the  Judahites, 
allied,  as  the  latter  were,  to  such  non-Israelite  clans  as  the 
Kenites  and  Jerahmeelites.  The  King  of  Israel  was  as  "a  cedar 
of  Lebanon  "  in  his  own  eyes,  and  doubtless  in  those  of  his 
subjects,  and  his  brother  of  Judah  a  mere  thistle  compared  to 
him  (2  Chr.  xxv.  1 8).  "  What  inheritance  have  we  (emphatic) 
with  David  1 "  was  the  cry  of  the  revolted  tribes.  The  very 
name  of  Israel  was  in  itself  a  claim  to  be  the  genuine  stock 
of  the  patriarch.  Even  the  Jewish  prophets  felt  that  with 
the  captivity  the  flower  of  the  Chosen  Race  was  gone,  and 
longed  for  the  restoration  of  Israel  and  reunion  with  the 
House  of  Joseph.  True,  the  tribe  of  Judah,  favoured  by  its 
barren  territory,  its  strong  capital,  its  more  stable  government, 
and  the  obstinate  conservatism  of  its  people,  alone  succeeded 
in  handing  down  to  posterity  the  truths  confided  to  Jehovah's 
people ;  but  to  the  last  days  of  Samaria  it  was  Israel,  not 
Judah,  which  represented  the  Chosen  Race. 

So  much  has  been  said  of  the  degradation  of  the  worship 
of  Jehovah  at  the  Israelitish  shrines,  of  its  assimilation  with 
the  nature  worship  of  Canaan,  and  of  the  adoration  of  a  bull 
as  symbolical  of  the  Deity,  that  the  possibility  of  the  existence 
of  a  purer  life  among  the  people  is  frequently  overlooked. 
The  blood-stained  annals  preserved  in  the  book  of  Kings 
relate  mainly  to  the  Court,  nor  is  it  fair  to  judge  a  people  by 
the  actions  of  zealots  for  righteousness  like  the  prophets  of 
Israel. 

Perhaps  the  best  indications  of  the  home  life  of  ancient  Life  in  Israel 


Lesson  of  the 
fall  of  Israel 


272        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

Israel  are  to  be  found  in  the  histories  of  Jacob  and  Joseph. 
Jacob  is  the  prototype  of  the  thriving  Israelitish  landowner, 
like  the  husband  of  the  rich  Shunammite  lady  who  enter- 
tained Elisha.  His  virtues  are  essentially  domestic.  He  is 
a  good  husband  and  father,  a  skilful  manager,  shrewd  but  as 
a  rule  honourable  in  his  dealings,  hating  violence  in  all  its 
forms,  calculating  in  his  religion,  but  yet  sincerely  pious.  It 
is  probable  that  the  craft  of  Jacob,  which  so  repels  Europeans, 
was  considered  commendable  by  his  descendants.  Joseph  is 
a  more  attractive  character,  and  a  people  who  for  generations 
delighted  in  the  tale  of  how  their  ancestor  became  a  great 
man  by  his  honesty,  piety  and  shrewd  sense,  had  certainly  a 
high  ideal  of  life  set  before  them. 

The  prophets  are  unanimous  in  speaking  of  the  wealth  of 
the  Ephraimites,  and  indeed  most  of  the  Northern  tribes 
seem  to  have  been  prosperous.  The  sins  denounced  are  those 
which  flourish  in  a  rich  land,  that  of  drunkenness  being 
most  frequently  alluded  to.  There  are  few  traces,  however, 
of  the  narrow  and  unamiable  exclusiveness  of  the  Jewish 
character.  Elijah  and  the  Phoenician  widow,  Elisha  and 
Naaman,  the  story  of  Jonah  and  the  Ninevites,  are  ex- 
amples of  a  liberal  spirit  towards  alien  peoples,  as  is  the 
broad  toleration  which  characterises  the  whole  story  of 
Joseph. 

The  fall  of  the  Northern  Kingdom,  and  especially  the  great 
confederacy  of  Josephite  tribes  in  Central  Palestine,  is  one 
of  the  saddest  and  most  impressive  lessons  of  history.  That 
so  noble  a  branch  of  the  Chosen  Race  should  have  been 
allowed  to  vanish  is  indeed  a  mystery.  That  in  captivity  all 
the  lessons  of  centuries  of  Divine  teaching  should  have  been 
forgotten  seems  wellnigh  impossible.  Yet  such  appears  to 
have  been  the  case.  The  weakness  of  Israel  lay  in  its  turbu- 
lence, its  impatience  of  restraint,  its  fatal  compliance  in 
accepting  the  customs  of  the  older  Canaanitish  inhabitants 
of  the  land.  Judah,  a  far  less  attractive  nation,  possessed 
sterner  virtues.  Its  inhabitants  had  that  saving  conservatism 
which  is  the  true  source  of  national  strength,  that  hatred  of 
foreigners  which  binds  a  race  together,  that  determination 
never  to  be  merged  in  any  of  the  surrounding  peoples,  which 
has  preserved  the  Jewish  type  to  this  day. 


The  Fall  of  the  Northern  Kingdom    273 


But  humanity's  debt  to  Israel  can  never  be  forgotten. 
Eliminate  the  Northern  tribes  from  the  Old  Testament,  and 
the  Sacred  Record  would  be  bereft  of  most  of  its  interest. 
It  is  hard  to  say  farewell  to  this  noble  portion  of  God's 
people  without  thinking  of  how  persistently  the  Jewish 
prophets  dwell  on  the  hope  of  its  restoration,  and  wonder 
whether  in  God's  good  time  the  dry  bones  of  the  lost  tribes 
may  not  again  be  restored  to  life,  and  stand  up  "  an  exceeding 
mighty  army."-^ 


m 


Effects  of  tlie 
faU  of 
Samaria 


Importance 
of  Judali 


Chapter  XI 

Hezekiah 

The  fall  of  Samaria  must  have  appeared  a  far  less  important 
event  when  it  occurred  than  it  does  to  us  at  the  present  day. 
The  office  of  king,  it  is  true,  ceased  in  Northern  Israel,  but 
the  monarchy  had  sunk  so  low  in  public  estimation  that  the 
substitution  of    an  Assyrian  governor  for    a  native    tyrant 
may    not    have    seemed    a    very    momentous    change.     The 
number  of  captives  deported  to  distant  parts  of  the  empire 
was  inconsiderable,  and  many  Israelites   who  dwelt  in  the 
country    districts    were    certainly    left    undisturbed.     There 
seemed  no    reason  why  the    nation  should    not    once  more 
revive.     Samaria  was  neither  an  ancient  nor  a  sacred  city. 
It  was  no  symbol  of    national  unity  that   its  fall  and  the 
deportation   of    twenty  -  eight    thousand    of   its    inhabitants 
should    cause    Israel    irreparable    ruin.     Yet    this   was    the 
case.     The   Northern  Kingdom,  the  home  of  so  many  pro- 
phets   and    heroes,    never    recovered   from    the   blow.     The 
religion  for  which  Elijah  and  Elisha,  Amos  and  Hosea  had 
contended,  proved  to  have  no  vital  force  among  their  country- 
men.    Those  who  were  taken  into  captivity  do  not  seem  to 
have  been  sustained  by  it,  nor  did  it  prevent  those  who  were 
left  behind  from  being  absorbed  in  the  various  nationalities 
among  whom  they  dwelt.     The  traditions  of  the  religion  of 
Northern  Israel  survived,  but  though  two  centuries  later  the 
inhabitants  of  Samaria  were  able  to  tell  the  returning  Jewish 
exiles  from  Babylon,  "  We  seek  your  God  as  ye  do  "  (Ezra 
iv.  2),  their  faith  never  became  a  living  power  in  the  world. 
The  message  of  the  ten  tribes  to  mankind  ceased  with  the 
fall  of  Samaria. 

The  sole  hope  of  the  worshippers  of    the  true  God  was 
henceforth  centred  in  the  Southern  Kingdom,  and  during  the 

274 


Hezekiah 


275 


Assyrian  period  the  limits  of  Judah  were  not  seldom  confined 
alm9st  to  the  circuit  of  the  walls  of  Jerusalem.  Had  Jeru- 
salem fallen  at  this  time,  it  seems  to  be  highly  probable  that 
the  national  religion  would  have  been  almost  as  incapable 
of  revival  as  that  of  the  Northern  tribes.  The  century  that 
followed  the  retreat  of  Sennacherib  gave  it  time  to  reform 
itself  upon  so  stable  a  basis,  that  neither  the  destruction  of 
the  Temple,  nor  the  deportation  of  the  people  to  Babylon, 
was  able  to  shake  it,  and  its  hold  on  the  heart  of  the 
nation  was  strengthened,  rather  than  diminished,  by  these 
calamities. 

Three  names  deserved  to  be  held  in  special  honour  as  the  Micali  the 
saviours  of  the  faith  of  Israel  at  this  critical  time :  Heze-  prophet 
kiah  the  king,  and  Micah  and  Isaiah  the  prophets.  Micah 
was  the  representative  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Sharon,  on 
whom  the  weight  of  the  Assyrian  invasion  fell  with  crushing 
severity,  since  unlike  the  dwellers  in  the  highlands  of  Judah, 
they  had  no  mountain  fastnesses  to  flee  to.  The  Maritime 
Plain  is  a  natural  battle-field  on  which  every  contest  between 
Western  Asia  and  Africa  must  be  decided,  and  it  is  but 
natural-  that  (during  the  Assyrian  invasions)  a  prophet  of 
Judah  should  first  utter  his  voice  from  thence.  Micah  was 
a  native  of  Moresheth-Gath,  a  village  among  the  hills  which 
slope  (from  the  south-west  of  Judah)  towards  the  Philistine 
country.  As  he  foretold  the  destruction  of  Samaria,  he 
must  have  prophesied  when  the  Assyrians  first  appeared  in 
Palestine.  His  lamentation  over  the  destruction  of  the 
towns  and  villages  around  his  home  points  to  the  advance  of 
some  conquering  army  along  the  Maritime  Plain,  but  hia 
bitterest  denunciations  are  reserved  for  the  oppressive  con- 
duct of  the  wealthy  classes  of  Judah.  The  country  folk 
evidently  snfiered  most  from  the  greed  of  their  creditors,  and 
from  the  insatiable  lust  of  the  rich  for  increasing  their 
landed  estates.  The  small  properties,  to  which  the  rural 
Israelites  clung  so  tenaciously,  were  seized  by  fraud  and  even 
by  open  violence ;  and  such  was  the  oppression  of  the  poor, 
that  the  prophet  compares  the  "princes  of  the  house  of 
Israel  "  to  cannibals  feasting  upon  their  own  people  (Micah 
iii.  2,  3).  As  a  punishment  for  such  crimes  Micah  foretells 
the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  :  ''  Zion  for  your  sakes  shall  be 


Isaiali 


HezekiaJl 


276        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


ploughed  as  a  field  " ;  nor  is  he  able  to  see  any  hope  for  the 
nation  save  in  a  return  to  the  ideal  life  of  antiquity,  to  the 
days  when  David  the  shepherd-king  dwelt  in  the  cave  of 
Adullam,  and  with  his  heroes  sallied  forth  to  redress  the 
grievances  of  the  poor  (Micah  i.  15). 

Very  different  were  the  circumstances  of  the  life  of  Isaiah. 
This  great  prophet  apparently  enjoyed  all  the  advantages  of 
high  birth  and  a  careful  education.     He  was  a  friend  of  the 
most  influential  of  the  priests,  the  confidant  and  counsellor 
of   successive    sovereigns.     He    understood   the    complicated 
politics  of  his  day.     He   knew  that  Egypt    could  not^  be 
depended  upon,  and  that  an  alliance  with  Babylon  against 
Assyria  could  bring  no  profit  to  his  country.     The  manner 
in  which  he  speaks  of  the  questions  of  the  age  shews  him  to 
have  been  possessed  of  insight  into  the  character  of  men  and 
nations.     In  his  striking  similes,  Pekah  and  Rezin  are  com- 
pared   with    "smoking    brands,"    whose    light   is    quenched 
(Is.   vii.    4).     Egypt  is  described    as   *' Pride  sitting    still" 
(Is.  XXX.   7).     The    upstart    Shebna,   with   his    new  family 
sepulchre,  and    the   trustworthy   Eliakim  (Is.   xxii.   15-25), 
the  vain  ladies  of  Jerusalem  (Is.  iii.  16-24),  the  greedy  Syrian 
traders,  are  all   vividly  presented   by  this  clear-sighted   ob- 
server.    One  aspect  of  Isaiah  is  that  of  a  statesman  prophet : 
his  political  instinct  was  as  true  as  were  his  spiritual  im- 
pulses, and  enabled  him  to  formulate  a  national  policy,  which 
preserved  alike  the  material  and  religious  privileges  of  the 

community. 

Hezekiah,  like  his  ancestor  David,  whose  virtues  are 
attributed  to  him,  appears  in  the  scriptural  records  under 
two  difi'erent  aspects.  In  the  books  of  Kings  and  Chronicles 
he  is  represented  as  a  religious  reformer,  who  "  trusted  in 
the  Lord,  the  God  of  Israel ;  so  that  after  him  was  none 
like  him  among  all  the  kings  of  Judah,  nor  among  them 
that  were  before  him"  (2  Kings  xviii.  5).  He  does  not 
seem,  however,  to  have  been  always  in  accord  with  Isaiah, 
as  one  at  least  among  his  advisers  was  diametrically  opposed 
to  the  prophet.  This  was  Shebna,  governor  of  the  royal 
household,  whose  name  proclaims  him  to  be  a  foreigner. 
It  may  reasonably  be  conjectured  that  at  his  suggestion 
Hezekiah  embarked  on  that  policy  of  constant  intrigue  with 


Hezekiah 


277 


other  princes,  to  which  the  monuments  both  of  Sargon  and 
Sennacherib  testify.^  Isaiah  was  not  blind  to  the  futility 
of  the  king's  attempts  to  defeat  Assyria  by  diplomacy, 
and  a  large  portion  of  his  prophecies  is  devoted  to  pointing 
out  the  folly  of  such  endeavours.  Both  prophet  and  king 
were  deeply  impressed  with  the  necessity  of  purifying  the 
ancestral  worship  of  Jehovah,  and  recognised  that,  humanly 
speaking,  the  preservation  of  the  true  faith  depended  upon 
the  safety  of  Jerusalem.  But  whilst  Hezekiah  thought  that 
he  could  preserve  his  capital  by  skilfully  arranged  com- 
binations of  the  enemies  of  Assyria,  Isaiah  saw  that  none 
of  Judah's  allies  could  be  trusted,  and  that  its  true  security 
iSij  in  remaining  quiet,  assured  of  the  Divine  protection. 

Under  Sargon  and  Sennacherib  the  Assyrian  empire  was  Assyria  under 
maintained  solely  by  the  unremitting  activity  of  its  kings.  ^^^^^ 
Every  year  the  royal  forces  marched  from  Nineveh,  either 
to  conquer  a  new  territory  or  to  reduce  rebellious  provinces 
to  submission.  The  very  existence  of  the  Assyrian  supre- 
macy depended  on  formidable  armies,  and  their  absence  caused 
instant  revolt  in  every  province.  It  was  a  time  of  restless 
intrigue  among  the  nations  subject  to  Assyria,  always 
ready  to  join  together  to  resist  their  conquerors.  Each  of 
the  petty  kings  of  the  single  province  of  Palestine  seems 
to  have  conspired  in  turn  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  the 
lords  of  Nineveh,  and  neither  Sargon  nor  Sennacherib  en- 
joyed any  long  peace  during  the  thirty-seven  years  of  their 
two  reigns. 

Though  only  once  mentioned  by  name  in  the  Bible  (Is. 
XX.  1),  Sargon,  the  successor  of  Shalmaneser  IV.,  played  a 
great  part  in  the  history  of  Palestine.  The  first  act  of 
his  reign  was  to  complete  the  reduction  of  Samaria,  after 
which  he  marched  into  Babylonia  against  its  king  Merodach 
Baladan,  the  indefatigable  foe  of  Assyria.  In  720  an 
Assyrian  army  again  made  its  appearance  in  Palestine. 
In  that  year  Sargon  took  Hamath,  the  ancient  ally  of 
Judah,  in  the  far  North,  and  its  king  Yahubidhi  was 
captured  and  flayed  alive.  After  placing  Assyrian  colonists 
to  the  number  of  4300  in  Hamath,  Sargon  proceeding 
southward  won  the  great  battle  of  Raphia  in  B.C.  720,  in 
whicii  he  defeated  So,  King  of  Egypt,  and  Hanum,  King  of 


Hezekiah's 


278       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews     ^ 

Gaza.  In  B.C.  715  Saigon  took  many  Arabian  captives, 
and  placed  them  in  the  cities  of  Samaria.  In  the  following 
years  he  was  engaged  in  suppressing  a  serious  revolt  in 
Ararat,  thus  giving  his  subjects  in  the  West  an  opportunity 
of  making  one  more  attempt  to  throw  off  his  yoke. 
Hezekiah  seems  to  have  taken  a  leading  part  in  this 
rebellion,  and  to  have  openly  renounced  his  allegiance  to 
Assyria.  "  He  rebelled,"  says  the  Sacred  Narrative,  "  against 
the  king  of  Assyria  and  served  him  not " ;  adding,  "  he 
smote  the  Philistines  unto  Gaza  and  the  borders  thereof, 
from  the  tower  of  the  watchmen  to  the  fenced  city  "  (2  Kings 
xviii.  8). 

This  victory  may  really  have  been  the  overthrow  of  the 
Assyrian  party  in  Philistia,  for,  according  to  the  monuments 
of  Sargon,  Hezekiah  was  an  ally  of  the  Ashdodites,  who 
had  deposed  the  nominee  of  the  Great  King  in  favour  of 
a  certain  Javan,  probably  an  Ionian  Greek.^  Hezekiah, 
Javan,  and  the  kings  of  Moab  and  Edom  sent  an  embassy 
to  Egypt  to  ask  for  assistance  against  Assyria ;  a  step 
deeply  deplored  by  Isaiah,  who  knew  too  well  the  weakness 
that  underlay  the  imposing  grandeur  of  the  Pharaoh's 
court  (Is.  xix.  1-17). 

It  was  apparently  at  this  time  that  Hezekiah  was  seized 
with  what  had  every  appearance  of  proving  a  fatal  ill- 
ness, and  received  from  Isaiah  the  message,  "  Thus  saith  the 
Lord :  Set  thine  house  in  order,  for  thou  shalt  die  and  not 
live."  The  loss  of  the  king  at  this  juncture  would  have 
been  an  irreparable  blow  to  Judah,  for  as  yet  Hezekiah 
had  no  heir,  and  the  safety  of  the  state  depended  on  its 
having  at  its  head  a  strong  and  capable  ruler,  devoted  to 
the  pure  worship  of  Jehovah.  Hezekiah  prayed  earnestly 
that  he  might  live,  and  "  wept  sore "  at  the  thought  of 
death.  A  poem  is  attributed  to  him  on  this  occasion,  and 
no  gloomier  view  of  death  is  taken  in  any  part  of  the  Old 
Testament.      "  I  said,"  are  its  opening  words, 

"  In  the  noontide  of  my  days  I  shall  go  into  the  gates  of  the  grave  : 
I  am  deprived  of  the  residue  of  my  years. 

I  said,  I  shall  not  see  the  Lord,  even  the  Lord  in  the  land  of  the  living: 
I  shall  behold  man  no  more  with  the  inhabitants  of  the  world  " 

(Is.  xxxviii.  10,  11). 


Hezekiah 


279 


Hezekiah's  prayer  was  heard  :  a  poultice  of  figs  applied  by 
the  advice  of  Isaiah  healed  the  tumour  from  which  he  was 
suffering,  and  the  prophet  could  assure  him  that  God  had 
added  fifteen  years  to  his  life.  As  a  sign  of  the  Divine 
favour  the  shadow  went  back  ten  steps  on  the  sundial  of 
his  father  Ahaz  (2  Kings  xx.  5-11 ;  Is.  xxxviii.  2-8). 

The  illness   of   so  able  a  prince   as   Hezekiah   produced  Merodach 
consternation  among  the  enemies  of  Assyria,  and  the  news 
reached    distant    Babylon,    where    Merodach    Baladan   was 
eagerly  watching  the  progress  of  the  rebellion  in  Palestine. 
This   Babylonian   sovereign,    who    had   held   his   throne  for 
nearly  ten  years  in  defiance  of  Sargon,  despatched  an  em- 
bassy  to  Jerusalem    on   the  pretext  of  congratulating  the 
king  on  his  recovery,  but  probably  with  the  ulterior  object 
of  arranging  a  simultaneous   rising  against    the    Assyrians 
in  Palestine  and  Babylonia.^     An  embassy  from  so  famous 
and  distant  a  sovereign  as   Merodach   Baladan  was  an  ex- 
tremely flattering  acknowledgment  of  Hezekiah's  importance 
in  Palestine.     Everything  was  evidently  prepared  in  Jeru- 
salem for  war:  the  treasury  and  armoury  were  alike  full, 
and  Hezekiah  gratified  his  pride  by  displaying  them  to  the 
Babylonians,   "there  was    nothing  in  all  his  house,  nor  in 
all  his  dominion,  that  Hezekiah  shewed  them  not.''     Isaiah 
regarded  the   king's    conduct    with    disapproval.     No    good 
could  be  expected  from  this  perpetual  exercise  of  diplomacy, 
for   Babylon    was    no   more    able    to    save   Jerusalem   from 
Assyria,  than  was  Egypt.     He  asked  the  king  concerning 
these  visitors  from  a  far  country,  warning  him  that  the  days 
would   come  when  his  descendants  would  go  into  captivity 
to  Babylon.     Hezekiah's  reply,  as  recorded  in  the  books  of 
Kings  and  Isaiah,  was  expressive  of  resignation.      "  '  Good 
is  the  word  of  Jehovah  which  thou  hast  spoken.'     Hezekiah 
said,  moreover,  *Is  it  not  so,  if  peace  and  truth  shall  be 
in  my  days  1 '  "  (Is.  xxxix.). 

As  Isaiah  had  foreseen,  all  the  schemes  of  Hezekiah  and  ^^^^  ^ 
his  ally  Merodach  Baladan  failed.     In  B.C.  711  the  Assyrians        ®^  ^^ 
again  appeared  in   Palestine.     Javan  was  driven   from   his 
throne,  and  Ashdod  was  taken.     The    Egyptians  gave  no 
practical  assistance  to  the  cities  which  they  had  encouraged 
to  revolt,     Sargon  does  not  appear  to  have  led  this  expedi- 


Hezekiah 
negotiates 
witb.  Egypt 


280       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

tion  in  person,  but  to  have  sent  his  Tartan,  or  Commander- 
in-Chief.  According  to  his  inscriptions  he  laid  waste  the 
"  broad  fields  of  Judah,"  and  in  the  following  year  he  attacked 
Babylon,  and  succeeded  in  driving  Merodach  Baladan  from 
his  throne.  Isaiah  displayed  great  prophetic  activity  at  this 
crisis.  To  make  his  message  plain  to  every  one,  he  enforced 
it  by  an  acted  parable ;  going  naked  and  barefoot  for  three 
years,  in  token  that  **  So  should  the  king  of  Assyria  lead 
away  the  captives  of  Egypt,  and  the  exiles  of  Ethiopia,  young 
and  old,  naked  and  barefoot,  and  with  buttocks  uncovered  to 
the  shame  of  Egypt "  (Is.  xx.). 

Isaiah's  hostility  to  Egypt  is  most  marked,  and  throughout 
Hezekiah's  reign  he  denounces  the  policy  of  an  alliance  with 
that  ancient  power,  and  demonstrates  its  uselessness.  Yet 
despite  the  prophet's  warnings,  and  the  repeated  testimony 
of  facts,  the  statesmen  of  Judah  could  not  abandon  their 
dream  of  saving  Jerusalem  by  an  alliance  with  the  Egyptians. 
A  glance  at  the  history  of  Egypt  in  the  eighth  century  will 
shew  how  abundantly  justified  Isaiah  was  in  telling  his 
countrymen  that  their  "  trust  in  the  shadow  of  Egypt  would 
prove  their  confusion  "  (Is.  xxx.  3). 

Such  was  the  weakness  of  the  Egyptian  monarchy,  that 
about  B.C.  750  the  country  fell  under  the  sway  of  the  Cushite 
kings  of  Meroe.  The  kingdom  had  lost  its  unity;  in  B.C. 
734,  there  were  no  less  than  seven  native  monarchs  ruling  in 
Egypt,  when  the  Ethiopian  Pianki  made  an  expedition  down 
the  Nile,  and  crushed  a  rebellion  of  the  Egyptian  princes 
against  his  authority.  The  Ethiopian  hegemony  continued 
during  the  reign  of  four  of  Pianki's  successors — Sabako  or 
So,  the  ally  of  Hoshea,  King  of  Israel,  defeated  by  Sargon  at 
Raphia ;  Shabatok ;  Tarak  (the  Tirhakah  of  Isaiah),  and  his 
son  Mi-Ammon-Nut.  In  668  and  672  Egypt  was  invaded 
by  the  Assyrians,  both  Memphis  and  Thebes  were  taken,  and 
the  Ethiopian  sway  was  ended.  Under  it  the  country  had 
steadily  declined,  the  dominant  people  being  far  less  civilised 
than  the  ancient  inhabitants,  whose  customs  they  had  made 
but  imperfect  efibrts  to  adopt.* 

But  to  Hezekiah  and  the  petty  princes  of  Palestine,  Egypt 
still  seemed  to  be  a  valuable  ally,  and  everything  was  done 
to  secure  its  assistance.     Isaiah  viewed  these  overtures  with 


Hezekiah 


281 


marked  disfavour,  considering  them  to  be  alike  incompatible 
with  sound  policy  and  fidelity  to  God.  His  utterances  reveal 
how  thoroughly  aware  he  was  of  the  impotence  of  the 
Egyptians  to  help  his  countrymen,  and  of  the  folly  of  relying 
on  their  support.  It  is  not  possible  to  date  Isaiah's  reference 
to  the  Egyptian  negotiations  with  precision,  but  the  tone  of 
all  is  the  same.  The  pride  of  a  people  whose  civilisation 
dates  from  unknown  antiquity,  is  contrasted  with  their  weak- 
ness. To  the  prophet,  Egypt  is  like  one  of  its  own  colossal 
figures,  imposing  to  look  on  and  powerless  to  assist,  "  Pride 
sitting  still "  (Is.  xxx.  7).^  The  traditional  wisdom  of  the 
court  of  Pharaoh  is  in  the  eyes  of  the  seer  but  solemn  trifling. 
"  How  say  ye  unto  Pharaoh,  I  am  the  son  of  the  wise,  the  son 
of  ancient  kings  1  Where  then  are  thy  wise  men  1 "  Accord- 
ing to  the  prophet  "  a  spirit  of  perverseness  "  had  seized  on 
the  Egyptians,  for  **  the  princes  of  Zoan  are  become  fools,  the 
princes  of  Memphis  are  deceived  ;  they  have  caused  Egypt  to 
go  astray"  (Is.  xix.  11-13).  The  country  to  which  the  Jews 
looked  for  assistance  was,  in  fact,  on  the  verge  of  civil  war. 
"  I  will,"  says  Jehovah  in  one  of  Isaiah's  oracles,  "  stir  up  the 
Egyptians  against  the  Egyptians  :  and  they  shall  fight  every- 
one against  his  brother,  and  everyone  against  his  neighbour ; 
city  against  city,  and  kingdom  against  kingdom  "  (xix.  2).  The 
rule  of  Pianki  and  his  successors  is  apparently  referred  to  in 
the  words  that  follow,  "And  I  will  give  over  the  Egyptians  into 
the  hand  of  a  cruel  lord;  and  a  fierce  king  shall  rule  over  them. 
It  is  an  oracle  of  the  Lord,  the  Lord  of  Hosts  "  (Is.  xix.  4). 

Twice,  as  we  have  seen,  did  Sargon  demonstrate  how  help- 
less Egypt  was  to  assist  its  allies,  in  B.C.  720,  when  he  won 
the  battle  of  Raphia,  and  again  in  B.C.  71.1,  when  Ashdod  was 
taken,  and  the  "  broad  fields  of  Judah  "  were  devastated  by 
the  Assyrian  armies.  Well  might  Isaiah  say  of  the  allies  and 
their  infatuation  for  Egypt,  "They  were  all  ashamed  of  a 
people  that  could  not  profit  them."  Yet  to  the  last  the 
inhabitants  of  Judah  clung  to  the  hope  that  Egypt  would 
save  their  country  from  Assyria,  and  sent  constant  embassies 
with  rich  presents  to  Zoan.  Not  even  the  memory  of  the 
way  in  which  Hoshea  had  ruined  the  Northern  Kingdom  by 
relying  upon  the  help  of  So  (Sabako)  could  make  Hezekiah's 
subjects  distrust  Egypt,  and  Isaiah  had  to  remind  them  that, 


282        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


HezetdatL, 
his  allies 
tliwarted 


Defeat  of  the 
Egyptians 
at  El-tekeli 


**  The  Egyptians  are  men  and  not  God,  and  their  horses  flesh 
and  not  spirit "  (Is.  xxxi.  3). 

Sargon  died  in  July  B.C.  705  and  was  succeeded  by 
Sennacherib.  As  was  almost  invariably  the  case,  the  new 
Kin<y  of  Assyria  had  to  prove  that  he  possessed  sufficient 
vigour  to  maintain  the  integrity  of  his  empire.  Revolts 
broke  out  on  every  side.  The  indefatigable  Merodach 
Baladan,  aided  by  the  King  of  Elam,  once  more  seized  the 
throne  of  Babylonia.  Sennacherib  made  his  first  expedition 
against  this  restless  and  formidable  foe.  Merodach  Baladan 
was  defeated  at  Kisu  in  B.C.  703,  but,  as  he  escaped  with  his 
life,  the  seeds  of  rebellion  in  Babylonia  could  not  be  com- 
pletely eradicated.  A  new  King  of  Babylon  was  however 
appointed,  named  Bel-ibni,  and  the  next  year  was  devoted  by 
Sennacherib  to  the  pacification  of  Media. 

Very  dangerous  signs  of  disaflPection  were  in  the  meantime 
being  manifested  in  Syria.  Hezekiah  as  a  moving  spirit  had 
persuaded  Tyre,  Zidon  and  the  Philistine  cities  of  Ashkelon 
and  Ekron  to  oppose  Sennacherib.  The  Egyptians  were 
approached,  and  by  their  promises  of  assistance  they  en- 
couraged the  inhabitants  of  Palestine  to  throw  oflf  the 
Assyrian  yoke.  But  Sennacherib  proved  equal  to  the 
emergency.  The  little  city  states  were  no  match  for  the 
disciplined  armies  of  a  mighty  empire.  Sennacherib's 
appearance  in  Syria  was  the  signal  for  a  general  panic. 
Lulia  (Elulseus)  fled  from  Zidon  and  took  refuge  in  Yunan 
(Cyprus).  The  kings  of  Palestine  hastened  to  make  their 
submission,  and  tribute  was  brought  by  the  kings  of  Arvad, 
Gebal,  Ashdod,  Ammon,  Moab,  Edom,  and  by  a  monarch 
bearing  the  Israelite  name  of  Menahem,  who  reigned  in 
Samsi-Merom.  Only  Hezekiah,  supported  by  the  Philistine 
cities  of  Ashkelon  and  Ekron,  had  the  hardihood  to  oppose 
the  invaders.  But  their  puny  resistance  was  utterly  futile, 
and  the  Assyrian  army  advanced  along  the  coast,  plundering 
Ashkelon  on  its  way.® 

By  this  time,  however,  an  Egyptian  force  was  in  the 
Philistine  country  ready  to  support  the  Ekronites,  who  had 
deposed  their  king  Padi,  the  nominee  of  Assyria,  and  had 
handed  him  over  to  the  custody  of  Hezekiah.  The  Assyrians 
attacked  the  allies  at  Altaku  (El-tekeh)  a  village  a  little  to 


Hezekiah 


283 


the  east  of  Ekron,  and  utterly  defeated  them.  The  col- 
lapse of  the  rebels  was  complete.  Ekron  opened  its  gates : 
Hezekiah  surrendered  Padi,  and  humbly  sued  for  peace,  but 
this  was  not  granted  till  forty-six  of  his  cities  had  been 
taken,  more  than  two  hundred  thousand  of  his  subjects  led 
into  captivity,  and  he  himself  shut  in  Jerusalem  "  like  a  bird 
in  a  cage."  It  was  only  by  abject  submission  and  the  payment 
of  a  very  heavy  tribute  that  Hezekiah  saved  his  capital,  but  his 
dominions  were  apportioned  by  Sennacherib  among  the  kings 
he  had  set  up  in  Ashdod,  Ekron  and  Gaza.  The  scriptural 
narrative  is  confirmed  by  the  Taylor  cylinder,  on  which  the 
campaign  of  Sennacherib  in  Syria  is  described.'^  In  the  words 
of  the  book  of  Kings,  "  Hezekiah,  king  of  Judah,  sent  to 
Lachish,  saying,  I  have  offended,  return  from  me  :  that  which 
thou  put  test  on  me  will  I  bear.  And  the  king  of  Assyria 
appointed  unto  Hezekiah  king  of  Judah  three  hundred  talents 
of  silver,  and  thirty  talents  of  gold."  To  procure  the  needful 
money  the  treasury  was  completely  emptied  and  the  very 
doors  and  posts  of  the  Temple  were  stripped  of  the  gold,  with 
which  Hezekiah,  in  the  day  of  his  prosperity,  had  overlaid 
them  (2  Kings  xviii.  14-16). 

To  all  appearance  the  great  calamity  of  Judah  was  un-  Rash  con- 
relieved  by  any  exhibition  of  national  heroism.  The  utter-  fidence  in 
ances  of  Isaiah  give  us  a  sad  picture  of  the  behaviour  of  the 
people  during  the  campaign  of  Sennacherib.  His  prophetic 
eye  had  from  the  first  discerned  the  inevitable  catastrophe. 
When  Sargon  died  in  B.C.  705  he  had  warned  the  Philistines 
that  their  joy  was  premature,  and  that  a  greater  oppressor 
would  arise  in  Sennacherib,  or  as  he  expressed  it,  **Out  of 
the  serpent's  root  shall  come  forth  a  basilisk  "  (Is.  xiv.  29). 
This  foreboding,  however,  was  unheeded  by  his  own  country- 
men, and  in  Jerusalem  the  prophet  was  ridiculed  as  a 
teacher  fit  only  to  instruct  babes.  Ribald  utterances  were 
heard  on  every  side,  comparing  the  prophet's  words  to  the 
syllables  infants  were  taught  to  pronounce.  Even  if  the  new 
Assyrian  monarch  did  invade  Palestine  the  politicians  of 
Judah  declared  they  were  prepared.  "  When  the  overflowing 
scourge  shall  pass  through,  it  shall  not  come  unto  us ;  for  we 
have  made  lies  our  refuge,  under  falsehood  have  we  hid  our- 
selves," was  their  boast.     Even  the  religious  teachers,  the 


Panic  of  tlie 
Jndssana 


284       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

prophets  and  priests,  shared  in  this  infatuation.  Isaiali's 
words  were  unheeded,  and  it  was  to  no  purpose  that  he 
declared  that  "  The  hail  shall  sweep  away  the  refuge  of  lies, 
and  the  waters  shall  overflow  the  hiding-place.  And  your 
covenant  with  death  shall  be  disannulled,  and  your  agree- 
ment with  Sheol  shall  not  stand ;  when  the  overflowing 
scourge  shall  pass  through,  then  ye  shall  be  trodden  down 
by  it"  (Is.  xxviii.  15-18).  There  was  in  fact  an  organised 
conspiracy  to  ignore  the  truth  :  the  words  of  Isaiah  and  other 
seers,  who  tried  to  expose  the  hollowness  of  the  confidence  in 
the  Egyptian  alliance,  fell  on  deaf  ears,  and  less  scrupulous 
prophets  were  encouraged  to  support  the  schemes  of  the 
politicians.  The  popular  cry  to  the  religious  teachers  then, 
as  on  similar  occasions,  was  "  Prophesy  not  unto  us  right 
things,  speak  unto  us.  smooth  things,  prophesy  deceits  "  (Is. 
XXX.  10). 

And  now  that  the  blow  had  fallen,  the  nation  was  utterly 

unnerved.      "  All  thy  rulers  fled  away  together,"  says  Isaiah 

in  his  *'  Burthen  of  the  Valley  of  the  Vision,"  "  thy  slain 

are  not  slain    with   the   sword,   neither   are    they   dead   in 

battle.     All    thy    rulers    fled    away   together,    they    were 

bound   by   the   archers ;  all   that  were  found   of  thee   were 

bound  together;  they  fled  afar  oflf"  (Is.   xxii.  3).     It  was 

fully   expected   that   the   Assyrians   would   besiege  the   city 

of  Jerusalem,  and  frantic  efforts  were  made  to  put  it  in  a 

state  of  defence.     Hezekiah  and  his  advisers  had  evidently 

trusted  to  defeating  the  plans  of  Sennacherib  at  a  distance, 

and  had  let  the  fortifications  of  Jerusalem  fall  into  bad  repair, 

for  at  this  time  it  was  evident  that  *'  the  breaches  in  the  city 

of  David  were  many."     Preparations  were,  however,  rapidly 

pushed  forward ;    for,  whilst  the   ambassadors   of   Hezekiah 

sought  terms  from  Sennacherib,  the  houses  of  the  city  were 

numbered,  those  near  the  wall  were  pulled  down,  that  they 

might  not  impede  the  defenders,  and  the  water-supply  was 

carefully  secured  by  the  making  of  a  reservoir.      But  all  was 

done  in  the  same  godless  spirit  that  had  prompted  the  Egyptian 

and  Philistine  alliances.      "  Ye   looked  not,"  exclaimed   the 

indignant  prophet,  "  unto  Him  that  had  done  this,  neither  had 

ye  respect  unto  Him  that  fashioned  it  long  ago  "  (Is.  xxii. 

9-U). 


Hezekiah 


285 


> 


The  crowning  day  of  humiliation  came,  when  Sennacherib  HezeMah 
deigned  to  accept  the  abject  submission  of  Hezekiah.  Isaiah  submita 
saw  in  this  shameful  peace  a  Divine  call  to  general  mourning ; 
but  no  sooner  had  the  tension  of  suspense  ceased,  and  the 
people  learned  that  they  were  not  to  endure  the  horrors  of 
a  siege,  than  signs  of  joy  were  manifested  on  every  side.  A 
riot^ous  festival  succeeded  the  days  of  panic.  "  Behold,"  cries 
Isaiah,  **joy  and  gladness,  slaying  oxen  and  killing  sheep, 
eating  flesh  and  drinking  wine  :  Let  us  eat  and  drink,  for 
to-morrow  we  shall  die  "  (Is.  xxii.  12-14). 

It  is  possible  that  this  apparently  hopeless  collapse  of  Isaiah  L 
Judah  both  morally  and  politically  led  directly  to  a  great 
attempt  to  reform  the  national  religion.  The  first  chapter 
of  Isaiah  may  be  justly  ascribed  to  this  period.  In  it  the 
prophet  describes  a  state  of  affairs  which  scarcely  finds  a 
parallel  in  the  earlier  history  of  the  nation.  The  country 
is  desolate:  the  cities  are  burned  with  fire,  the  land  is 
devoured  by  strangers.  Of  Jerusalem,  the  prophet  cries, 
"  The  daughter  of  Zion  is  left  as  a  booth  in  a  vineyard,  as 
a  lodge  in  a  garden  of  cucumbers  "  (Is.  i.  8).  But  for  a  very 
small  remnant  the  land  of  Judah  would  have  been  as  denuded 
of  inhabitants  as  was  the  Plain  after  the  overthrow  of  Sodom 
and  Gomorrah.  Surely  to  no  time  can  this  description  apply 
more  appropriately  than  to  that  of  Sennacherib's  triumphant 
return  to  Assyria  with  two  hundred  thousand  Jewish  captives, 
leaving  forty-six  cities  of  Judah  in  ruins  !  ^ 

The  crisis  in  the  history  of  God's  revelation  to  Israel  had  Hezekiah's 
come,  and  all  turned  upon  whether  Jerusalem  could  survive  P*»sover 
the  calamities  that  had  befallen  Judah  and  thus  give  the 
people  time  to  return  to  the  first  principles  of  their  religion. 
Doubtless  the  remembrance  of  the  desert  wanderings,  when 
all  the  tribes  worshipped  at  a  central  sanctuary,  began  to  re- 
vive, now  that  the  Temple  of  Solomon  remained  the  one 
undesecrated  house  of  God,  and  the  ruined  sanctuaries  of  Israel 
and  Judah  afforded  a  convincing  proof  that  Jersualem  was 
the  place  ''  that  Jehovah  had  chosen  to  place  His  name  there." 
A  general  revival  of  the  sacrificial  worship  took  place,  possibly 
inaugurated  by  Hezekiah's  famous  celebration  of  the  Passover. 
According  to  the  book  of  Chronicles,  the  king  sent  through- 
out all  Israel  to  summon  the  remnant  to  a  solemn  assembly 


286        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Hezekiah 


287 


Isaiah's  and 

Hezekiah's 

reforms 


at  Jerusalem,  in  order  that  a  general  confession  of  sin  might 
be  made  by  all  who  had  "  escaped  out  of  the  hand  of  the  king 
of  Assyria."  The  dwellers  of  Central  Palestine  had  not  learned 
the  lessons  of  adversity,  and  laughed  to  scorn  the  messengers 
of  Hezekiah.  Farther  north  the  invitation  met  with  a  more 
favourable  reception,  and  "  divers  of  Asher  and  Manasseh  and 
of  Zebulon  humbled  themselves  and  came  to  Jerusalem."  The 
time  occupied  in  assembling  the  people,  and  in  the  necessary 
purification  of  the  priests,  caused  the  celebration  of  the  Passover 
to  be  postponed  to  the  second  month,  a  practice  sanctioned 
by  precedent  in  the  days  of  wandering  in  the  desert.  The 
Chronicler,  with  all  his  zeal  for  exact  legal  observances,  records 
a  prayer  of  Hezekiah  shewing  a  genuine  appreciation  of  the 
spirit  of  true  religious  service.  When  the  king  was  informed 
that  the  visitors  to  Jerusalem,  who  belonged  to  the  Northern 
tribes,  had  not  submitted  to  the  due  rites  of  purification  before 
eating  the  Passover,  he  prayed  for  them,  saying,  "  The  good 
Lord  pardon  him  that  setteth  his  whole  heart  to  seek  God, 
the  Lord,  the  God  of  his  fathers,  though  he  be  not  cleansed 
according  to  the  purification  of  the  sanctuary  "  (2  Chron.  xxx. 

18,  19). 

Both  in  the  late  records  of  the  Chronicler  and  in  the 
contempoi-ary  utterances  of  Isaiah,  allusion  is  made  to  sacrifices 
ofi'ered  by  Hezekiah  and  his  people;  but  the  attitude  of  the 
prophets  was  seldom  entirely  favourable  to  a  revival  of  mere 
externals.  They  were  well  aware  that  the  tendency  of  such 
accessions  of  religious  zeal  is  to  inspire  a  confidence  that  the 
favour  of  the  Deity  has  been  secured  by  the  services  held  in 
His  honour.  To  the  true  prophets  of  Jehovah  ideas  like  these 
were  hardly  an  improvement  upon  those  of  the  Canaanite 
Baal  worship.  They  could  not  tolerate  the  notion  that  the 
God  of  Israel  was  a  capricious  Being  whose  anger  could  be 
averted  by  costly  sacrifices  and  the  observance  of  solemn 
holidays,  and  Isaiah  bitterly  denounces  the  popular  infatua- 
tion. God  speaking  through  his  mouth  says,  "  Bring  no  more 
vain  oblations;  incense  is  an  abomination  unto  Me;  new 
moon  and  sabbath,  the  calling  of  assemblies."  .  .  .  The  real 
need  was  a  thorough  moral  reformation,  and  the  people  could 
not  yet  see  the  inconsistency  of  "iniquity  and  the  solemn 
meeting."     The  idolatry  of  Jerusalem  did  not  so  greatly  move 


the  wrath  of  God  as  the  alliance  between  the  princes  of  Judah 
and  the  thieves,  the  corruption  of  the  judges,  and  their  neglect 
of  the  oppressed.  The  prophet  calls  the  people  to  a  national 
repentance,  manifested  by  a  redress  of  wrong,  assuring  his 
countrymen  of  abundant  pardon,  if  only  they  would  repent. 
"  Though  your  sins  be  as  scarlet,  they  shall  be  as  white  as 
snow  ;  though  they  be  red  like  crimson,  they  shall  be  as  wool " 
(Is.  i.  18).  Hezekiah  shewed  his  veneration  for  Jerusalem 
as  the  special  sanctuary  of  Jehovah  by  a  vigorous  attack  on 
the  Canaanitish  element  in  the  religion  of  Israel,  which  he 
is  credited  with  having  nearly  extirpated.  So  great  was  his 
zeal  against  all  materialism  in  worship  that  he  did  not  spare 
even  that  venerable  relic  of  the  desert  wanderings,  "  the 
brazen  serpent  that  Moses  had  made,"  because  in  process  of 
time  it  had  become  an  idol  popularly  known  as  the  Nehushtan 
(2  Kings  xviii.  4).  In  this  he  had  certainly  the  sympathy  Change  In 
of  Isaiah,  who  must  have  rejoiced  at  the  spectacle  of  a  monarch  ^^x^?^/ 
abandoning  his  tortuous  policy  of  Oriental  intrigue,  and  towards 
devoting  himself  to  the  religious  improvement  of  his  people.  Assyria 
Perhaps  the  prophet  shews  his  approval  in  his  changed  atti- 
tude towards  the  Assyrians.  Hitherto  Isaiah  had  depicted  the 
invaders  as  the  instruments  of  Divine  vengeance  on  the  sins 
of  Israel,  though  throughout  his  writings,  denunciations  of 
Assyria  as  the  embodiment  of  brute  force  and  haughty 
defiance  of  God  are  to  be  found.  It  may  perhaps  be  per- 
missible to  ascribe  these  to  the  later  years  of  the  reign  of 
Hezekiah,  when  the  king  had  abandoned  his  policy  of  trying 
to  defeat  Assyria  by  such  purely  worldly  means  as  alliances 
with  Egypt  and  Babylon.  From  this  time  forth,  however,  ' 
Isaiah  seems  to  lay  emphasis  upon  the  certainty  of  Assyria's 
overthrow,  and  to  assure  the  people  of  the  stability  of  the 
Davidic  dynasty,  the  inviolability  of  Jerusalem,  and  the 
advent  of  the  Messiah  as  a  deliverer. 

The  withdrawal  of  Sennacherib  in  B.C.  701  meant  no 
cessation  of  Assyrian  tyranny.  On  the  contrary,  Judah, 
like  the  rest  of  Palestine,  was  still  oppressed  by  the  Assyrian 
officials.  The  tax-gatherer  was  an  ever-present  source  of 
terror,  and  Isaiah  depicts  the  days  of  deliverance  as  a  time 
when  the  people  shall  ask  one  another,  "  Where  is  the  scribe, 
where  is  he  that  weighed  the  tribute,  where  is  he  that  counted 


288        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Messianic 

hopes 


the  towers  r'  (Is.  xxxiii.  18),  because  they  cannot  realise 
that  these  familiar  tokens  of  their  subjection  have  been 
removed.  Threats  of  a  fresh  invasion  in  which  Jerusalem 
would  not  be  spared  were  heard  on  every  side,  and  the  fate 
of  Calno,  Carchemish,  and  Samaria  was  constantly  brought 
before  the  minds  of  the  inhabitants  of  Zion.  Isaiah  is 
probably  quoting  the  words  he  had  heard  when  he  represents 
the  King  of  Assyria  as  saying,  "  By  the  strength  of  my  hand 
I  have  done  it,  and  by  my  wisdom,  for  I  am  prudent ;  and  I 
have  removed  the  bounds  of  the  peoples,  and  have  robbed 
their  treasures,  .  .  .  and  my  hand  hath  found  as  a  nest  the 
riches  of  the  peoples,  and  as  one  gathereth  eggs  that  are 
forsaken  have  I  gathered  all  the  earth ;  and  there  was  none 
that  moved  the  wing,  or  that  opened  the  mouth,  or  chirped  " 
(Is.  X.  13,  14).  But  keenly  alive  as  Isaiah  was  to  the  faults  of 
his  countrymen,  he  saw  in  the  enfeebled  remnant  of  Judah  the 
germs  of  a  noble  future,  and  was  able  boldly  to  proclaim  that 
the  boastful  Assyrian  Empire  could  have  no  real  permanence. 
The  Great  King  was  after  all  no  more  than  an  instrument 
in  the  hands  of  Jehovah,  and  his  vaunts  were  as  absurd  as 
those  of  an  axe  boasting  itself  against  the  man  who  wielded  it. 
Isaiah  compares  Assyria  in  one  place  to  a  mighty  sacrificial 
pyre  prepared  in  Tophet,  which  "  the  breath  of  Jehovah  like 
a  stream  of  brimstone  "  would  one  day  kindle  ;  in  another  he 
declares  Assyria  to  be  like  a  forest  ready  to  be  hewn  down 
and  burned  (Is.  xxx.  27-33  ;  x.  33,  34). 

With  the  overthrow  of  Assyria,  Isaiah  pictures  the  coming 
of  a  glorious  age  of  peace  and  prosperity  under  the  rule  of  a 
Davidic  king.  The  empire  which  was  the  embodiment  of 
brute  force  must  give  place  to  a  kingdom,  of  which  Zion,  after 
meriting  the  name  of  the  **  Faithful  City  "  by  being  redeemed 
with  righteousness,  should  be  the  head.  A  king  of  the  stock 
of  Jesse  would  then  be  inspired  by  the  spirit  of  Jehovah  to 
rule  aright,  and  would  bear  the  titles  of  "  Wonderful  Coun- 
sellor, Mighty  God,  Everlasting  Father,  and  Prince  of  Peace." 
Zion  could  never  be  destroyed  by  the  Assyrians.  Even 
though  the  enemy  came  to  its  very  gates  Jehovah  would  lay 
him  low,  for  He  would  protect  the  city,  and  "  would  pass 
over  her  to  spare."  The  destruction  of  Assyria  was  inevit- 
able "  The  yoke  of  his  burthen  and  the  staff  of  his  shoulder, 


Hezekiah 


289 


/J^^  ,}'^  oppressor,"  should  be  broken,  "as  in  the  day 
of  Midian  :  and  a  time  would  come  when  the  boot  of  the 
Assyrian  warrior  and  his  war-cloak  would  be  as  fuel  for  the 
flames  (Is.  ix.  2-6).^ 

Isakh's  Messianic  ideal  is  that  of  an  Israel  purified  and 
retined  by  trial,  entering  upon  a  period  of  truth  and  justice 
under  a  glorified  king  of  the  House  of  David.    He  sees  Zion 
redeemed   with   righteousness,"   the   centre   of   a   perfect 
kingdom  taking  the  place  of  the  violent  and  unjust  empire 
ot  Assyria.     If  this  expectation  appears  to  be  somewhat  too 
local  and  personal  to  satisfy  an  exalted  view  of  Messianic 
hopes,  It   must   be  remembered  that  a  highly  spiritualised 
anticipation   of   a   distant   age    would   probably  have  been 
unintelligible  to  the  prophet's  hearers.     The  crisis  was  very 
serious,  the  temptations  to  despair  almost  overwhelming  the 
people  needed  immediate  encouragement.     Isaiah  was  allowed 
to  beheve  that  the  great  and  final  redemption  of  the  remnant 
of  Israel  was  near  at  hand,  and  he  drew  a  picture  of  a  reign 
of  righteousness  and  peace  in  the  immediate  future      By  it 
his  countrymen  were  encouraged  to  continue  the  apparently 
hopeless  struggle  between  the  tiny  kingdom  of  Judah  and  the 
vast  empire  of  the  Great  King.     But,  if  the  men  of  Isaiah's 
age  were  m  any  way  led  to  imagine  that  the  day  of  peace 
under  a  Divine   King  was  nigh  at  hand,  they  were  never 
allowed  to  remain  under  the  delusion  that  it  would  come  by 
some  sudden  miracle  irrespective  of  their  own  deeds.     The 
condition  of  the  reign  of  righteousness  was  a  righteous  people 
It  was  only  when  the  remnant  of  Zion  had  become  just  that 
a  perfect  king  would  be  given.     Nor  were  the  glories  of  the 
Messianic  rule  to  be  in  any  way  like  those  of  the  supernatural 
conqueror  depicted  in  the  late  Jewish   apocalypses,  acts  of 
triumphant  vengeance  and    world-subduing    conquest.     The 
"shoot  of  the  stock  of  Jesse,"  of  whom  Isaiah  prophesied, 
was  to  be  endued  with  the  spirit  of  wisdom,  understanding 
counsel  and  might ;  not  that  he  might  dazzle  the  world  by 
the  splendour  of  his  rule,  but  that  he  might  have  his  delight 
m  the  fear  of  Jehovah,  and  judge  with  equity  the  poor  and 
meek  of  the  earth  (Is.  xi.  1-9).     Truly,  therefore,  may  Isaiah 
be  called  an  evangelical  prophet   in  that  he  saw  that  the 
Divine  kingdom  rests  on  righteousness,  and  depicted  an  ideal 


290 


Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Hezekiah 


291 


Bennaclierib's 
disaster 


ruler  in  such  a  way  that  none  satisfied  his  requirements  till 
He  who  was  the  Christ  indeed  appeared  upon  earth. 

Two  traditions  have  been  preserved  of  a  terrible  disaster 
to  an  Assyrian  force,  differing  in  detail  but  agreeing  m  the 
Lain  i  tl,  that  Sennacherib  had  to  retreat  from  Palestine 
with   the   loss   of  his   army,  and  that  his  discomfiture  was 
lue    to    a    Divine    intervention.     When    Herodotus  visited 
E.ypt  he  was  informed  by  the  priests  that  there  was  once 
a  line  of  Egypt  named  Sethon,  who  was  also  a  priest  of 
Heph.°  tus,  and   that  he  had   despised  and  confiscated  the 
land   of    the    caste    of   warriors,   leaving   Egypt   defenceless 
before  the  invader,  Sennacherib,  King  of  the  Assyrians  and 
Arabians.       In   his   distress   the   Egyptian  king  sought  the 
assistance    of    the    gods,   and    received    a    promise   of    help 
Gathering  his   people    together,    Sethon    advanced    to    meet 
fhetvaders  at^elusium^.     The  god   sent  mice   to   destroy 
the  bowstrinas  of  the  Assyrians,  who  fled  at  the  approach 
of  the  Egyptians.     "  There  stands  this  day,"  says  Herodotus 
"iithe  timple  of  Heph^stus  a  stone  statue  of  Sethon  with 
a  mouse  in  his  hand,  and  an  inscription  tothis  effect     Look 
on  me,  and  learn  to  reverence  the  gods   »  (Herodotus  u.  141> 
Thouc^h  the  historical  character  of  the  biblical  account  of 

the  retreat  of  Sennacherib  has  been  .^^^f  ^^^;;V%TJt 
the  most  vividly  dramatic  narratives  m  the  Old  Testamen^^ 
The   escape   of    Jerusalem   from   destruction   may  justly   be 
rec^arded  as  the  crowning  triumph  of  the  religious  reformation 
of%he  ac.e  of  Hezekiah.     The  great  officers  of  Sennacherib 
the   TarUn,    the    Kabsaris,    and    the    Rabshakeh    appeared 
before  Jerusalem  at  the  head  of  an  army,  to  demand  the 
surrender   of    the    city.       They    came   and   stood      by    the 
rduii  of  the  upper'pool,  which  is  in  the  ^igh-y  of^.^^^^ 
fuller's  field."     Hezekiah  sent  Eliakim  the  son  of  Hilkiah 
with   Shebna  the  scribe,  and  J-\f  %-\^l,fjP^  ^Jt 
recorder,   to   meet    the    envoys    of    the  Great    King.       The 
Rabshakeh,   as  spokesman,  shewed   himself   to  be  an  over- 
bear ng  and  insolent  man,  but  at  the  same  time  possessed 
of Tshrewd  knowledge  of  the  weak  points  of  the  character 
:    the  Jud^^ans.     He^  opened  the  discussion  by  asking  wha 
had  induced   Hezekiah  to  resist  his  master.      ^  ^e  ^ 
in  Egypt  1     It  was  like  trusting  "  upon  the  staff  of  a  bruised 


reed  .  .  .  whereon  if  a  man  lean  it  will  go  into  his  hand 
and  pierce  it."  Did  he  trust  in  Jehovah  ?  The  Rabshakeh 
appealed  to  the  disaffected  party  in  Judah,  who  doubtless 
regarded  Hezekiah  as  a  sacrilegious  fanatic  for  removing 
the  ancient  sanctuaries,  and  asked,  "Is  not  that  he  whose 
high  places  and  whose  altars  Hezekiah  hath  taken  away, 
and  hath  said  to  Judah  and  to  Jerusalem,  *  Ye  shall  worship 
before  this  altar  in  Jerusalem  "l"'^^ 

Ridiculous  indeed  did  it  seem  to  an  Assyrian  official  that 
the  King  of  Judah  should  rely  on  his  material  resources, 
and  he  offered  scornfully  to  wager  that,  if  he  gave  Hezekiah 
two  thousand  horses,  he  could  not  find  riders  for  them.     The 
ministers  of  Hezekiah,  afraid  of  the  forcible  effect  of  these 
taunts  on  the  people,  besought  the  Rabshakeh  to  speak  in 
the  Aramjean  dialect,  the  diplomatic  language  of  all  Syria, 
and  not  to  use  the  Jewish  tongue;  but  the  Assyrian  officer 
was  too  astute  to  consent  to  this.     He  declared  that  he  had 
been  sent,  not  to  Hezekiah,  but  to  the  people  of  Jerusalem, 
and  with  a  loud  voice  offered  terms  to  them.     If  they  would 
surrender  they  should  all  be  at  liberty  to  go  back  to  their 
farms,  till  the  King  of  Assyria  could  find  them  a  suitable 
territory  in   some   other  part  of   his   dominions.     At   last, 
forgetting  that  he  had  been  posing  as  the  ally  of  those  who 
supported  the  old  Jehovah  worship  against  the  innovations 
of  Hezekiah,  the   Rabshakeh   reveals  his  contempt  for  the 
God  of  Israel,  and  asks,  "Where  are  the  gods  of  Hamath, 
and  of  Arpad  1  .  .  ,  have  they  delivered  Samaria  out  of  my 
hand?     Who   are  they   among   the  gods   of    the    countries, 
that  have  delivered    their   country   out    of    my   hand,   that 
Jehovah  should  deliver  Jerusalem   out  of  my   hand?"  (Is. 
xxxvi.).     These    blasphemies    against    their    God    evidently 
exasperated    the    people,    but,    in    obedience    to    the    king's 
command,  they  listened  to  them  in  sullen  silence.     Hezekiah 
sent   Eliakim  and   Shebna   with    the   elders    of  the    priests 
to  Isaiah,   who  exhorted   them  to  be  of   good  courage,   for 
Jehovah  would  put  a  spirit  in  Sennacherib  and  cause  him 
to   hear   a  rumour   that  he   might  return   and  fall   by   the 
sword  in  his  own  land.     The  Rabshakeh  found  his  master 
at  Libnah,  awaiting  the  advance  of  Tirhakah  the  Ethiopian 
King  of  Egypt.     Having  no  spare  troops  to  detach  for  the 


292 


Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


!■  1 


Chronolo^cal 
problema 


sie-e  of  Jerusalem,  Sennacherib  trusted  to  the  effect  of  a 
violent  letter  to   Hezekiah   ordering  him  to   surrender   the 
place      In  his  despair  the  king    spread    the    letter   before 
Jehovah  and  received  from  Isaiah  the  famous  oracle  agamst 
Sennacherib  beginning,  "The  virgin  daughter  of  Zion  hath 
despised  thee  and  laughed  thee  to  scorn,    and  ending  with 
the  words  of  Jehovah  concerning  the  King  of  Assyria,     He 
shall  not  come  unto  this  city,  nor  shoot  an  arrow  there, 
neither  shall  he  come  before  it  with  shield,  nor  cast  a  mount 
against  it.     By  the  way  that  he  came,  by  the  same  shall 
he    return,  and    he    shall    not    come    unto    this    city,    saith 
Jehovah."      That   very   night  the  angel  of  Jehovah  smote 
185  000    of    the    invaders.        "So    Sennacherib    king    of 
Assyria   departed,  and  went  and    returned,   and    dwelt    at 
Nineveh."      Some   years    afterwards,  in    681    B.C.,  he   was 
slain  by  his  sons  Adrammelech  and  Sharezer  (Is.  xxxvi., 
xxxvii. ;  2  Kings  xviii.,  xix.).  ,.•,.. 

No   record   of    this   expedition    and  its  disastrous  issue 
is  preserved  on  the  Assyrian  monuments,  and  the  biblical  ac- 
count is  full  of  difficulties.    In  the  fourteenth  year  of  Hezekiah, 
for  example,  or  B.C.  714,  Sargon,  not  Sennacherib,  was  kmg, 
and  when  in  701  the  last-named  monarch  invaded  Palestine, 
he  retired    laden    with    spoil.     Again  the  biblical    account 
represents  Sennacherib  as  being  murdered  on  his  return  to 
Nineveh,  whereas  he  survived    the    campaign    of  B.C.    701 
by  nearly  twenty  years.     Still  both  the  Judaean  and  the 
Egyptian  stories  agree  that  an  Assyrian  array  was  destroyed 
by  plague,  and  it  is  conceivable  that  both  point  to  a  later 
expedition   of    the    Assyrian   king,    which   as   it   ended   in 
disaster  is  consequently  unrecorded  by  him.     It  may  well 
have   happened    that    an    Assyrian    army    perished    by  the 
plague  during  the  last  fifteen  years  of  Sennacherib  s  reign 
and   that  no  monumental  record  preserved  the  memory  of 
80  great  a  disaster.    At  any  rate,  the  way  in  which  Jerusalem 
escaped  destruction  was   the   culminating  triumph   both   of 
Isaiah's  long  prophetic  career,  and  of  the  chequered  reign 
of  Hezekiah.^^ 

''The  might  of  the  Gentiles,  unsraote  by  the  sword ^ 
Had  melted  like  snow  at  the  glance  of  the  Lord," 


Hezekiah 


^93 


and   men  might   look  for  the  promised   days  of  rest  and 
peace. 

But  in  the  course  of  human  history  a  supreme  crisis.  Effects  of 
a  dramatic  deliverance,  never  ends  the  contest.  In  this,  as  g^Sj^ 
in  other  cases,  the  struggle  only  entered  upon  a  new  phase. 
Jerusalem  was  saved,  but  the  Assyrian  armies  returned. 
Isaiah's  faith  in  Jehovah  was  triumphantly  justified,  but 
no  Messiah  came  as  yet.  Hezekiah  put  away  the  signs  of 
Canaanitish  superstition,  but  they  were  restored  by  his 
successor.  In  all  probability  the  good  king  did  not  long 
survive  this  great  deliverance,  but  "was  gathered  to  his 
fathers,"  monarch,  it  may  be,  of  but  little  more  than  a 
single  city,  yet  regarded  by  his  subjects  as  worthy  of  being 
ranked  with  his  great  ancestor  David.  If  the  records  of 
his  reign  enshrined  in  the  Scripture  may  be  arranged  as 
has  been  suggested  in  the  above  narrative,  Hezekiah  shewed 
perversity  in  youth,  but  advanced  to  an  old  age  full  of 
glory.  He  began,  if  the  hints  thrown  out  by  Isaiah  are 
rightly  apprehended,  as  a  disciple  of  the  tortuous  policy 
of  his  father  Ahaz,  and  after  some  initial  successes  ended 
in  B.C.  701  by  bringing  his  country  to  the  verge  of  ruin. 
Warned  by  his  disasters,  he  finally  turned  to  God,  and  sub- 
mitted to  the  guidance  of  His  prophet  Isaiah. 

Hezekiah's  vigorous  efibrts  to  reform  the  religion  of  his 
people  were  rewarded  by  a  great  moral  improvement  in  the 
nation,  and  the  Rabshakeh  found  a  very  different  audience 
from  that  which  his  previous  knowledge  of  Judaean  character 
might  have  led  him  to  expect.  But  no  nation  can  be  re- 
formed in  a  few  years,  and  it  was  inevitable  that  Hezekiah's 
subjects  should  revert  to  their  old  faults  when  his  influence 
could  no  more  make  itself  felt.  Yet  the  effect  of  what 
had  been  done  was  not  altogether  transitory.  An  impulse 
had  been  given  towards  the  purifying  of  the  religious  ideas 
of  mankind,  which  could  never  entirely  cease.  The  semi- 
paganism  of  ancient  Israel  had  begun  to  yield  to  a  nobler 
creed. 


2A 


Hezekiali's 

re :   : ".  ^ :; 


Chapter  XII 

From  Manasseh  to  the  Captivity 

At  the  time  of  Sennacherib's  invasion  of  Judah,  Rabshakeh, 
the  Great  King's  envoy,  made  an  appeal  to  the  prejudices  of 
the  Judseans  and   exclaimed,  "  But  if   ye  say  unto  me,  We 
trust  in  the  Lord  our  God  :  is  not  that  He  whose  high 
places   and  whose    altars    Hezekiah   hath   taken   away,  and 
hath   said   to   Judah    and  to   Jerusalem,   Ye   shall   worship 
before  this  altar  in  Jerusalem  1  .  .   .  Am  I  now,"  he  adds, 
quoting  the   words   of   Sennacherib,  "come  up  without  the 
Lord  against  this  place  to  destroy  it  1     The  Lord  said  unto 
me.  Go  up  against  this  land  and  destroy  it  "  (2  Kings  xviii. 
22-25  ;  Is.  xxxvi.  7-10).     This  language  would  have  had  no 
meaning  had  not  a  numerous  party  in  Jerusalem  seriously 
believed  that  the  calamity  of  an  Assyrian  invasion  was  due 
to  the  impiety  of  Hezekiah  in  destroying  the  high  places, 
where  the  national  God  was  worshipped,  and  in  abolishing 
objects  of  veneration  like  the  Brazen  Serpent.     The  king's 
zeal  for   purity  of  worship   aroused   a   corresponding  deter- 
mination to  retain  the  ancient  ceremonies,  and  his  disaffected 
subjects  looked  on  the  iconoclastic  monarch  as  the   enemy 
of  Heaven.     Nor  was  even  the  subsequent  destruction  of  the 
Assyrian  army  sufficient   to  convince  the  partisans    of    the 
ancient  cultus  that  Hezekiah's  reforms  had  the  approval  of 
Jehovah.     The    death    of   the    king    was    the    signal    for    a 
counter-revolution.      Manasseh,  a    boy    of    twelve,   ascended 
the  throne  of  David,  and  the  party  of  reaction  succeeded  in 
making  him  its  tool.     For  nearly  sixty  years,  according  to 
the   author   of  the   book   of  Kings,  who  makes  no  allusion 
to  Manasseh's  repentance,  the  advocates  of  the  pure  worship 
of  Jehovah  were    subject   to   persecution,   and    for    a    time 
were   completely    silenced.      The    contest    was    evidently    a 

894 


From  Manasseh  to  the  Captivity       295 


severe  one.  The  reforming  prophets  denounced  Manasseh 
as  having  done  more  wickedly  than  the  ancient  Amorites, 
and  threatened  Jerusalem  with  the  fate  of  Samaria.  They 
did  not  scruple  to  compare  the  king  with  the  worst  of  the 
Israelitish  monarchs,  nor  to  hint  that  the  same  fate  awaited 
his  family,  since  their  expression,  "The  plummet  of  the 
house  of  Ahab  "  was  a  significant  reminder  that  the  Northern 
dynasty  had  succumbed  before  a  revolution  instigated  by 
the  prophets.  This  bold  language  provoked  persecution,  and 
we  are  told  that  "Manasseh  shed  innocent  blood  very 
much,  till  he  had  filled  Jerusalem  from  one  end  to  another." 
If  legend  is  to  be  believed,  the  aged  Isaiah  himself  was  one 
of  the  victims  (2  Kings  xxi.  1-1 8y 

The  religious  reaction  manifested  itself  in  the  restoration  Restoration 
of  the  ancient  sanctuaries  in  the  cities  of  Judah.  The  cultus  ^^^^^p^ 
of  the  local  Baalim  was  revived  so  fully  that  a  prophet  could 
say,  *'  According  to  the  number  of  thy  cities  are  thy  gods,  O 
Judah,  and  according  to  the  number  of  the  streets  of  Jeru- 
salem have  ye  set  up  altars  to  the  shameful  thing,  even 
altars  to  burn  incense  unto  Baal"  (Jer.  xi.  13).  The 
sanctuaries,  which  Solomon  had  built  on  the  Mount  of  Cor- 
ruption to  the  Sidonian  Ashtoreth,  the  Moabite  Chemosh,  and 
the  Ammonite  Milcom,  were  again  thronged  with  worshippers, 
and  the  practice  of  burning  children  in  the  valley  of  Hinnom, 
begun  under  Ahaz,  was  resumed.  The  Temple  of  Jehovah 
did  not  escape  profanation.  The  sacred  enclosure  was  filled 
with  objects  of  idolatry.  An  Asherah  was  made  specially 
for  the  house  of  Jehovah  ;  and  altars  were  erected  for  the 
worship  of  the  Host  of  Heaven,  a  new  cultus,  which  had 
been  brought  into  special  prominence  in  the  days  of  Ahaz 
(2  Kings  xvii.  16).  Horses  dedicated  to  the  sun  stood  at 
the  gate  of  the  Temple,  and  a  place  was  set  apart  for  the 
women  to  weave  hangings  for  the  Asherah.  Those  wretched 
beings,  whose  presence  in  the  sanctuaries  of  idolatry  is  the 
surest  sign  of  its  hopeless  moral  degradation,  were  once  more 
to  be  found  in  the  place,  which  the  One  True  God  had 
chosen,  "  to  put  His  name  there,"  and  all  forms  of  witchcraft 
and  sorcery  were  encouraged  in  the  Holy  City  (2  Kings 
xxi.).  These  astonishing  abominations  were  tolerated  and 
encouraged  by  men  who  believed  themselves  to  be  the  wor- 


Literary 
labours  of 
prophets 


296        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


ihippers  of  the  True  God,  and  thought  that  by  thus  acting 
they  had  merited  His  favour.  The  work  of  the  prophets 
was  to  convince  the  people  that  the  things  done  in  Jehovah's 
name  were  abhorrent  to  His  nature.  Incredible  as  it  may 
seem  to  us,  Jeremiah  has  to  reiterate  his  assurance  that 
Jehovah  had  never  sanctioned  the  burning  of  children  in 
sacrifice.  "  To  burn  their  sons  in  the  fire  for  burnt  offer- 
ings unto  Baal  ;  which  I  commanded  not,  nor  spake  it, 
neither  came  it  into  my  mind  "  (Jer.  xix.  5).  So  thoroughly 
had  the  Judaeans  caught  the  infection  of  Canaanite  idolatry, 
that  the  Jehovah-worship  had  to  most  of  them  become  merely 
a  variety  of  the  national  religions  of  Palestine.  Unlike 
Deborah,  Jeremiah  is  unable  to  say  of  his  countrymen, 
*'  They  chose  new  gods "  (Judg.  v.  8) :  he  has  to  admit 
that  "They  walked  after  the  Baalim,  which  their  fathers 
tau^^ht  them"  (Jer.  ix.  14).  The  Chronicler  says  that 
Manasseh  was  taken  as  a  captive  to  Babylon,  where  he 
repented  and  was  restored ;  but  the  book  of  Kings  gives  no 
hint  of  his  repentance,  and  leaves  it  to  be  inferred  that  his 
long  reign  of  fifty-five  years  was  a  period  of  unrelieved 
depression  for  those  who  desired  a  purer  worship.  His 
religious  opponents,  however,  if  silent,  were  not  idle. 

Jeremiah's  acquaintance  with  the  earlier  pro})hets  may 
lead  us  to  infer  that  in  those  days  of  persecution  the  pen  was 
busy,  if  the  voice  of  the  prophet  was  unheard.  *'  The  men 
of  Hezekiah,"  who  may  have  been  the  remnant  of  the  ser- 
vants of  the  reforming  king,  resolved  to  supply  the  next 
generation  with  a  literature  which  would  shew  how  the 
work  begun  by  their  pious  master  might  be  brought  to  per- 
fection. It  is  even  possible  that  the  opening  words  of  those 
proverbs  of  Solomon  "  which  the  men  of  Hezekiah,  king 
of  Judah  copied  out,"  point  to  the  youthful  heir  of  the  House 
of  David  surrounded  by  evil  counsellors. 

"  Take  away  the  dross  from  the  silver. 
And  there  coraeth  forth  a  vessel  for  the  finer : 
Take  away  the  wicked  from  before  the  king, 
And  his  throne  shall  be  established  iu  righteousness  " 

(Prov.  XXV.  4,  5). 

A  religious  literature  was  certainly  already  in  existence. 
The  utterances  of  two  Northern  prophets,  Amos  and  Hosea, 


From  Manasseh  to  the  Captivity       297 


had  been  published,  and  were  eagerly  read.  Micah's  words 
concerning  the  fate  of  Jerusalem  were  quoted  by  the  Jewish 
princes  only  a  few  years  later  (Jer.  xxvi.  1 8)  ;  and  Amos 
a  century  before  is  considered  by  some  to  have  based 
his  prophecies  on  the  Book  of  the  Covenant  in  Exodus 
xx.-xxiv.  Jeremiah's  knowledge  of  the  history  of  Israel 
appears  to  have  been  derived  from  writings  not  materially 
differing  from  the  canonical  records.  He  appears  to  quote 
Genesis,  Exodus,  Leviticus,  1  Samuel,  Hosea,  Amos,  Isaiah 
and  Zephaniah.^ 

But  the  great  work  of  tliis  period  was  in  all  probability  Deuteronomy 
the  edition  of  the  Law  of  Moses,  which  is  known  as  Deutero- 
nomy. The  historical  groundwork  of  this  beautiful  book 
is  the  ancient  narrative  of  Israel's  wandering  in  the  Wilder- 
ness. The  laws  are  those  of  the  Book  of  the  Covenant,  en- 
larged and  expanded  so  as  to  meet  the  needs  of  the  age.  The 
writer,  perhaps  it  is  more  just  to  term  him  the  editor,  took 
the  laws  of  Moses  as  a  basis  of  a  discourse  addressed  to  his 
own  time.  It  was  a  great  crisis  in  the  history  of  the  true 
religion.  The  work  of  advance  accomplished  under  Heze- 
kiah had  been  checked.  Judah,  the  remnant  of  the  people 
of  Jehovah  which  had  escaped  from  Assyria,  was  sinking 
back  to  the  old  condition  of  semi-idolatry.  Without  a 
reaction,  it  was  felt  that  the  truth  must  perish,  and  the 
men  of  Hezekiah  in  the  dark  days  of  Manasseh,  determined 
to  prepare  for  the  time  when  Jehovah's  cause  would  once 
more  prevail,  by  reinforcing  the  inspired  utterances  of  the 
prophets  by  the  written  word.^ 

Not  that  the  prophetic  voice  was  altogether  silent,  if  those  Micali  vi.,7ll 
brief  but  powerful  chapters  preserved  at  the  conclusion  of 
the  prophecy  of  Micah  belong  to  this  age.  It  has  been 
supposed  that  Micah  vi.,  vii.  is  the  work  of  an  unknown 
seer  in  the  evil  days  of  Manasseh.  The  splendid  and  pathetic 
controversy  between  Jehovah  and  the  people,  commencing 
with  the  tender  remonstrance,  *'  O  my  people,  what  have  I 
done  unto  thee,  and  wherein  have  I  wearied  thee?  testify 
against  Me,"  is  followed  by  a  description  of  the  desperate 
condition  of  the  people,  when  the  statutes,  not  of  Jehovah, 
but  of  Omri,  were  kept,  and  "  all  the  works  of  the  house  of 
Ahab."     Very  vividly  are  the  days  of  an  inquisitional  perse- 


H&linin 


History  of 
Aasyria 


Jeremiah 


298       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

cation  delineated  in  the  words,  "  The  son  dishonoureth  the 
father,  the  daughter  riseth  up  against  her  mother,  the 
daughter-in-law  against  her  mother-in-law  :  a  man  s  enemies 
are  "the  men  of  his  own  house"  (Micah  vii.  6). 

To    the    same    age   perhaps   belongs    the    very   spirited 
prophecy    of    Nahum    against    Nineveh,    which    cannot    be 
earlier  than  the  destruction  of  Thebes  in  B.C.  661,  nor  later 
than  the  final  overthrow  of    Nineveh  in   B.C.   607.       ihe 
decline  of  the  Assyrian  power,  in  accordance  with  the  pre- 
dictions of  Isaiah,  could  not  fail  to  encourage  the  partisans 
of  reformed  worship,  and  this  may  account  for  the  Chronicler  s 
statement  that   Manasseh   repented    after    his    return  from 
Babylon,  whither  he  had  been  summoned  by  Esar-haddon, 
King  of  Assyria  (2  Chron.  xxxiii.  12,  13).    It  is  not  however 
easy  to  reconcile  this  repentance  of  Manasseh  with  a  descrip- 
tion in  the  book  of  Kings  of  the  prevalence  of  idolatry  at  the 
time  of  the  accession  of  Josiah  after  Amon's  brief  reign  of  two 

vears 

Thoucrh    the    biblical    account   of    this    epoch    does   not 
mention  any  of   the  kings  of   Assyria  by  name,  they  had, 
nevertheless,  a  very  powerful  influence  on  the  Judsean  people. 
In  B  C   681   Sennacherib  was  murdered  by  two  of  his  sons, 
who  were  defeated  in  battle  by  their  brother  Esar-haddon, 
the    greatest    and  wisest   of   Assyrian   kings.     Esar-haddon 
rebuilt  Babylon,  which  had  been  destroyed  by  Sennacherib 
in  B  c.  689,  and  sought  to  consolidate  his  empire  by  a  policy 
of  judicious  mildness.     Egypt  was  conquered,  and,  after  the 
fall  of  Thebes,  B.C.  661,  sullenly  submitted  to  Assyria;  and 
the  conquest  of  Elam  by  Asshur-bani-pal,  the  successor  of 
Esar-haddon,  raised   the  Assyrian  Empire  to  the  zenith  ot 
its  power.     But  its  fall  came  with  appalling  suddenness.     In 
the  later  years  of  Asshur-bani-pal  signs  of  decay  began  to 
appear.     This  monarch  died  about  B.C.  625,  and  under  his 
two   successors   Assyria  grew  still  weaker,  till  in  B.C.   607 
the  Babylonian  king  Nabopolassar,  assisted  by  Cyaxares  the 
Mede,  destroyed  Nineveh  so  thoroughly  that  its  very  site 
was,  till  recent  times,  unknown.     The  Egyptians  succeeded 
the  Assyrians  in  their  Palestinian  dominions. 

It  was  during  the  first  stages  in  the  decay  of  the  Assyrian 
power  so  unmistakably  predicted  by  Isaiah,  that  Jeremiah 


From  Manasseh  to  the  Captivity       299 


and  the  prophets   of  his   age   prepared   themselves   for  the 
second  attempt  to  purify  the  religion  of  Judah.     The  effect 
of  so  striking  a  fulfilment  of  prophecy  on  the  majority  of  the 
people  was,  on  the  one  hand,  to  predispose  them  for  a  re- 
establishment  of  a  cultus  of  Jehovah,  which,  so  far  at  least 
as  externals  were  concerned,  was  pure  from  idolatry,  and  on 
the  other,  to  give  them  such  an  overweening  confidence  in 
the  inviolable  sanctity  of  Jerusalem,  as  to  make  them  in- 
capable of  realising  the  need  of  righteousness  on  the  part  of 
the  inhabitants  to  secure  the  continuance  of  Jehovah's  favour. 
In  this  lay  the  peculiar  difficulty  of  the  prophet's  work,  nor 
was  Jeremiah  to  all  appearance  a  man  naturally  qualified  for 
such   an  enterprise.     Hardly  any  sacred  writer  reveals  his 
personality  more   clearly.      The   long  book   that  bears  his 
name,    a    strange    medley    of    history,    autobiography    and 
prophecy,  succeeds  in  presenting  a  graphic  portrait  of   the 
prophet.     His  acquaintance  with  the  Hebrew  literature  of 
his  age   shews  how   carefully  he  prepared  himself   for   the 
work'^of  a  religious  teacher,  whilst  the  history  of  his  call 
reveals   how   his   sensitive   nature   shrank  from    the    heroic 
duties  of  the  prophet's  office.     The  weakness  of  Jeremiah's 
character  is  seen  in  his  bitter  appeals  for  Divine  vengeance 
on   his   pei-secutors,  as  well   as    in    the   querulousness   with 
which  he  bewails  his    lot.     Jeremiah's   temperament  lacks 
the  buoyant  elasticity  which  so  often  helps  men  to  bear  their 
misfortunes  with  cheerfulness,  nor  does  he  seem  capable  of 
recognising  any  of  the  better  qualities  of  his  countrymen,  on 
whose  iniquities  he  is  especially  severe.     He  is  essentially 
the    prophet   of    Lamentation— a  man   who    hungered    and 
thirsted  after  righteousness,  but  whose  despondent  tempera- 
ment knew  little  of  the  consolations  of  hope. 

This  is,  however,  but  one  side  of  the  remarkable  character 
of  the  prophet,  who  had  so  great  an  influence  upon  the 
subsequent  development  of  Judaism.  The  weaknesses  of 
Jeremiah,  though  more  than  counterbalanced  by  the  great 
qualities  he  displayed,  themselves  contributed  to  extend  his 
influence.  No  prophet,  for  example,  was  so  well  able  to 
make  the  nation's  sorrow  his  own.  ''  Oh  that  my  head  were 
water,"  he  cried,  "  and  mine  eyes  a  fountain  of  tears,  that  I 
might  weep  day  and  night  for  the  slain  of  the  daughter  of 


Amon  and 


I 


^dphaniah 


300       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


my  people!"  (Jer.  ix.  1);  and  this  power  of  sympathy  gave 
added  force  to  his  denunciations.  He  seems  also  to  have 
been  able  to  inspire  his  personal  friends  with  unusual  devo- 
tion to  his  cause,  and  to  have  retained  their  support  at  times 
when  the  most  powerful  factions  of  Jerusalem  had  combined 
against  him.  Moreover,  it  is  possible  to  trace  the  develop- 
ment of  the  prophet's  character  in  the  increasing  boldness 
with  which  he  faced  his  own  enemies  and  regarded  the 
disasters  of  his  country,  and  to  recognise  in  him  the  type  of 
a  man,  whose  nature  is  strengthened,  and  whose  best  qualities 
are  elicited,  by  adversity.  Such  then  was  the  prophet  to 
whom  the  Divine  message  came,  "See,  I  have  this  day  set 
thee  over  the  nations  ...  to  pluck  up  and  to  break  down, 
and  to  destroy  and  to  overthrow  ;  to  build,  and  to  plant " 
(Jer.  i.  10). 

Manasseh  was  succeeded  by  Amon,  a  partisan  of  the 
idolatrous  worship,  but  after  a  reign  of  two  years  he  became 
the  victim  of  a  conspiracy,  and  his  son  Josiah,  a  child  of 
eight,  was  placed  on  the  throne  of  Judah.  His  guardians 
evidently  favoured  the  prophetical  party,  for  the  Chronicler 
tells  us  that  the  young  king  began  "  to  seek  the  Lord "  in 
the  eighth  year  of  his  reign,  and  in  the  twelfth  to  suppress 
idolatry.  In  the  following  year  "the  word  of  the  Lord 
came  to  Jeremiah  the  son  of  Hilkiah,  of  the  priests  that 
were  in  Anathoth  in  the  land  of  Benjamin"  (Jer.  i.  1,  2). 

To  all  appearance  the  first  demands  for  religious  reform 
that  have  been  preserved  to  us  are  heard  in  the  prophecy  of 
Zephaniah.  Early  in  the  reign  of  Josiah,  perhaps  at  the 
time  that  the  news  of  Asshur-bani-pal's  death  reached 
Jerusalem,  this  prophet  foretold  that  ruin  was  to  fall,  not 
only  on  Philistia,  Moab  and  Edom,  but  also  upon  Assyria 
and  Nineveh.  In  language  which  found  an  echo  in  the  pro- 
phecies of  Jeremiah,  Zephaniah's  message  to  Judah  begins  : — 

"  I  will  utterly  consume  all  things  from  off  the  face  of  the  ground,  saith 
Jehovah. 
I  will  consume  man  and  beast ; 
I  will  consume  the  fowls  of  the  heavens,  and  the  fishes  of  the  sea,  and 

the  stumbling-blocks  with  the  wicked  ; 
And  I  will  cut  off  man  from  off  the  face  of  the  ground  " 

(Zeph.  i.  2,  8). 


From  Manasseh  to  the  Captivity       301 


The  prevailing  idolatry  is   then    clearly  denounced  in   the 
following  utterance  : — 

"  I  will  cut  off  the  remnant  of  Baal  from  this  place, 
And  the  name  of  the  Chemarim  with  the  priests  ; 
And  them  that  worship  the  host  of  Heaven 

Which  swear  to  the  Lord,  and   swear  by  Malcham  " 

(Zeph.  i.  4,  5).-5« 

Zephaniah's  opening  words  were  in  fact  a  warning  that  The  ScytWaii 
a  calamity  fraught  with  terror  was  about  to  overwhelm  invaiion 
Western  Asia.  The  ancient  nations  lived  in  constant 
danger  of  an  irruption  of  the  countless  unknown  hordes 
who  dwelt  beyond  the  northern  frontiers  of  the  civilised 
world.  In  the  seventh  century  B.C.  the  campaigns  of  the 
Assyrian  kings  had  sapped  the  strength  of  the  nations 
which  had  hitherto  prevented  the  barbarians  from  devastating 
the  more  settled  countries.  Suddenly  the  Scythians,  a  wild 
and  fierce  people,  burst  forth  in  irresistible  multitudes  from 
their  home  north  of  the  Crimea  into  the  more  favoured 
districts  of  the  South.  This  terrible  irruption  has  been 
thus  described  :  "  Pouring  through  the  passes  of  the  Caucasus, 
horde  after  horde  of  Scythians  blackened  the  rich  plains 
of  the  South.  On  they  came  like  a  flight  of  locusts, 
countless,  irresistible,  .  .  .  finding  the  land  before  them 
a  garden,  and  leaving  it  behind  them  a  howling  wilderness. 
Neither  age  nor  sex  would  be  spared.  The  crops  would 
be  consumed,  the  herds  swept  ofi"  or  destroyed,  the  villages 
and  homesteads  burned,  the  whole  country  made  a  scene  of 
desolation.  "Wandering  from  district  to  district,  plundering 
everywhere,  settling  nowhere,  the  clouds  of  horse  passed 
over  Mesopotamia,  the  force  of  the  invasion  becoming 
weaker  as  it  spread  itself,  until  in  Syria  it  reached  its 
term  by  the  policy  of  the  king  Psammetichus."  ^ 

Jeremiah's  earliest  prophecies  seem  to  refer  to  the  invasion 
of  the  Scythians. 

The  first  vision  was  that  of  the  almond  tree,  followed  by 
one  of  "a  seething  caldron  and  its  face  from  the  North" 
(Jer.  i.  11-15),  a  figure  admirably  descriptive  of  an 
irruption  of  barbarians,  driven  by  their  own  discords  and 
calamities    to  leave    their   homes    to   ravage  more  civilised 


-i''4*^nsi-'i-gf^  '»^*9 


302       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


■9 

I 


h 

W 

II"  i 


nations.     The  strangeness  and  unforeseen  character  of  their 
appearance  is  vividly  portrayed  by  the  prophet. 

**  Destruction  upon  destruction  is  cried  ; 
For  the  whole  land  is  spoiled  : 
Suddenly  are  my  tents  spoiled, 
And  my  curtains  in  a  moment. 

. 
I  beheld  the  earth,  and  lo,  it  was  waste  and  void  ; 
The  heavens,  and  they  had  no  light. 
I  beheld  the  mountains,  and  lo,  they  trembled, 
And  all  the  hills  moved  to  and  fro. 
I  beheld,  and  lo,  there  was  no  man, 
And  all  the  birds  of  the  heavens  were  fled. 

Tlie  whole  city  fleeth  for  the  noise  of  the  horsemen  and  bowmen  ; 
They  go  into  the  thickets,  and  climb  up  upon  the  rocks  ;^ 
Everv  citv  is  forsaken,  and  not  a  man  dwelleth  therein  " 

^      ^  (Jer.  iv.  20-29). 


The  finding  of 
"the  Law  of 
tbeLord" 


1 


The  Scythian  invasion  advanced  to  the  borders  of  Egypt, 
but  its  course  was  apparently  along  the  coast  of  Syria,  and 
the  Philistine  plain  suffered  more  than  the  narrow  territory 
of  the  kings  of  Judah.  Jerusalem  was  spared,  and  the 
wonderful  deliverance  from  such  great  peril  had   no  doubt 

powerful    effect   on    Josiah    and    his    counsellors.       The 


a 


restoration  of   the  Temple  was  decided   upon;   and,  during 
the    progress    of    the    work,   a   discovery   was    made    which 
proved  one   of    the    most   important    turning-points   in   the 
religious   history   of    humanity.     The   high   priest,    Hilkiah, 
announced  to  Shaphan  the  scribe,  "  I  have  found  the  book 
of    the   law  in  the   House  of  the    Lord."     It  is  generally 
supposed  that  the  book  discovered  was  the  so-called  Deutero- 
nomic   law,  because   this   describes  with   such  accuracy   the 
apostate  condition  of  Judah  in  the  days  of  Manasseh,  and 
predicts   the   punishment   that  shortly  overtook  the  nation. 
The  effect  of  the  newly  discovered  book  was  instantaneous. 
Shaphan,  the  scribe,  read  it  before  Josiah,  who  immediately 
instructed   Hilkiah,   Shaphan,   and    three   other    persons,   to 
take    advice   from   a   celebrated   prophetess   named   Huldah. 
The   form   of  their   instructions   i)roves  that  the   book  had 
excited   the    conscience,    rather    than    the    curiosity   of    the 


From  Manasseh  to  the  Captivity       303 

king,  '*Go  ye,"  were  his  words,  "enquire  of  the  Lord  for 
me,  and  for  the  people,  and  for  all  Judah,  concerning  the 
words  of  this  book  that  is  found  :  for  great  is  the  wrath 
of  Jehovah,  that  is  kindled  against  us,  because  our  fathers 
have  not  hearkened  unto  the  words  of  this  book,  to  do 
according  unto  all  that  which  is  written  concerning  us " 
(2  Kings  xxii.  13).  Huldah  returned  answer  that  all  the 
evil  predicted  should  come  upon  Jerusalem,  but  that  Josiah 
should  be  gathered  to  the  grave  in  peace,  and  not  see  the 
calamity  of  his  people.  Part  of  this  prophecy  only  was 
fulfilled :  Josiah  was  mercifully  spared  the  sight  of  the 
final  ruin  of  Jerusalem,  but  his  end  can  hardly  be  described 
as  peaceful. 

On  receiving  Huldah's  response,  Josiah  assembled  the 
people  and  made  a  solemn  promise  to  observe  the  law  of 
Jehovah.  The  "Book  of  the  Covenant,"  as  the  newly 
discovered  volume  is  termed,  was  read,  and  then  the  king 
standing  on  the  platform  pledged  himself  "To  walk  after 
the  Lord,  and  to  consider  the  words  of  His  covenant  that 
were  written  in  this  book.  And  all  the  people,"  adds  the 
sacred  writer,  "  stood  to  the  covenant "  (2  Kings  xxiii.  3). 

The  reformation  that  ensued  was  a  drastic  one.  First  the  Josiah's 
Temple  was  cleansed  from  every  trace  of  idolatry.  JThe  high  reformation 
places  at  "the  entering  in  of  the  gate  of  Joshua"  in  Jerusalem 
were  next  destroyed,  and  the  priests  that  ministered  to  them 
forbidden  to  approach  the  altar  of  Jehovah,  though  allowed 
to  "eat  unleavened  bread  among  their  brethren."  Topheth 
in  the  valley  of  Hinnom  was  defiled,  and  the  child-sacrifices 
to  Moloch  were  suppressed,  as  was  also  the  worship  of  the 
heavenly  luminaries.  "He  burned  the  chariots  of  the  sun 
with  fire."  Nor  did  the  reformation  confine  itself  to 
Jerusalem.  All  the  sanctuaries  erected  by  Solomon  for 
the  accommodation  of  his  Moabite  and  Ammonite  subjects 
and  for  the  Phoenician  traders  were  defiled ;  not  a  high  place 
nor  obelisk  was  left  standing.  From  Geba  to  Beersheba 
every  sugijestion  of  a  compromise  between  Canaanite  nature- 
worship  and  the  pure  adoration  of  Jehovah  was  removed. 
The  sanctuaries  of  the  Northern  Kingdom  did  not  escape 
the  zeal  of  the  pious  iconoclast :  the  altar  of  Jeroboam 
the  son  of  Nebat  was  broken  down,  the  high  places  together 


304       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Effect  of 

Josiali'a 

reform 


P   I' 


I 


with  the  Asherah  were  reduced  to  ashes,  and  human 
bones,  buried  in  the  neighbouring  mountain,  were  taken 
from  their  graves,  and  burned  on  the  altar  to  defile  the 
spot  for  ever.  Only  the  sepulchre  of  the  man  of  God, 
who  had  pronounced  the  doom  of  Bethel,  and  the  bones 
of  "th©  prophet  that  came  out  of  Samaria"  were  spared. 
Nor  was  the  king's  vengeance  confined  to  stones  and  trees. 
The  priests  of  the  high  places  of  the  cities  of  Samaria  were 
slain  upon  the  altars,  before  Josiah  returned  to  Jerusalem 
(2  Kings  xxiii.  1-20).^* 

With  the  reformation  of  Josiah,  and  the  drastic  measures 
taken  to  render  the  repetition  of  ancient  corruptions  impos- 
sible, the  long  compromise  between  the  worship  of  the  One 
True  God  and  the  superstitions  of  the  native  races  of 
Palestine  practically  came  to  an  end.  The  destruction  of 
Jerusalem  and  the  deportation  of  the  Judseans  completed, 
instead  of  destroying,  the  work  of  Josiah;  and  when  th© 
people  of  Jehovah  returned  from  exile,  they  came  back  with 
little  desire  to  worship  the  gods  of  the  surrounding  nations. 
So  far  as  personal  religion,  however,  was  concerned,  the 
immediate  effects  of  the  destruction  of  idolatry  in  obedience 
to  the  Deuteronoraic  law  were  less  satisfactory  than  might 
have  been  expected. 

In  the  first  place,  a  purification  of  the  land  conducted  with 
80  much  haste  and  violence  was  of  necessity  more  apparent 
than  real.  Idolatry  did  not  disappear  with  the  visible  signs 
of  its  presence,  but  was  long  latent  in  the  hearts  of  the  people, 
and  was  practised  in  secret.  Nor  were  those  who  accepted 
the  re-discovered  law  with  all  their  hearts,  exempt  from  a 
more  subtle  form  of  idolatry.  The  Temple,  and  the  venerable 
Ark  of  the  Covenant,  became  objects  of  fanatical  devotion. 
The  cry  "  The  Temple  of  the  Lord  !  "  often  repeated,  raised  a 
general  confidence  that  the  city  which  Jehovah  had  chosen  "  to 
put  His  nam©  there  "  was  so  assured  of  His  protection  that  not 
even  the  moral  wickedness  of  its  inhabitants  could  bring  it  to 
destruction.  The  priesthood  were  not  averse  to  this  popular 
view  of  the  impregnable  sanctity  of  the  Temple,  and  in  support 
of  such  confidence  could  point  to  Isaiah's  words  at  the  time 
of  the  Assyrian  invasion,  "As  birds  flying,  so  will  the  Lord  of 
hosts  protect  Jerusalem,  He  will  protect  and  passing  deliver 


From  Manasseh  to  the  Captivity      305 


it,  He  will  pass  over  and  preserve  it "  (Is.  xxxi.  5).  The 
prophetical  party  were  in  close  alliance  with  the  priesthood, 
for,  as  Jeremiah  bitterly  says,  "The  prophets  prophesy 
falsely,  and  the  priests  bear  rule  by  their  means,  and  my 
people  love  to  have  it  so  "  (Jer.  v.  31). 

^  Nothing  in  fact  can  be  more  unanimous  than  the  condemna-  The  false 

tion  of  the  majority  of  the  prophets  by  the  canonical  writers   proDheta 

of  this  age.     Jeremiah  is  sometimes  wonderfully  pathetic  in 

the  way  in  which  he  pleads  to  God  on  behalf  of  the  people, 

whom   the  prophets  had  deceived.     "Ah,  Lord   God!"  he 

remonstrates,  "behold,  the  prophets  say  unto  them.  Ye  shall 

not  see  the  sword  neither  shall  ye  have  famine,  but  I  will 

give  you  assured  peace  in  this  place"  (Jer.  xiv.   13).     In 

answer  to  his  petition  Jehovah  says,  "  The  prophets  prophesy 

lies    in    My    name."      Zephaniah    is    equally  severe:    "Her 

prophets, "  he  says  of  Jerusalem,  "  are  light  and  treacherous 

persons  "  (Zeph.  iii.  4).     The  last  three  chapters  of  Zechariah, 

which  probably  belong  to  the  age  of  Josiah,  predict  the  utter 

disrepute  into  which  the  professional  prophets  were  destined 

to  fall.     "  And  it  shall  come  to  pass  in  that  day,  that  the 

prophets  shall  be  ashamed  every  one  of  his  vision,  when  he 

prophesieth,   neither    shall    they   wear   a    hairy   mantle    to 

deceive :  but  he  shall  say,  I  am  no  prophet,  I  am  a  tiller  of 

the  ground."     For  a  prophet,  in  the  days  to  come,  will  be 

punished   as   an  impostor,  and  will   bear   the   marks   of  his 

chastisements  so  that  people  shall  ask,    "What  are  these 

wounds  between  thine  arms?"  and  he  will  have  to  answer, 

"Those  with  which  I   was   wounded  in  the  house  of  my 

friends  "  (Zech.  xiii.  4-6).^  ^ 

A  new  class  of  teacher  had  apparently  come  into  being  The  teachers 
in  the  days  of  Jeremiah.  The  law  of  Jehovah  had  become  ^^  *^®  ^^ 
a  special  study  and  its  expounders  were  already  influential. 
The  prophet  speaks  of  the  pen  of  the  scribes  making  the 
law  in  vain,  and  of  the  arrogant  boast,  "  We  are  wise,  and 
the  law  of  the  Lord  is  with  us"  (Jer.  viii.  8).  Before 'this, 
Zephaniah  had  alluded  to  the  priesthood  doing  violence  to 
the  Law  (Zeph.  iii.  4).  It  appears  as  if  that  fatal  habit  of 
regarding  the  Law,  not  as  a  guide  to  spiritual  progress, 
but  as  a  means  of  satisfying  the  requirements  of  God,  had 
already  become  ingrained,  and  that  casuistical  attempts  to 


3o6       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Jeremiah  and 

external 

worsliip 


explain  away  its  moral  demands  were  being  made  by  its 

authorised  expounders.  ,  i.         j        j 

The    attitude   of   Jeremiah    towards    the    reformed    and 
purified   religion   prevalent  in   the   days   of   Jpsiah   entitles 
him  to  a  very  high  place  among  the  teachers  of  righteous- 
ness     He  is  impregnated  with   the   spirit   of  the  book   of 
Deuteronomy.     He  sees  in  the  whole  history  of  the  desert 
wanderings  the  proof  of  the  exceeding  love  of  God  for  His 
people,  and  urges  the  obligation  of  reciprocating  it  by  loving 
obedience.     He  goes  to  the  people  by  Divine  command  and 
reminds  them  the  main  feature  of  their  covenant  with  God 
is  the  command,   ''Hearken  unto  My  voice."     Of  sacrifice 
and   ritual,    Jeremiah,    priest    as    he    was,    says    but   little. 
These  external  acts  of  worship  are  not  to  him  of  the  essence 
of    righteousness.     "I    spake    not   unto   your    fathers,   nor 
commanded  them  in  the  day  that  I    brought  them  out  of 
the  Land  of  Egypt,  concerning  burnt  ofi'ering  and  sacrifice  ; 
but  this   thing  I  commanded  them,   saying,  Hearken  unto 
My  voice"  (Jer.  vii.  22).      To   the  prophet  the  confidence 
in  the  sanctity  of  the  Temple  seems  misplaced.     God  desires 
righteousness,  and  punishes  wrong-doing  without  regard  to 
the  holiness  of  the  place  where  it  is  committed.      "  But  go 
ye  now  unto  My  place  which  was  in  Shiloh,"  says   he  to 
the  zealots  for  the  Temple,  "  where  I  caused  My  name  to 
dwell  at  the  first,  and  see  what  I  did  to  it  for  the  wickedness 
of  My  people   Israel."  .  .  .  ''  Therefore,"  he  adds,   "  will  I 
do  unto  the  house,  which  is  called  by  My  name,  wherein  ye 
trust,  and  unto  the  place  which  I  gave  to  you,  and  to  your 
fathers,  as  I  have  done  to  Shiloh"  (Jer.  vii.  12-14). 

Even  the  sacred  Ark  is  not  in  his  eyes  essential  to  true 
religion,  for  the  days  are  coming  when  it  shall  be  no  more 
said  "The  ark  of  the  covenant  of  Jehovah:  neither  shall 
it  come  to  mind  :  neither  shall  they  remember  it :  neither 
shall  they  visit  (or  miss)  it"  (Jer.  iii.  16).  In  fact,  the 
very  covenant  given  to  them  when  Israel  came  forth  from 
E^ypt  is  to  be  superseded  by  a  New  Covenant.  ''  I  will  put 
my  law  in  their  inward  parts,"  are  God's  words,  "and  m 
the  heart  will  I  write  it :  and  I  will  be  their  God,  and  they 
shall  be  My  people"  (Jer.  xxxi.  33).  .  ,    .     ^    , 

In  his  moments  of  greatest  elevation  Jeremiah  is  truly 


From  Manasseh  to  the  Captivity      307 


the  prophet  not  of  his  own  age,  but  of  one  which  has  not 
yet  dawned.  He  is  the  St  Paul  of  the  Old  Covenant ;  his 
prophetic  glance  penetrates  the  veil  of  coming  centuries, 
and  reaches  to  the  time  when  covenants  and  laws,  temples 
and  sacred  symbols,  priesthood  and  sacrifice,  shall  be  for- 
gotten ;  but  the  law  of  God  will  be  inscribed  in  the  hearts 
of  all  and  "  They  shall  teach  no  more  every  man  his  neigh- 
bour and  every  man  his  brother,  saying.  Know  the  Lord, 
for  they  shall  all  know  Me  from  the  least  of  them  unto 
the  greatest  of  them,  saith  the  Lord :  for  I  will  forgive 
their  iniquity,  and  their  sin  will  I  remember  no  more  "  (Jer. 
xxxi.  34).  Not  yet  is  mankind  ripe  for  the  fulfilment  of  the  pro- 
phetic ideal  of  the  great  teacher,  who  gave  God's  people  those 
spiritual  principles  of  religion  which  no  ruin  of  their  material 
Temple,  no  exile  from  their  sacred  land  was  able  to  destroy. 

As    St    Paul's    intensely    spiritual    view    of    the    Gospel  Persecution  of 
singled   him  out   for  a   persecution    from   which   the   older  Jeremiali 
apostles    were    exempt,    so   Jeremiah's    preaching   provoked 
the  hatred  of  every  class.     The  unwillingness  he  shewed  in 
accepting  the  call  to  the  prophetic  office,  and  the  bitterness 
of  his  complaints  to  God  at  the  violent  animosity   of  his 
countrymen,  seem  due  to  the  consciousness  that  his  message 
was  necessarily  distasteful  to  his  generation.     Not  only  did 
he    meet    with    opposition    from    an    idolatrous    people,    an 
interested  priesthood,  and  a  venal  order  of  prophets,  but 
even  those  who  claimed  to  be  most  zealous  for  a  pure  worship 
were  unable  to  understand   him.     A  man,  who  sorrowfully 
declined  to  continue  the  work  of  an  Isaiah  in  proclaiming 
the  inviolability  of  Zion  and  the  Temple,  who  never  enter- 
tained any  hopes  that  the  reforms  of  the  godly  King  Josiah 
could  avert  the  evil  day,  who  mistrusted  the  new  zeal  for 
sacrificial    worship,    to   whom  Ark    and    Temple    were    but 
shadows  of  good  things  to  come,  was  no  doubt  regarded  as 
an  enemy   to   religion.      The  inhabitants   of  Anathoth,   his 
native  place,  were  the  first  to  seek  his   life,  and   his   own 
kinsmen  proclaimed  him  an  outlaw.     This  was  probably  in 
the  days  of  Josiah,  and  he  was  warned  of  greater  perils  in 
store  for  him   in   the  words,   "If  thou  hast  run   with    the 
footmen  and  they  have  wearied  thee,  then  how  canst  thou 
contend  with  the  horses  1  "  (Jer.  xii.  5). 


3o8       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Death  o 
Josiah 


i: 


if 


The  vanity  of  the  hopes  raised  by  Josiab's  purification  of 
religion  was  soon  to  be  realised.  Assyria  was  about  to 
vanish  and  her  empire  to  become  a  jjrey  to  rival  nations. 
In  B.C.  608  Pharaoh-Necbo  traversed  the  plain  of  Esdraelon 
on  his  way  to  secure  the  important  fortress  of  Carchemish 
on  the  Euphrates.  Josiah,  for  some  reason  unknown  to  us, 
marched  against  him.  According  to  the  book  of  Chronicles 
the  Egyptian  king  was  inspired  by  God  to  warn  the  Judaean 
monarch  to  retreat,  but  Josiah,  confident  of  the  Divine 
favour,  and  ])robably  urged  forward  by  fanatical  prophets, 
who  imagined  that  victory  must  attend  the  King,  persisted  in 
attacking  the  invaders.  The  crushing  defeat  of  Judah,  and 
the  death  of  Josiah  at  Megiddo  was  the  ruin  of  the  nation. 
A  prophet  speaks  of  the  mourning  after  the  battle  as 
typical  of  sorrow,  and  the  Christian  seer  sees  in  the  battle- 
field of  Megiddo  a  figure  of  the  great  strife  that  is  to 
precede  the  end  of  the  world  (Zech.  xii.  11  ;  Rev.  xvi.  16). 
No  King  of  Judah  received  the  unqualified  praise  bestowed 
by  the  sacred  writer  upon  Josiah.  It  was  not  his  religious 
reforms,  but  his  justice,  that  Jeremiah  commemorates  when 
he  contrasts  Josiah  with  his  unworthy  son.  **  Did  not  thy 
father  eat  and  drink  and  do  judgment  and  justice?  then 
it  was  well  with  him.  He  judged  the  cause  of  the  poor 
and  needy,  then  it  was  well  with  him.  Was  not  this  to 
know  Me?  saith  the  Lord"  (Jer.  xxii.  15,  16). 

The  people  chose  as  their  king  Jehoahaz,  also  called 
Shallum,  whose  reign  was  but  brief.  After  three  months  he 
was  summoned  to  Riblah,  deposed  by  Pharaoh-Necho,  and 
carried  captive  to  Egypt.  The  Egyptians  raised  his  elder 
brother  Eliakim  to  the  throne,  and  changed  the  new  king's 
name  to  Jehoiakim. 

Jehoahaz  is  condemned  in  Kings  and  Chronicles  as  having 
done  evil  in  the  sight  of  Jehovah,  but  Jeremiah  pities  his  fate 
too  much  to  condemn  him.  "Weep  ye  not  for  the  dead, 
(Josiah),  neither  bemoan  him,  but  weep  sore  for  him  that 
goeth  away ;  for  he  shall  return  no  more,  nor  see  his  native 
country  "  (Jer.  xxii.  10).  Of  Jehoiakim  the  prophet  has  no 
good  to  say.  He  aeems  to  have  been  one  of  those  despicable 
puppets,  raised  to  a  nominal  sovereignty  by  a  foreign  con- 
queror, and  seeking  enjoyment  at  the  expense  of  his  impover- 


From  Manasseh  to  the  Captivity      309 


ished  people.  "  Woe  unto  him,''  says  the  indignant  prophet, 
"  that  buildeth  his  house  by  unrighteousness  and  his  chambers 
by  injustice,  that  useth  his  neighbour's  service  without 
wages,  .  .  .  that  saith,  I  will  build  me  a  wide  house  and 
spacious  chambers.  .  .  .  Shalt  thou  reign,"  he  adds,  "be- 
cause thou  enclosest  thyself  like  Ahab  1 "  ^  (Jer.  xxii.  13-15). 
Habakkuk  in  almost  the  same  words  denounces  this  cruel 
passion  for  building  palaces  in  the  hour  of  his  nation's  ruin, 
and  at  the  cost  of  the  lives  of  his  oppressed  subjects,  and  con- 
cludes in  generous  indignation,  "  Thou  hast  consulted  shame 
to  thy  house  by  cutting  off  many  peoples,  and  hast  sinned 
against  thy  soul.  For  the  stone  shall  cry  out  of  the  wall,  and 
the  beam  out  of  the  timber  shall  answer  it "  (Hab.  ii.  10,  11 ). 

To    understand   the    course   of    events   in    Judah    under  FaU  of  Assyria 
Jehoiakim  it  is  necessary   to   survey   the  great  drama  of  l^^y^Q^  ^^ 
Asiatic  history.     In  B.C.  607  Assyria  simply  vanished.     No 
record  of  the  fall  of  Nineveh  has  yet  been  discovered.     Two 
rivals  contended  foi-  the  empire  of  Western  Asia.     Egypt 
again  aspired  to  rule  in  Syria,  but  was  confronted  with  the 
mighty  power  of  Babylon.    This  ancient  city  had  in  past  times 
only  succumbed  after  a  desperate  struggle  with  Assyria,  and 
as  the  conqueror  grew  weak  the  strength  of  the  conquered 
returned.     Nabo-polassar,  the  viceroy  of  Babylon,  profited  by 
the  weakness  of  his  master  first  to  claim  independence  and 
finally  to   conquer  Assyria   itself.     His    son    Nabu-kudur- 
uzur,  better  known  to  us  as  Nebuchadnezzar,  or  Nebuchad- 
rezzar, as  Jeremiah  more  correctly  calls  him,  was  sent  to 
drive  the  Egyptians  from  their  post  on  the  Euphrates.     In 
B.C.  605  this  prince  succeeded  in  utterly  defeating  Pharaoh- 
Necho  at  Carchemish.     The  fate  of   Syria  was  decided  at 
this  battle.     Egypt  ceased  to  be  a  power  in  Asia,  and  her 
possessions  passed  to  the  Chaldcean  conquerors,  "That  bitter 
and  hasty  nation,"  as   Habakkuk   calls   them   (Hab.   i.  6). 
Nabo-polassar  died  soon  after  the  battle  of  Carchemish,  and 
Nebuchadrezzar  became  sole  master  of  this  newly  founded 
empire,  over  which  he  reigned  for  upwards  of  forty  years. 
The   Chaldean  monarch,  unlike  the  kings  of  Assyria,  was 
no  mere  destroyer  of  nations.     Though  a  great  conqueror, 
his  chief  energies  were  devoted  to  the  adornment  of  Babylon, 
and    the    consolidation    of   his   empire   by   politic   means. 

2B 


w 


l-Ji. 


u 


Parties  in 
Judali 


End  of 
jehoiaklm 


310       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

Like  all  Oriental  despots,  he  was  capable  of  ruthless  severity, 
but  he  does  not  seem  to  have  revelled  in  cruelty,  and  his 
inscriptions  shew  that  he  was  inspired  by  real  piety  in  his  de- 
votion to  his  god,  Merodach.  Such  then  was  the  monarch  to 
whom  the  destinies  of  Western  Asia  were  committed  :  a  strik- 
ing and  commanding  figure  in  ancient  history,  who  inspired 
his  contemporaries  with  a  fear,  not  unmingled  with  respect.® 

Judah  was  now  in  the  position  of  an  independent  frontier 
state  between  two  great  monarchies,  and  the  rest  of  the  sad 
history  of  the  tiny  kingdom  is  a  miserable  record  of  frantic 
hopes  alternating  with  utter  despair,  of  faction  and  intrigue, 
of  weak  kings,  turbulent  nobles,  corrupt  priests,  and 
fanatical  prophets.  The  chief  factions  in  the  distracted 
state  were  the  partisans  of  Egypt,  the  infatuated  believers  in 
the  inviolability  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  wiser  few,  including 
Jeremiah,  who  saw  no  hope  but  in  prompt  submission  and 
loyal  obedience  to  Nebuchadrezzar.  The  prophet  had  from 
the  first  earnestly  deprecated  all  political  intrigue,  asking  of 
Judah  with  scornful  irony,  "  And  now  what  hast  thou  to  do 
in  the  way  to  Egypt,  to  drink  the  waters  of  the  Nile  'i  or  what 
hast  thou  to  do  in  the  way  to  Assyria,  to  drink  the  waters 
of  the  Euphrates?"  (Jer.  ii.  18).  .  .  .  Why  gaddest  thou 
about  so  much  to  change  thy  way  1  Thou  shalt  be  ashamed 
of  Egypt  also,  as  thou  wast  ashamed  of  Assyria  "  (Jer.  ii.  36). 
Like  Isaiah,  Jeremiah  was  a  foe  to  the  dark  ways  of  Oriental 
diplomacy,  his  view  being  that  Judah  should  submit  to  the 
inevitable,  and  strive  to  avert  Divine  vengeance  by  a  thorough 
moral  reformation. 

The  despicable  Jehoiakim  served  Nebuchadrezzar  for  three 
years  and  then  rebelled.  According  to  the  Chronicler,  Nebu- 
chadrezzar "bound  him  in  fetters  to  cari*y  him  to  Babylon" 
(2  Chron.  xxxvi.  6).  The  earlier  account  in  the  book  of  Kings 
vividly  describes  the  disasters  of  his  miserable  reign,  by 
saying  that  Jehovah  sent  against  him  "  bands  of  the  Chaldteans, 
and  bands  of  the  Syrians,  and  bands  of  the  Moabites,  and 
bands  of  the  children  of  Amraon"  (2  Kings  xxiv.  2).  The 
bitterness  of  the  neighbouring  nations  against  Judah  is 
attested  by  all  the  prophets,  and  was  one  of  the  causes  of 
the  exclusiveness  of  the  exiles  at  the  time  of  the  Return. 
Great  obscurity  hangs  over  the  ultimate  fate  of  Jehoiakiin, 


From  Mana^seh  to  the  Captivity      311 


The  book  of  Kings  says  that  he  slept  with  his  fathers  (2 
Kings  xxiv.  6).  The  Chronicler,  as  we  have  seen,  alludes  to  a 
capture  of  Jerusalem  by  Nebuchadrezzar,  and  Jeremiah  has  two 
prophecies  concerning  his  end.  In  one  place  he  says  of  this 
most  unworthy  king,  "He  shall  be  buried  with  the  burial 
of  an  ass,  drawn  and  cast  forth  beyond  the  gates  of  Jerusalem  " 
(Jer.  xxii.  19) ;  in  another,  '*  He  shall  have  none  to  sit  upon  the 
throne  of  David,  and  his  dead  body  shall  be  cast  out  in  the  day 
to  the  heat  and  in  the  night  to  the  frost"  (Jer.  xxxvi.  30). 

Jeremiah's  acts  in  the  days  of  Jehoiakim  are  portrayed  in  Jeremiah  and 
four  very  striking  chapters.  On  one  occasion  he  took  "  the  Jelioialdm 
elders  of  the  people  and  the  elders  of  the  priests  "  (Jer.  xix. 
1)  into  the  polluted  Valley  of  Hinnom,  which  he  foretold 
would  one  day  be  known  as  the  "  Yalley  of  Slaughter."  In 
token  of  this,  he  broke  in  pieces  an  earthen  vessel  he  had 
brought  with  him  in  the  presence  of  his  companions,  saying, 
"  Thus  saith  the  Lord  of  Hosts :  even  so  will  I  break  this 
people  and  this  city,  as  one  breaketh  a  potter's  vessel  that 
cannot  be  made  whole  again,  and  they  shall  bury  in  Topheth, 
till  there  be  no  place  to  bury.'*  From  the  valley  the  prophet 
went  up  into  the  Temple  and  proclaimed  the  city's  doom  to 
the  assembled  people  (Jer.  xix.) 

A  second  denunciation  was  delivered  under  even  more  Jeremiah 
striking  circumstances.  Early  in  Jehoiakim's  reign  Jeremiah  foreteUs  the 
was  commanded  by  God  to  stand  in  the  court  of  the  Temple  ^^  Temple 
and  deliver  His  stern  message  to  all  who  came  from  the  cities 
of  Judah.  "  Thus  saith  the  Lord,  If  ye  will  not  hearken  to 
Me  to  walk  in  My  law,  which  I  have  set  before  you,  .  .  . 
then  will  I  make  this  house  like  Shiloh"  (Jer.  xxvi.  4). 
This  prophetic  utterance  caused  a  storm  of  indignation.  The 
priests  of  the  Temple,  and  the  prophets  whose  watchword  was 
its  indestructible  sanctity,  declared  Jeremiah  worthy  of  death, 
and  an  infuriated  mob  assembled  in  the  Temple  courts  against 
the  unpopular  prophet.  This  scene  recalls  the  memory  of  the 
riot  in  the  Temple,  when  St  Paul  was  accused  of  having  intro- 
duced Greeks  into  the  Sanctuary,  and  the  parallel  is  the 
closer,  because  both  prophet  and  apostle  were  delivered  by 
the  civil  power.  The  princes  and  the  elders  of  the  land 
supported  Jeremiah  against  the  prophets.  They  quoted  the 
words  of   Micah,  "Zion   shall   be  plowed  as   a   field,   and 


312        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

Jerusalem  shall  become  heaps"  (Micah  iii.  12),  and  reminded 
Jeremiah's  enemies  that  the  good  King  Hezekiah,  instead  of 
punishing  the  presiim])tion  of  the  prophet,  besought  Jehovah's 
mercy  and  so  averted  the  threatened  evil.  Jeremiah  escaped 
the  vengeance  of  the  priesthood,  but  the  extremity  of  his 
peril  is  shewn  by  the  fact  that  another  prophet,  by  name  Uriah, 
the  son  of  Shemaiah,  who  prophesied  in  the  same  strain, 
had  escaped  to  Egypt.  Even  there  he  was  not  safe,  for 
Jehoiakini,  as  a  vassal  of  the  Pharaoh,  had  influence  there, 
and  his  messen'jier  Elnatlian,  the  son  of  Achbor,  was  able  to 
bring  Uriah  back  to  Jerusalem,  where  he  was  slain,  and  Ins 
body  cast  into  the  graves  of  the  common  people.  (Jer.  xxvi.) 
JehoiaMm  An  opportunity  for  repentance  was  given  to  Jehoiakim  by 

I  I      bums  tlie  roll  Jeremiah  in  the  fourth  year  of  his  reign.      The  i)rophet  was 

commanded  to  record  his  ]n*ophecies  "in  a  roll  of  a  book," 
for  which  purpose  Baruch,  the  son  of  Neri-ih,  was  summoned 
to  act  as  scribe.  As  Jeremiah  for  some  reason  was  unable 
to  enter  the  Temple,  he  charged  Bariich  to  go  there  himself, 
and  read  the  roll  in  the  presence  of  tlie  people.  It  appears  pro- 
bable that  Jeremiah  entertained  a  hope  that  even  Jehoiakim 
might  repent  if  he  saw  these  terrible  denunciations  in  writing, 
and  that  this  prophecy  might  have  the  same  effect  that  the 
law-book  had  exercised  upon  Josiah.  To  make  the  parallel 
more  complete,  Baruch  read  the  roll  in  the  chamber  of 
Gemariah,  the  son  of  that  Shaphan  who  had  brought  the 
law  book  to  Josiah.  Micaiah,  the  son  of  Gemariah,  went  to 
the  king's  house,  and  reported  to  the  royal  scribe  Elishama 
and  to  the  assembled  princes  what  Baruch  had  read.  They 
summoned  Baruch  into  their  presence,  and  when  he  had  read 
the  roll  to  them  also  they  advised  that  he  and  Jeremiah 
should  hide  themselves,  in  case  the  king  should  regard  the 
promulgation  of  the  prophecy  as  an  act  of  treason.  The  roll 
was  then  brought  to  Jehoiakim,  who  permitted  a  few  leaves  to 
be  read,  and  then,  despite  the  entreaties  of  three  of  his  counsel- 
lors, Elnathan,  Delaiah  and  Gemariah,  burnt  it  in  the  brazier 
before  him.  Diligent  search  was  made  for  Jeremiah  and 
Baruch,  but  they  remained  probably  for  some  years  in  hiding, 
and  occupied  themselves  with  the  composition  of  a  longer 
book  of  prophecy  than  that  which  Jehoiakim  had  burned. 
(Jer.  xxxvi.) 


From  Manasseh  to  the  Captivity      313 

The  only  other  public  act  of  Jeremiah  in  the  reign  of  The 
Jehoiakim  is  recorded  in  the  chapter  preceding  the  account  Rechabites 
of  the  burning  of  the  roll.  The  wicked  king  had  provoked 
Nebuchadrezzar  to  invade  the  land.  Among  the  fugitives 
who  fled  to  Jerusalem  from  the  Chaldieans,  were  the  sons 
of  E-echab,  an  ascetic  tribe  or  sect,  who  lived  the  life  of 
nomads,  abstaining  not  only  from  wine,  but  from  the  arts 
of  settled  life.  Jeremiah  was  bidden  to  take  this  singular 
people  into  the  Temple,  and  offer  them  wine,  which  they 
refused  to  drink,  saying,  "  Jonadab  the  son  of  Bechab  our 
father  commanded  us,  saying,  Ye  shall  drink  no  wine,  neither 
ye  nor  your  sons  for  ever:  neither  shall  ye  build  house, 
nor  sow  seed,  nor  plant  vineyard,  nor  have  any  :  but  all 
your  days  ye  shall  dwell  in  tents ;  that  ye  may  live  many 
days  in  the  land  wherein  ye  sojourn."  The  fidelity  of 
these  Rechabites  to  the  hard  commands  of  Jonadab  was 
contrasted  with  the  disobedience  of  Israel  to, Jehovah,  and 
the  Divine  oracle  pronounced  by  Jeremiah's  mouth  a  blessing 
on  their  constancy.  "  Thus  saith  Jehovah  of  Hosts,  the 
God  of  Israel :  because  ye  have  obeyed  the  commandment 
of  Jonadab  your  father,  and  kept  all  his  precepts,  and  done 
according  unto  all  that  he  commanded  you  :  therefore  thus 
saith  Jehovah  of  Hosts,  the  God  of  Israel :  Jonadab  the  son 
of  Rechab  shall  not  want  a  man  to  stand  before  Me  for 
ever."     (Jer.  xxxv.) 

By  the  end  of  Jehoiakim's  reign  all  hope  of  succour  from  The  captivity 
Egypt  was  at  an  end.  *'The  king  of  Egypt,"  says  the  of  Jelioiacnin 
book  of  Kings,  "  came  not  again  any  more  out  of  his  land  : 
for  the  king  of  Babylon  had  taken  from  the  brook  of  Egypt 
unto  the  river  Euphrates  all  that  pertained  to  the  king  of 
Egypt"  (2  Kings  xxiv.  7).  Jehoiachin  or  Coniah,  the 
youthful  son  of  Jehoiakim,  reigned  only  for  three  months, 
and  the  real  control  of  affairs  seems  to  have  been  in  the 
hands  of  Nehushta  the  queen-mother.  This  unfortunate 
prince  was  taken  a  captive  to  Babylon,  and  kept  for  thirty- 
eight  years  in  strict  confinement,  during  which  time  the 
Judaians  never  forgot  that  he  was  the  head  of  the  royal 
House  of  David.  From  his  imprisonment  the  Captivity  is 
dated.  With  Jehoiachin  all  the  flower  of  the  people  were 
deported   to   Babylon;  the  nobility,  the  chief  warriors,  the 


314       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


tt-4 


TlieEzilei 


smiths,  the  craftsmen,  together  with  the  royal  household, 
and  the  golden  vessels  of  the  Temple  were  taken  from 
Jerusalem;  "None  remained,  save  the  poorest  sort  of  the 
people  of  the  land"  (2  Kings  xxiv.  U).  Over  this  remnant 
the  king's  uncle  Mattaniah  was  appointed  to  rule  by 
Nebuchadrezzar,  who  gave  him  the  name  of  Zedekiah. 
Jeremiah  clearly  saw  that  the  end  had  come.  His 
lamentation  over  Jehoiachin  points  to  the  ruin  of  the 
House  of  David — 

*•  I3  this  man  Coniah  a  despised  broken  pot  ? 
Is  he  a  vessel  wherein  is  no  pleasure  ? 
Wherefore  are  they  cast  out,  he  and  his  seed,  and  are  cast  into  the 

land  which  they  know  not  ? 
0  earth,  earth,  earth,  hear  the  word  of  Jehovah  : 
Thus  saith  the  Lord,  Write  ye  this  man  childless,  a  man  that  shall  not 

prosper  in  his  days  ; 
For  no  man  of  his  seed  shall  prosper  sitting  upon  the  throne  of  David 

and  ruling  any  more  in  Judah  "  (Jer.  xxii.  28-30). 

A  vision  was  vouchsafed  to  Jeremiah  to  indicate  the 
difference  between  the  Judseans  who  had  gone  into  captivity 
and  those  who  remained  under  Zedekiah.  By  the  simple 
sign  of  a  basket  of  good,  and  another  of  uneatable  figs, 
he  was  informed  that  the  hopes  of  the  nation  lay  in  its 
exiled  members,  and  not  in  the  miserable  remnant  which 
was  still  permitted  to  dwell  in  Jerusalem  (Jer.  xxiv.). 
The  real  work  of  regeneration  was  to  be  done  in  Babylonia. 
There  the  captives  were  to  learn  the  folly  of  idolatry,  to 
call  into  being  an  imperishable  literature,  to  form  new 
schemes  for  a  purified  worship  of  Jehovah.  There  they 
were  destined  to  leara  from  strange  nations  new  religious 
truths,  to  be  developed  in  the  purer  atmosphere  of  a  more 
enlightened  faith.  The  sojourn  by  the  rivers  of  Babylon 
was  to  be  to  Judaism  a  period  of  renewed  vitality.  A 
vigorous  people,  capable  of  sustaining  their  faith  in  the 
one  true  God  in  every  quarter  of  the  earth,  was  to  result 
from  that  time  of  tears  and  sorrow.  This  Jeremiah 
recognised ;  and  thus,  the  captivity,  instead  of  intensifying 
his  sorrow,  aroused  his  hopes.  He  who  had  been  the 
prophet  of  despair,  when  others  sought  to  buoy  the  people 
up  with  false  hopes,  now  began  to  breathe  forth  encourage- 


From  Manasseh  to  the  Captivity      315 

ment.     From  the  day  of  the  Exile  Jeremiah  proclaims  the 
Return. 

Thus  it  was  in  Babylonia  that  Jeremiah's  work  was  carried 
to  its  completion.  The  main  theme  of  his  prophecies  is 
that  the  only  indestructible  religion  is  that  which  is  spiritual. 
He  truly  perceived  that  which  so  few  can  even  yet  realise, 
that  "  Neither  in  Jerusalem  nor  yet  in  this  mountain  shall 
men  worship  the  Father,"  but,  that  as  "Ood  is  spirit,"  He 
dwelleth  not  in  temples  made  with  hands.  The  destruction 
of  the  first  Temple  made  it  possible  for  Judaism  to  become 
a  world-wide  religion,  as  that  of  the  second  assured  the 
triumph  of  Christianity.  Among  the  exiles  many  disciples 
of  the  prophet  of  the  New  Covenant  bore  in  their  hearts 
those  principles  of  pure  religion,  which  they  had  learned 
from  his  lips.  One  of  them,  the  priest  Ezekiel,  carried  on 
the  work  that  he  had  begun ;  and  the  influence  of  Jeremiah 
is  seen  in  the  magnificent  poetic  utterances  of  the  second 
Isaiah,  as  well  as  in  those  of  many  a  psalmist. 

But  great  as  Jeremiah's  place  is  among  the  spiritual 
teachers  of  mankind,  his  permanent  and  enduring  work  is 
not  his  greatest  glory.  It  is  in  the  rest  of  his  career  that 
the  noblest  part  of  his  life  lay,  though  nothing  but  suffering, 
failure,  and  an  obscure  death  awaited  him  on  earth.  He 
could,  had  he  chosen,  have  accompanied  the  exiled  Jehoiachin 
to  Babylon,  and  lived  in  honour  under  the  protection  of 
Nebuchadrezzar,  but  he  preferred  to  remain  to  console  the 
despised  remnant  of  Judah  under  Zedekiah.  But  man's 
greatest  achievements  are  not  always  those  which  the 
world  recognises,  and  it  may  be  that  Jeremiah's  example 
of  heroic  unselfishness  in  the  wretched  years  that  followed 
the  Captivity,  had  an  even  greater  influence  than  his  pro- 
mulgation of  those  sublime  truths,  which  in  his  prophetic 
capacity  he  was  permitted  to  unfold.  With  Zedekiah's 
accession  Jeremiah  becomes  even  more  of  a  hero  than  a 
prophet,^^ 


( 


Chapter  XIII 

The  Captivity 


I 


I  \ 


Tne  Captivity  The  Captivity  of  Judah  is  one  of  the  greatest  events  in  the 
and  Judaism  history  of  religion,  and  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  in  that 
of  mankind.  The  results  are  of  themselves  sufficient  to  prove 
the  absolutely  unique  character  of  the  Jewish  people.  That 
a  nation  by  being  rooted  up  and  deported  from  its  own  land 
should  lose  nothing  of  its  vitality  but  should  on  the  one  hand 
prove  its  power  to  exist  in  any  clime  and  under  any  condi- 
tions, and  on  the  other  retain  an  enthusiastic  love  of  its  home, 
is  surely  without  parallel.  The  early  history  of  Judah  does 
not  bring  into  relief  the  singularity  of  its  people;  the 
Captivity  does.  A  traveller  in  the  eighth  century  B.C. 
mi^'ht  have  seen  but  little  difference  between  the  inhabitants 
of  Judah  and  the  surrounding  nations.  In  the  fourth 
century  B.C.  Alexander  the  Great  was  amazed  at  their 
complete  dissimilarity.^  Yet  for  all  their  adherence  to  their 
ancient  customs  in  Babylon,  the  Judahites  were  completely 
transformed  by  their  deportation.  They  returned  to  their 
own  land,  and  they  overspread  the  world  as  Jews.  With 
the  Captivity  the  history  of  Israel  ends  and  the  history 
of  the  Jews  commences.  The  Captivity  produced  what  is 
generally  known  as  Judaism. 

Great  therefore  is  the  disappointment  that  so  little  is  known 
of  this  momentous  period.  It  has  almost  no  history  ;  but 
fortunately  a  literature  is  not  wanting  from  which  it  is  possible 
to  gain  some  insight  into  the  spirit  of  these  eventful  years. 

To  understand  the  Captivity  it  is  necessary  to  glance  first 
at  the  remnant  left  behind  after  the  deportation  of  Jehoiachin. 

There  are  various  traditions  as  to  the  number  of  those 
removed  from  Judah  with  their  youthful  sovereign,  but  ifc 
certainly  included  the  flower  of  the  people.     The  captives  are 

3x6 


me  remnant 
in  Judah 


/ 


The  Captivity 


3*7 


classified  as  princes,  warriors  and  craftsmen ;  the  presence  of 
the  last-named  testifying  to  the  success  of  the  natives  of 
Jerusalem  in  the  arts  of  peace.  Those  who  remained  are 
described  as  the  "poorest  sort  of  the  people  of  the  land" 
(2  Kings  xxiv.  14).  A  certain  number  of  men  of  rank 
were  left  behind,  doubtless  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining 
order ;  among  them  the  Chief  Priest  and  several  officials  of 
the  court  and  Temple. 

Nebuchadrezzar  was  not  by  any  means  a  brutal  conqueror,  Zedeklali 
and  he  shewed  every  disposition  to  give  Jerusalem  a  fresh 
opportunity  to  prove  her  loyalty  to  his  empire.  He  placed 
a  scion  of  the  house  of  David  on  the  throne  in  the  person  of 
Mattaniah  the  brother  of  Jehoiakim,  who  assumed  the  name 
of  Zedekiah  (righteousness  of  Jehovah),  possibly  in  token  of 
the  pledge  he  had  taken  to  observe  fidelity  to  his  suzerain. 
Evidently  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  Nebuchadrezzar  was 
sworn  amid  circumstances  of  no  ordinary  solemnity.  "  Be- 
hold," says  Ezekiel,  "the  king  of  Babylon  came  to  Jeru- 
salem, and  took  the  king  thereof,  and  the  princes  thereof, 
and  brought  them  to  him  to  Babylon ;  and  he  took  of  the 
seed  royal,  and  made  a  covtnant  with  him  ;  he  also  brought 
him  under  an  oath,  and  took  away  the  mighty  of  the  land ; 
that  the  kingdom  might  be  base,  that  it  might  not  lift  itself 
up,  but  that  by  keeping  of  his  covenant  it  might  stand" 
(Ezek.  xvii.  12-14). 

The  occasion  was  also  used  to  make  an  agreement  to  ob- 
serve the  law  of  Jehovah,  especially  as  regards  those  Hebrews 
who  had  been  held  in  bondage  for  more  than  six  years  in 
defiance  of  ancient  custom. 

A  primitive  rite  was  performed  to  give  additional 
solemnity  to  this  covenant.  A  calf  was  divided  into  pieces 
and  the  chief  persons  of  Jerusalem  passed  between  the  por- 
tions, as  a  pledge  that  they  would  do  as  they  had  promised 
(Jer.  xxxiv.).  Under  these  auspices  Jerusalem  was  given 
her  last  opportunity.  The  flower  of  her  inhabitants  had 
been  deported  to  Babylon,  and  the  Temple  despoiled  of  its 
choicest  vessels ;  but  city  and  Temple  alike  remained  intact, 
and  under  a  native  prince  of  the  Davidic  line,  and  a  chief 
priest  of  the  stock  of  Aaron  there  seemed  a  prospect  of 
peace  and  tranquillity.     Two  other  cities  of  Judah,  Lachish 


31 8        Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


remsLins  in 
Judah 


II* 


Parties  in 
Jdrusalem 


ii- 1 


R? 


and  Azekah,  were  allowed  to  retain  their  fortifications  (Jer. 
xxxiv.  7).  Jeremiah  elected  of  his  own  free  will  to  remain 
at  Jerusalem,  but  he  entertained  no  delusions.  He  was 
shewn  a  vision  of  two  baskets  of  figs,  "  the  good  figs  very 
good,  and  the  bad  very  bad,  they  cannot  be  eaten  they  are  so 
bad  "  (Jer.  xxiv.  3).  It  was  revealed  to  him  that  the  good 
figs  were  the  exiles  in  Babylon,  and  that  the  bad  represented 
Zedekiah  and  the  remnant  committed  to  his  care.  Yet  the 
prophet  undertook  the  hopeless  task  of  trying  to  save  the 
Holy  City. 

There  was  but  one  course  of  safety.  If  Zedekiah  and 
his  people  would  abide  by  their  agreement  with  Nebuchad- 
rezzar all  might  be  well,  and  this  Jeremiah  urged  in  the 
strongest  possible  terms. 

But  to  follow  this  policy  required  more  faith  and  strength 
of  mind  than  Zedekiah  possessed.  The  king  was  weak 
rather  than  wicked,  and  perhaps  circumstances  made  it 
impossible  for  him  to  save  his  people.  There  was  in 
Jerusalem  a  strong  party  who  were  in  favour  of  an 
Egyptian  alliance  against  Babylon.  Despite  the  defeat  of 
Pharaoh-Necho  at  Carchemish,  Egypt  was  still  regarded  as 
a  formidable  power,  and  no  sooner  were  the  armies  of 
Nebuchadrezzar  withdrawn  from  Palestine  than  those  of 
the  Pharaoh  made  their  appearance.  The  prophets  both  in 
Babylon  and  at  Jerusalem  espoused  what  appeared  to  be 
the  patriotic  side.  The  old  cry  as  to  the  inviolability  of 
Jerusalem  was  raised.  From  tlie  beginning  of  Zedekiah's 
reign  Jeremiah  threw  the  whole  weight  of  his  influence  on 
the  side  of  fidelity  to  the  covenant  with  Nebuchadrezzar. 
An  embassy  came  to  Zedekiah  from  the  neighbouring  kings 
of  Moab,  Ammon,  Edom,  Tyre  and  Zidon,  no  doubt  in 
order  to  concert  a  rising  against  Babylon.  Jeremiah  put 
a  yoke  on  his  own  neck  as  a  sign,  and  presented  each  of  the 
ambassadors  with  one,  in  token  that  Jehovah  *'had  given 
all  these  lands  into  the  hands  of  Nebuchadrezzar  the  king 
of  Babylon"  (Jer.  xxvii.  6).  He  warned  Zedekiah  earnestly 
to  submit,  and  to  disregard  the  utterances  of  the  prophets 
who  foretold  the  restoration  of  the  vessels  of  the  sanctuary, 
which  had  been  taken  to  Babylon  with  Jehoiachin.  He 
wrote  earnestly  to  his  countrymen  in  exile,  urging  them  to 


The  Captivity 


319 


settle  down  quietly  :  "  Build  ye  houses,  and  dwell  in  them ; 
and  plant  gardens,  and  eat  the  fruit  of  them  j  take  ye  wives, 
and  beget  sons  and  daughters;  and  take  wives  for  your 
sons,  and  give  your  daughters  to  husbands,  that  they  may 
bear  sons  and  daughters ;  and  multiply  ye  there,  and  be  not 
diminished.  And  seek  the  peace  of  the  city  whither  I 
have  caused  you  to  be  carried  away  captive,  and  pray  unto 
the  Lord  for  it;  for  in  the  peace  thereof  shall  ye  have 
peace."  At  the  same  time  he  assured  them  that  their 
prophets  were  deceiving  them,  and  that  seventy  years  must 
elapse  before  their  restoration.     (Jer.  xxix.  5-20). 

But  the  fanatical  prophets  scorned  the  wise  advice  of  waniyniah 
their  more  experienced  colleague.  A  certain  Hananiah 
appeared  before  Jeremiah  in  the  court  of  the  Temple  and 
delivered  himself  of  the  following  prophecy,  "  Thus  speaketh 
the  Lord  of  hosts,  the  God  of  Israel,  saying,  I  have  broken 
the  yoke  of  the  king  of  Babylon.  Within  two  full  years 
will  I  bring  again  into  this  place  all  the  vessels  of  the 
Lord's  house,  that  Nebuchadnezzar,  king  of  Babylon,  took 
away  from  this  place,  and  carried  them  to  Babylon ;  and  I 
will  bring  again  to  this  place  Jeconiah  the  son  of  Jehoiakim, 
king  of  Judah,  with  all  the  captives  of  Judah,  that  went 
to  Babylon,  saith  the  Lord;  for  I  will  break  the  yoke  of 
the  king  of  Babylon."  He  then  broke  the  yoke  which 
Jeremiah  bore,  saying,  "  Thus  saith  the  Lord ;  even  so  will 
I  break  the  yoke  of  Nebuchadrezzar,  king  of  Babylon, 
within  two  full  years  from  off  the  neck  of  all  the  nations." 
(Jer.  xxviii.  1-1 L) 

About  the  same  time  Shemaiah  the  Nehelamite  sent  a 
letter  from  Babylon  to  the  priest  Zephaniah  adjuring  him 
to  remember  his  duty  as  a  successor  of  Jehoiada  and  to 
arrest  Jeremiah.  (Jer.  xxix.  24-29.)  Two  prophets  named 
Zedekiah  and  Ahab  were  burned  by  Nebuchadrezzar  for 
inciting  the  exiles  to  sedition.  ^ 

Whilst  Jeremiah  was  engaged  in  advocating  the  cause  Ezeldel 
of  a  prudent  submission  to  Nebuchadrezzar  at  Jerusalem 
a  younger  prophet  was  eagerly  watching  the  course  of  events 
in  Palestine  from  Tel-Abib,  his  place  of  exile  by  the  river 
Chebar.  Ezekiel  was  called  to  the  prophetic  ministry  in 
B.C.    592,    "in   the    fifth   year    of   Jehoiachin's    captivity." 


;^2Q       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


The  Captivity 


321 


Pt 


III 


If  t, 


♦ 


EzeldeVs 
Yisions  of 
Jerrualem 


l 


Like  Jeremiah  he  was  a  priest,  but  his  appearance  marks 
the  beginning  of  a  new  species  of  prophecy.  Visions,  it 
is  true,  were  vouchsafed  to  the  older  prophets,  but  the 
method  of  teaching  by  them  seems  to  have  originated  with 
Ezekiel.  He  is  essentially  an  apocalyptic  prophet.  Called 
by  a  vision  more  fully  described  than  that  of  any  of  his 
predecessors,  Ezekiel  constantly  received  messages  in  the 
same  manner.  The  four  living  creatures,  taken  in  Christian 
times  to  be  symbolical  of  the  Evangelists,  the  vision  of  the 
valley  of  dry  bones,  and  of  the  restored  Temple,  are  best 
known  examples  of  this  mode  of  instruction. 

Both  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel  shew  that  there  was  no  lack 
of  communication  between  the  inhabitants  of  Judah  and 
their  exiled  brethren,  but  already  a  feeling  of  rivalry  had 
sprung  up  between  them.  The  two  prophets  pronounce 
strongly  in  favour  of  the  superiority  of  the  Babylonian  com- 
munity, despite  the  fact  that  the  remnant  in  Judah  believed 
that  they  had  been  permitted  to  stay  in  their  own  land  as  a 
special  mark  of  Divine  favour.     (Ezek.  xi.  15;  xxxiii.  24.) 

There  can,  however,  be  no  doubt  that  the  inhabitants  of 
Jerusalem  were  singularly  corrupt  and  idolatrous,  though  it 
is  but  just  to  bear  in  mind  that  it  is  not  Jeremiah,  who 
lived  in  the  city  itself,  but  Ezekiel  in  remote  Babylon,  who 
paints  the  wickedness  of  Jerusalem  in  the  most  lurid  colours. 

In  one  of  this  prophet's  visions  he  is  brought  into  the 
inner  court  of  the  Temple  "  that  looketh  towards  the  north." 
There  he  sees  the  "  image  of  jealousy,"  and  is  shewn  a  hole 
in  the  wall  through  which  he  enters  and  sees  Jaazaniah  the 
son  of  Shaphan  and  seventy  elders  engaged  in  the  worship  of 
idols.  At  the  gate  "  towards  the  north  "  the  seer  beholds  the 
women  weeping  for  Tammuz ;  and  in  another  place  five  and 
twenty  men  are  adoring  the  sun  with  their  faces  turned  east- 
ward (Ezek.  viii.  3-1 6).'  He  is  equally  severe  on  the  prophets 
of  Judah :  **  They  have  seduced  My  people,  saying,  Peace, 
and  there  is  no  peace."  They  "see  visions  of  peace"  for 
Jerusalem  when  God  has  decreed  none  (Ezek.  xiii.  10,  16). 
But  a  false  prophet  is  one  of  God's  punishments  of  a  guilty 
land.  **  I  the  Lord  have  deceived  that  prophet "  because 
those  who  inquire  of  him  have  set  up  **  a  stumbling-block  of 
iniquity  in  their  hearts  "  (Ezek.  xiv.  7-9). 


The  infatuated  policy  of  Zedekiah  in  making  an  alliance  Ezekiel 
with  Egypt  meets  with   severe  reprobation  on  the  part  of  condemns 
Ezekiel.       The    oaths    sworn    by    the    King    of    Judah    to  ^®**«^^^*^ 
Nebuchadrezzar  were  so  solemn,  the  compact  was  so  explicit 
that  nothing  could  justify  the   violation  of  it.     *' Shall  he 
prosper  ? "  says  Ezekiel  on  hearing  of  Zedckiah's  embassy  to 
Egypt.     "  Shall  he  escape  that  doeth  such  things  ?     Shall  lie 
break  the  covenant  and  yet  escape?     As  I  live,  saith  the 
Lord  God,  surely  in  the  place  where  the  king  dwelleth  that 
made  him  king,  whose  oath  he  despised,  and  whose  covenant 
he   brake,   even   with   him   in   the   midst   of   Babylon   shall 
he    die.  ...  As    I    live,   surely   Mine   oath   that  he    hath 
despised,  and  My  covenant  that  he  hath  broken,  I  will  even 
bring  it  upon  his  own  head  '  (Ezek.  xvii.  15  ff.). 

As  a  punishment  for  his  perfidy  Nebuchadrezzar  sent  an  The  Siege  of 
army  to  invest  Zodekiah's  ca])ital.     The  siege  began  in  the   Jerusalem 
ninth  year  of  the  reign  of  the  Judoean  king,  in  the  tenth 
month,  and  lasted  to  the  ninth  day  of  the  fourth  month  in 
the  eleventh  year :  from  January  B.C.  588  to  July  B.C.  586. 
The  biography  of  Jeremiah  supplies  the  chief  facts  of  the 


siege. 


At  the  advance  of  the  invading  army  Zedekiah  sent  Pashhur 
the  son  of  Malchiah  and  the  priest  Zephaniah  to  inquire  of 
Jeremiah  whether  Jehovah  would  not  once  more  deliver  the 
city  by  a  miracle,  as  He  had  done  in  former  days.  In  answer 
Jeremiah  strongly  advised  submission  to  the  Babylonian  army, 
being  assured  of  the  inevitable  doom  of  Jerusalem.  "Be- 
hold," said  the  prophet  in  Jehovah's  name,  '*  I  set  before  you 
the  way  of  life  and  the  way  of  death.  He  that  abideth  in 
this  city  shall  die  by  the  sword,  and  by  the  famine,  and  by  the 
pestilence  ;  but  he  that  goeth  out,  and  falleth  away  to  the 
Chaldeans  that  besiege  you,  he  shall  live,  and  his  life  shall  be 
unto  him  for  a  prey  "  (Jer.  xxi.  8,  9).  Such  advice  naturally 
rendered  Jeremiah  obnoxious  to  the  party  of  resistance,  but 
he  was  enabled  to  vindicate  his  right  to  be  considered  a'true 
patriot  firmly  convinced  that  Jehovah  had  not  utterly  forsaken 
His  people. 

^  His  uncle's  son  Hanameel  came  to  the  prophet  during  the 
siege  of  Jerusalem,  asking  him  to  purchase  land  in  Anathoth, 
his  native  place,  for  the  right  of  redemption  lay  with  him. 


322       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


The  Captivity 


3^3 


if. 


11- 


IV. 


Captnre  of 
ZedeMali 


i 


By  God's  command  Jeremiah  paid  the  full  price,  aud  received 
the  deeds  conveying  the  property  to  him  with  the  utmost 
formality.  The  deeds  were  deposited  in  an  earthen  vessel 
for  security,  that  they  might  be  available  when  required,  and 
were  committed  to  the  care  of  the  prophet's  friend  Baruch 
with  the  assurance,  "  Thus  saith  the  Lord  of  Hosts,  the  God 
of  Israel:  Houses  and  fields  and  vineyards  shall  again  be 
bought  in  this  land."  The  return  of  the  Jews  was  in  fact 
as  certain  as  the  imminent  destruction  of  Jerusalem.    (Jer. 

xxxii.  6-44.) 

During  the  long  months  of  the  siege,  which  was  characterised 
by  severity  of  both  famine  and  pestilence,  Jeremiah  was  ex- 
posed to  the  hostility  of  the  party  opposed  to  surrender.     At 
one  time  the  prospect  of  relief  seemed  near.     The  Egyptian 
army  advanced  and  the  siege  was  raised  for  a  time.     Jeremiah 
took  this  opportunity  to  leave  the  city  ;  but  at  the  gate  of 
Benjamin  he  was  arrested  by  an  officer  named  Irijah  on  the 
charge  of  desertion  to  the  enemy.     He  was  cast  into  a  loath- 
some' pit  in  the  house  of  Jonathan  the  scribe,  from  whence 
Zedekiah  rescued  him,  and  ordered  him  to  be  kept  in  the  court 
of  the  guard  and  to  be  supplied  with  a  regular  allowance  of 
food.     Again  his  enemies  managed  to  secure  Jeremiah,  and 
on  this  occasion  they  threw  him  into  an  empty  cistern,  from 
which  he  could  only  be  drawn  up  by  ropes.      He  was  saved 
by  an  Ethiopian  slave  of  Zedekiah's  and  once  more  brought 
into  the  royal  presence  (Jer.  xxxvii.  11 — xxxviii.  13).     The 
prophet  besought  the  king  to  surrender  himself  to  the  army 
of  Nebuchadrezzar.     Zedekiah  would  have  done  so  but  for 
his  fear  of  the  insults  of  the  Jews  who  had  already  deserted 
to  the  enemy  (Jer.  xxxviii.  19).     The  unfortunate  monarch 
evidently  desired   to  do  what  was  right,  but   had   not  the 
strength  of  mind  to  pursue  the  course  Jeremiah  had  indicated. 
It  is  noticeable  that  Jeremiah  never  speaks  harshly  of  him, 
as  Ezekiel  does.    The  last  King  of  Judah  must  have  possessed 
the  power  of  attracting  those  who  knew  him  personally. 

The  city  was  finally  taken  by  assault,  and  Zedekiah  and 
his  chosen  warriors  sought  to  escape.  They  succeeded  in 
making  their  way  out  of  the  city  "  by  the  way  of  the  king's 
garden,  by  the  gate  betwixt  the  two  walls,"  and  were  not 
overtaken  till  they  had  reached  the  plains  of  Jericho.     Zede- 


kiah was  taken  to  Riblah  in  the  land  of  Hamath,  to  suffer 
in  the  presence  of  Nebuchadrezzar  the  penalty  of  his  perfidy. 
His  sons  were  slain  before  his  eyes,  and  he  was  blinded  and 
carried  to  Babylon  (Jer.  xxxix.  1-7).  There  he  died  in  prison, 
and  was  probably  allowed  an  honourable  burial  (Jer.  xxxiv.  5)! 

Evidently  Zedekiah  was  not  considered  by  Nebuchadrezzar  Destruction 
as  guilty  as  some  of  his  subjects,  for  a  list  is  given  of  of  Jerusalem 
the  princes  of  Judah  who  were  put  to  death  at  Eiblah. 
Nebuzaradan,  the  Babylonian  commander,  brought  the  two 
priests,  Seraiah  the  chief  priest  and  Zephaniah  the  second 
priest,  together  with  all  the  great  officers  of  the  royal  court 
and  seventy  citizens  of  Jerusalem,  into  the  presence  of 
Nebuchadrezzar,  who  ordered  them  to  be  slain.  (Jer.  Hi. 
24-27.;  After  this  Nebuzaradan  returned  to  Jerusalem  to 
destroy  the  city.  The  Temple  was  burned,  and  its  treasures 
taken  to  Babylon.  The  great  brazen  ornaments  which  Solomon 
had  made,  including  the  two  pillars,  the  molten  sea,  and  the 
twelve  brazen  bulls  supporting  the  bases,  were  broken  in 
pieces.  The  walls  were  levelled;  and  the  king's  palace, 
and  all  the  houses  of  the  nobles  were  burned.  Only  the 
poorest  were  left  to  till  the  soil.     (Jer.  lii.  12-20.) 

Jeremiah   was  treated   with   every   consideration,  by   the  jeremiaH 
special  command  of  Nebuchadrezzar.      He  was   offered   the   elects  to 
opportunity  of  being  taken  to  Babylon  or  of  remaining  in  ^®^^^aln 
Judah.      He  chose  to  stay  with  the  wretched  folk  left  in  the 
almost  deserted  land  under  the  care  of  Gedaliah,  the  son  of 
his  old  supporter  Ahikam.    (Jer.  xl.  6  ;  see  also  Jer.  xxvi.  24.) 
The  miserable  story  of  this  remnant  of  a  remnant  has  now 
to  be  related.     Adversity  seems  to  have  taught  those  whom 
Nebuchadrezzar  left  in  their  own  land  no  lesson  :  they  were 
as  factious  and  turbulent  as  their  forefathers  had  been. 
^    Gedaliah   established    himself    at    Mizpah    and   was   soon   Murder  of 
joined   by  the   remains   of  the   Judiean   army,   and    by  the   Gedaliah 
fugitives    who    had    taken    refuge   in    Moab,    Ammon    and 
Edom.     At   first  all   seemed   to  go  well,  especially   as   the 
autumn   fruits   were   unusually  abundant.      But   there   was 
a  traitor  in  the  camp,  sent  by  Baalis,  King  of  Ammon  to 
kill  Gedaliah.     Ishmael,  the  son  of  Nethauiah,  of  the  seed 
royal,  was  evidently  jealous  at  not  being  himself  set  over 
the  remnant,   and   Gedaliah,  though  warned  to  be  on  his 


Jeremlali  in 
Egypt 


324      Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


ma  mmnaat 

in  JudJLli 


guard,  was  too  simple-hearted  to  suspect  evil.  Suddenly 
Ishmael  and  ten  accomplices  killed  Gedaliah  at  a  banquet,  and 
put  to  death  all  his  household  as  well  as  the  Babylonian  guards. 
He  then  murdered  a  party  of  pilgrims  from  Shechem  and 
Shiloh  on  their  way  to  Jerusalem,  and  started  with  his  prisoners, 
among  whom  were  the  king's  daughters,  to  go  to  the  country 
of  the  Ammonites.  Johanan  the  son  of  Kareah,  one  of  the 
"captains  of  the  forces,"  assembled  his  men  and  overtook  Ishmael 
at  the  great  waters  of  Gibeon.  All  the  captives  were  rescued,  but 
Ishmael  and  eight  men  made  their  escape  (Jer.  xli.) 

The  advice  of  Jeremiah  was  now  sought,  and  the  prophet 
earnestly  counselled  Johanan  to  remain  in  Judah,  promising  him 
that  he  should  have  no  cause  to  fear  the  wrath  of  Nebuchad- 
rezzar.    But  the  people  were  so  distrustful  of  Jeremiah's  known 
adherence  to  the  King  of  Babylon,  and  of  Baruch's  influence  over 
the  prophet,  that  they  disregarded  his  advice  and  took  refuge  in 
Egypt,  dragging  Jeremiah  and  Baruch  with  them.    They  seem  to 
have  settled  at  Taiipanhes  {  Uapiinse ),  and  there  they  disappear 
from  sight.     All  that  is  known  of  their  sojourn  is  Jeremiah's 
symbolic  prophecy  of  the  invasion  of  Egypt  by  Nebuchadrezzar, 
and  his  useless  remonstrance  against  the  Jewish  women  continuing 
to  worship  "  the  queen  of  heaven."    At  a  great  assembly  of  the 
exiles,  the  people  refused  to  abandon  this  idolatry,  saying,  "  As 
for  the  word  that  thou  hast  spoken  unto  us  in  the  name  of  the 
Lord,  we  will  not  hearken  unto  thee.     But  we  will  certainly 
perform  every  word  that  is  gone  fortli  out  of  our  mouth,  to  burn 
incense  unto  the  queen  of  heaven,  and  to  pour  out  drink  offer- 
ings unto  her,  as  we  have  done,  we  and  our  fathers,  our  kings 
and  our  princes,  in  the  cities  of  Judah,  and  in  the  streets  of 
Jerusalem,  for  then  had  we  plenty  of  \ictuals,  and  were  well, 
and  saw  no  evil.     But  since  we  left  off  to  burn  incense  to  the 
queen  of  heaven,  and  to  pour  out  drink-offerings  unto  her,  we 
have  wanted  all  things,  and  have  been  consumed  by  the  sword 
and  by  the  famine"  (Jer.  xliv.  16-18.) 

Of  the  end  of  the  great  prophet,  whose  eventful  life  has 
supplied  details  for  the  history  of  his  time,  nothing  is  known. 
He  vanishes  with  those  who  deserted  Judah  to  take  refuge  in 
Egypt.  Whether  these  retained  their  ancient  faith  is  doubtful, 
the  only  evidence  that  the  community  survived  being  that  the 
record  of  Jeremiah's  prophecies  in  Egypt  has  not  perished.* 

It  has  been  asserted  that  a  remnant  still  lurked  in  Judah,  and 
that  to  their  efforts  the  restoration  of  the  Temple  is  due,  but  at 


The  Captivity 


3^5 


best  this  is  a  plausible  hypothesis.  The  land  had  in  fact  been 
steadily  depopulated  since  the  appearance  of  the  Assyrian  armies 
in  the  eighth  century.  First  Tiglath-pileser  had  devastated 
Northern  Galilee  and  Gilead  in  738.  Then  Sargon  had  led 
captive  the  inhabitants  of  Samaria,  and  so  desolate  had  central 
Palestine  become  in  the  days  of  Esar-haddon  that  the  wild  beasts 
disputed  the  possession  of  the  land  with  the  new  settlers  (2  Kings 
xvii.  25). 

In  701   Sennacherib  took  two  hundred  thousand    Judgeans  Number  of  the 
captive,  and  by  the  time  of  Nebuchadrezzar  there  were  appa-  captives 
rently  but  few  left  to  deport.^    One  passage  in  the  book  of 
Jeremiah  implies  that  he  took  only  4600  to  Babylon  in  three 
batches  in  the  seventh,  eighteenth,  and  twenty- third  year  of  his 
reign  (Jer.  lii.  28-30). 

But  the  size  of  this  community  of  exiles  is  of  little  importance 
when  compared  with  ideas  which  moulded  its  destiny  and  ulti- 
mately that  of  the  human  race. 

Of  the  condition  of  the  exiled  Jews  little  is  known,  but  their  The  Jtws  in 
treatment  does  not  seem  to  have  been  severe.  They  did  not  Babylon 
suffer  as  their  ancestors  had  done  in  Egypt,  but  were  trans- 
planted settlers  rather  than  slaves.  Many  dwelt  in  their  own 
houses,  and  acquired  wealth.  Their  numbers  increased  rapidly. 
Tradition  says  that  Jews  were  soon  among  Che  king's  most  . 
trusted  counsellors,  and  later  history  seems  to  confirm  the  state- 
ment. Babylonia  was  the  scene  of  busy  commerce  ;  its  people 
v\'ere  devoted  to  money-making  pursuits,  as  the  immense  number 
oi  contract  tablets  recently  discovered  testifies.  In  such  a  country 
the  Jews  rapidly  developed  that  aptitude  for  finance  which  has 
characterised  the  nation.  Always  a  remarkably  intelligent 
people,  their  minds  were  sharpened  by  adversity  in  a  country 
where  their  talents  had  free  scope.  As  subsequent  history  has 
proved,  this  singular  race  gains  strength  by  being  uprooted  from 
its  own  soil,  and  flourishes  with  renewed  vigour  in  the  midst  of 
alien  and  unsympathetic  surroundings.^ 

But  a  further  accession  of  strength  was  due  to  a  feeling  of 
isolation  from  the  rest  of  the  world  which  forced  the  exiles  to 
rely  on  one  another.  In  the  early  days  of  their  history  the 
Judaeans  did  not  maintain  the  purity  of  the  Israelite  stock,  but 
freely  admitted  foreign  elements  into  their  tribe.  In  later  years, 
however,  they  incurred  the  enmity  of  the  surrounding  nations, 
especially  the  Moabites,  Ammonites  and  Edomites ;  and  the 
fall  of  Jerusalem  caused  general  rejoicing. 

2c 


Jgzekiers 
methods  of 
teacliing 


326      Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

The  writings  of  the  prophets  shew  how  bitterly  the  Jews  felt 
the  malice  of  their  neighbours,  and  in  Babylon  the  exiles 
brooded  over  the  unnatural  conduct  of  nations  so  near  akin  to 
themselves.  Rejected  by  the  rest  of  the  world  the  Jews  clung 
together,  and  refused  to  surrender  their  distinctive  nationality. 
Everything  that  could  foster  this  spirit  was  cherished :  family 
registers  were  carefully  kept,  ancient  customs  obstinately 
cherished,  and  peculiarities  which  distinguished  the  Jews  from 
their  neighbours  insisted  upon.  All  this  fostered  the  idea  that 
they  were  a  peculiar  people,  and  to  this  attitude  of  mind  the 
world  may  owe  the  preservation  of  the  literature  of  the  Old 
Testament.  Its  growth  and  development  may  be  traced  from 
the  work  of  Ezekiel. 

It  took  six  months  for  the  news  of  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  to 
reach  Tel-Abib.  On  the  fifth  day  of  the  tenth  month  the 
prophet  learned  the  sorrowful  tidings,  and  from  that  time  the 
constructive  work  of  his  life  seems  to  have  begun, 
(a)  By  history  Before,  however,  touching  on  this  it  is  necessary  to  say  a  little 
on  Ezekiel's  treatment  of  the  ancient  history  of  Israel.  It  is 
unlike  that  of  any  of  the  earlier  prophets.  Amos,  Hosea,  Isaiah, 
Micah  and  Jeremiah  allude  to  the  past,  but  Ezekiel  makes  it 
the  theme  of  his  discourses.  He  recounts  the  story  of  Israel's 
exodus  from  Egypt  with  the  object  of  bringing  the  ingratitude 
of  the  people  to  Jehovah  into  stronger  relief.  The  gift  of  the 
Promised  Land  only,  as  he  shews,  resulted  in  the  increase  of 
idolatry  (Ezek.  xx.  1-18  and  27-31).  In  the  terrible  allegory 
of  Oholah  and  Oholibah  he  recounts  the  infamy  of  the 
two  nations  Samaria  and  Judah  (Ezek.  xxiii.).  He  traces 
Jerusalem  to  her  Amorito  and  Hittite  founders,  and  dwells  on 
Jehovah's  mercy  and  the  perfidious  conduct  of  the  chosen  city 
(Ezek.  xvi.).  Throughout  he  makes  the  past  story  of  Israel 
teach  its  lesson  to  his  own  generation. 

This  method  of  instruction  is  characteristic  of  the  period 
following  the  discovery  of  the  book  of  Deuteronomy ;  and 
throughout  the  historical  books  of  the  Old  Testament  the  same 
didactic  spirit  is  displayed.  From  Joshua  to  Kings  there  is 
constantly  a  disposition  to  moralise  on  the  facts  recorded  and  to 
make  them  a  means  of  instruction.  Old  materials  are  used  with 
the  object  of  producing  a  definite  impression  on  the  reader  by 
convincing  him  of  the  goodness  of  Jehovah  and  of  the  perversity 
of  His  people.  The  same  tendency  is  seen  m  the  Psalms  re- 
counting the  story  of  the  nation,  which  probably  may  be  assigned 


The  Captivity 


327 


(3)  view  of 
hereditary 
guilt 


(c)  personal 
responsi- 
bility 


to  this  age,  and  it  reappears  in  the  speeches  of  St  Stephen  and 
St  Paul  in  the  New  Testament.^ 

Upon  the  Jews  this  treatment  of  history  produced  an  effect 
possibly  not  contemplated  by  their  teachers.  The  doctrine  of 
hereditary  sufferings,  of  the  son  atoning  for  the  father's  sin,  was 
generally  accepted  ;  and  Ezekiel's  contemporaries  were  ready 
enough  to  throw  the  blame  on  their  ancestors.  They  quoted  the 
old  proverb,  "The  fathers  have  eaten  sour  grapes,  and  the 
children's  teeth  are  set  on  edge."  They  questioned  the  justice  of 
the  accepted  view  of  Divine  Providence.  In  the  forcible  words 
of  Lamentations  they  said,  "  Our  fathers  sinned  and  are  not,  and 
we  have  borne  their  iniquities"  (Lam.  v.  7).  To  meet  these 
difficulties  Ezekiel  disregarded  the  popular  view  of  hereditary 
guilt  in  favour  of  a  new  ideal  of  personal  responsibility. 

Starting  with  the  proverb,  "The  fathers  have  eaten  sour 
grapes,  and  the  children's  teeth  are  set  on  edge,"  Ezekiel  declares 
that  in  the  days  to  come  this  will  be  no  longer  quoted.  God 
watches  over  the  soul  of  each  individual,  "  Behold,  all  souls  are 
Mine ;  as  the  soul  of  the  father,  so  also  the  soul  of  the  son  is 
Mine  :  the  soul  that  sinneth  it  shall  die."  The  prophet  declares 
that  a  righteous  man  shall  live  but  if  his  son  turn  out  a 
reprobate  he  shall  die  in  his  iniquity.  In  the  same  way  the  son 
of  a  sinner  shall  be  saved  if  he  lives  a  life  according  to  the 
law  of  God.  This  system  of  ethics  was  evidently  strange 
to  Ezekiel's  generation,  and  obvious  as  it  now  seems  to  all  men, 
it  was  not  so  in  his  age.  The  objection,  "  Wherefore  doth  not 
the  son  bear  the  iniquity  of  his  father?"  was  raised.  And 
Ezekiel  replied  by  laying  down  the  principle,  "The  soul  that 
sinneth  it  shall  die ;  the  son  shall  not  bear  the  iniquity  of  the 
father,  neither  shall  the  father  bear  the  iniquity  of  the  son" 
(Ezek.  xviii.  19,  20). 

Ezekiel  continues  by  applying  those  principles  of  penitence,  (d)  penitence 
which  his  predecessors  had  recommended  to  the  nation,  to  each 
individual.  He  reminds  the  righteous  that  if  they  fall  into 
iniquity  their  previous  good  deeds  will  not  save  them,  and  at 
the  same  time  he  encourages  the  wicked  to  amend  their  ways, 
by  impressing  on  them  the  fact  that  past  sin  does  not  make 
amendment,  and  acceptance  by  God,  impossible.  His  are  the 
familiar  words,  "  When  the  wicked  man  turneth  away  from  his 
wickedness  that  he  hath  committed,  and  doeth  that  which  is 
lawful  and  right,  he  shall  save  his  soul  alive"  (Ezekiel 
xviii.  27).     An  epoch-making  saying  in  the  history  of  religion. 


(«)  the  func- 
tion of  a 
prophet 


(/)  the 
priestly  office 


ig)  cere- 
monial and 
moral  duties 


328       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

As  a  consequence  of  this  teaching  Ezekiel  reveals  a  new  con- 
ception of  the  functions  of  a  prophet.  The  earlier  prophetic 
utterances  are  messages  from  Jehovah  to  the  nation.  The  appeal 
was  to  the  public  conscience  of  Israel.  Ezekiel  addresses  the 
individual,  and  his  work  is  regarded  as  that  of  a  pastor.  He 
ifl  compared  to  a  watchman  who  is  made  responsible  for  the 
people's  calamities,  if  he  doea  not  give  warning  ;  but  not  other- 
wise. If  the  wicked  dies  without  reproof,  his  blood  will  be 
required  of  the  prophet ;  but  if  he  has  not  failed  to  tell  the 
evil-doer  of  the  fate  in  store  for  him,  he  is  free  from  blame 
(Ezek.  xxxiii.  1-9). 

Ezekiel's  ministry  is  also  marked  by  the  growing  importance 
of  the  priestly  office.  This  may  seem  strange,  as  the  functions 
of  the  priests  had  ceased  with  the  destruction  of  the  Temple. 
But  as  the  Jews  looked  forward  above  all  things  to  a  religious 
restoration,  the  importance  of  the  priests  as  the  depositaries  of 
the  tradition  of  worsliip  in  the  old  Temple  began  to  be  felt. 
Ezekiel  was  constantly  consulted  by  the  people,  who  doubtless 
regarded  him  as  peculiarly  qualified  by  his  position  to  act  as  a 
religious  teacher.  In  this  capacity  he  gave  ceremonial  Judaism 
its  peculiar  bent.  After  the  Captivity  Judaism  began  to  be 
centred  in  the  observance  of  its  priestly  law,  and  as  a  conse- 
quence the  High  Priest  became  not  only  the  religious  but  the 
civil  head  of  the  nation. 

The  early  prophets  deprecated  all  formalism  in  religion  in 
their  zeal  to  exalt  the  moral  law  ;  Ezekiel,  on  the  contrary, 
appears  to  draw  no  distinction  between  moral  and  ceremonial 
duties.  This  difference  is,  however,  more  apparent  than  real. 
To  the  prophets  in  the  days  of  the  monarchy,  the  outward 
expression  of  religion  was  a  national  act,  and  the  violation  of 
the  moral  law  the  sin  of  the  people,  or,  at  any  rate,  of  whole 
classes  of  them.  They  warned  Israel  that  a  regular  and  lavish 
performance  of  the  sacrificial  worship  was  in  vain  if  unaccom- 
panied by  national  repentance.  Ezekiel  addressed  himself  more 
to  individuals  at  a  time  when  the  abandonment  of  the  cere- 
monial duties  of  religion  was  a  practical  renunciation  of  a  man's 
faith,  and  naturally  he  does  not  draw  the  line  so  sharply  as 
his  predecessors  between  the  moral  and  ceremonial  law.  In  the 
famous  eighteenth  chapter  the  prophet  enumerates  the  qualities 
of  a  good  and  bad  man,  and  among  these  the  neglect  or  observ- 
ance of  laws,  both  moral  and  ceremonial,  stand  side  by  side; 
but  it  is  worth  noticing  how  much  the  moral  law  predominates. 


The  Captivity 


329 


With  the  exception  of  an  allusion  in  Jeremiah  (xvii.  19-27),  W  the 
the  prophetical  books  before  Ezekiel  say  nothing  about  the  S*^^**^ 
observance  of  the  Sabbath,  except  to  deprecate  the  belief  that 
it  is  a  sure  means  of  securing  Divine  favour.  Ezekiel  regards 
the  Sabbath  with  great  reverence.  It  is  a  sign  between  Jehovah 
and  Israel  (Ezek.  xx.  12),  and  the  disregard  of  it  is  one  of 
Israel's  most  heinous  offences  (xx.  24).  In  the  concluding  sec- 
tion of  the  book  of  Isaiah  the  importance  of  Sabbath-keeping 
(Is.  Ivi.),  which  henceforth  became  a  characteristic  of  Judaism, 
is  insisted  upon. 

After  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  Ezekiel's  thoughts  were  set  on  Ezekiel  and 
the  return  of  his  people,  and  his  prophecies  of  it  are  among  *?®  restora- 
the  finest  passages  in  Holy  Writ.     In  the  thirty-fourth  chapter  *^°^ 
he  speaks  of  Israel  as  a  flock  scattered  by  the  negligence  and 
cruelty  of  their  shepherds  or  rulers  :  for  in  prophetic  imagery 
the  shepherd  is  always  the  king.     In  bitter  words  are  the  actions 
of  the  kings  of  God's  people  portrayed  :  «  Ye  eat  the  fat,  and 
ye  clothe  you  with  the  wool,  ye  kill  the  fatlings ;  but  ye  feed 
not  the  sheep.     The  diseased  have  ye  not  strengthened,  neither 
have  ye  healed  that  which  was  sick,  neither  have  ye  bound  up 
that  which  was  broken,  neither  have  ye  brought  again  that  which 
was  driven  away,  neither  have  ye  sought  that  which  was  lost ; 
but  with  force  and  with  rigour  have  ye  ruled  over  them.    And 
they  were  scattered,  because  there  was  no  shepherd  ;  and  they 
became  meat  to  all  the  beasts  of  the  field,  and  were  scattered. 
My  sheep  wandered  through  all  the  mountains,  and  upon  every 
high  hill ;  yea,  my  sheep  were  scattered  upon  all  the  face  of  the 
earth  ;  and  there  was  none  that  did  search  or  seek  after  them." 
These  scattered  sheep  Jehovah  will  gather  and  bring  into  His 
fold,  and  He  will  make  His  "servant  David"  their  shepherd. 
But  the  beauty  of  this  thirty-fourth  chapter  is  inferior  to  the 
incomparable  vision  of  the  valley  of  the  dry  bones,  whereby  the 
ruin  and  restoration  of  Israel  are  signified.     It  is  followed  by 
the  symbolical  action  of  the  prophet,  who,  at  God's  command, 
took  two  staves  for  the  houses  of  Judah  and  of  Joseph,  and 
made  them  one  stick  in  his  hand.     In  this  way  the  nation 
was  once  more  to  be  united.    Again  the  Davidic  king  is  pro- 
mised to    be    the    shepherd  of    the  reunited   nation.      "And 
My   servant   David  shall    be    king   over  them,  and  they  all 
shall  have  one  shepherd  ;  they  shall  also  walk  in  My  judg- 
ments, and  observe  My  statutes,  and  do  them"  (Ezek.  xxxvii. 
24). 


330      Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


THe  renewed  With  the  restoration  of  the  people,  Ezekiel  planned  a  new 
sanctuary  sanctuary,  with  all  the  glories,  and  none  of  the  corruptions,  of 
the  old  Temple.  The  concluding  chapters  of  his  prophecy 
portray  the  ideal  of  a  restored  Israel  with  a  purified  worship 
and  a  perfected  polity.  It  was  a  dream  never  to  be  realised  on 
earth,  which  nevertheless  exercised  a  most  important  influence 
on  subsequent  Jewish  thought. 

In  a  vision  Ezekiel  is  brought  to  a  very  high  mountain  where 
he  sees  the  plan  of  a  city.  His  companion,  a  mysterious  being, 
"  a  man  whose  appearance  was  like  the  appearance  of  brass,  with 
a  line  of  flax  in  his  hand  and  a  measuring  reed,"  stands  in  the  gate 
to  shew  the  prophet  the  Temple  and  the  city  (Ezek.  xl.  2,  3). 
The  Temple  First  the  Temple  is  measured  and  described,  and  the  prophet 

is  conducted  through  its  courts  and  shewn  the  different 
"chambers"  devoted  to  the  slaying  of  the  burnt  and  sin  offer- 
ings, to  the  use  of  the  singers,  and  to  the  priests.  Next  the 
sanctuary  itself  is  carefully  measured,  together  with  the  side 
chambers  surrounding  it,  as  they  did  the  ancient  Temple  of 
Solomon.  Ezekiel  is  now  brought  by  his  conductor  to  the 
eastern  gate  :  "  And  behold,  the  glory  of  the  God  of  Israel  came 
from  the  way  of  the  east ;  and  His  voice  was  like  the  sound 
of  many  waters  :  and  the  earth  shined  with  His  glory."  When 
the  glory  of  the  Lord  filled  the  house,  the  prophet  heard  a  voice 
saying,  "  Son  of  man,  this  is  the  place  of  My  throne,  and  this  is 
the  place  of  the  soles  of  My  feet,  where  I  will  dwell  in  the  midst 
of  the  children  of  Israel  for  ever"  (Ezek.  xliii.  1-7). 

The  altar  is  next  described,  and  "the  ordinances  of  the  altar" 
whereby  it  is  to  be  sanctified  after  a  seven  days'  ceremonial  of 
consecration  (Ezek.  xliii.  13-27). 
the  Levites  Great  care  is  to  be  taken  to  guard  the  purity  of  the  new 

deposed  Sanctuary.    The  eastern  gate,  by  which  God's  glory  entered, 

is  to  be  for  ever  closed.  No  alien  or  uncircumcised  person  is 
to  enter  the  Temple,  nor  may  any  one  act  as  a  priest  in  it 
who  is  not  of  the  house  of  Zadok.  The  other  Levitical  priests 
are  to  be  deposed,  because  they  forsook  Jehovah  for  their  idols. 
They  are  henceforward  to  be  relegated  to  a  subordinate  position. 
"  They  shall  be  ministers  of  My  sanctuary,  having  oversight  at 
the  gates  of  the  house,  and  ministering  in  the  house  :  they  shall 
slay  the  burnt-offering  and  the  sacrifice  for  the  people,  and 
they  shall  stand  before  them  to  minister  unto  them.  Because 
they  ministered  unto  them  before  their  idols,  and  became  a 
stumbling-block  of  iniquity  unto  the  house  of  Israel ;  therefore 


The  Captivity 


33^ 


have  I  lifted  up  Mine  hand  against  them,  saith  the  Lord  God ; 
and  they  shall  bear  their  iniquity.  And  they  shall  not  come 
near  unto  Me,  to  execute  the  office  of  priest  unto  Me,  nor  to 
come  near  to  any  of  My  holy  things,  unto  the  things  that  are 
most  holy  ;  but  they  shall  bear  their  shame,  and  their  abomina- 
tions which  they  have  conmiitted.  Yet  will  I  make  them 
keepers  cf  the  charge  of  the  house,  for  all  the  service  thereof, 
and  for  all  that  shall  be  done  therein"  (Ezek.  xliv.  11-14). '^« 

A  political  constitution  is  provided  for  the  restored  nation  ;  at  The  Prince 
the  head  of  it  is  "  the  prince,"  whose  estates  are  to  be  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  Holy  City.  He  is  apparently  to  have 
no  duties  save  those  of  the  head  of  a  religious  people.  He  enters 
the  Temple  by  the  east  gate  in  state,  and  presides  at  religious 
functions.  Curiously  enough  the  High  Priest  is  not  mentioned. 
The  land  is  to  be  fertilised  by  a  large  river  issuing  from  the 
sanctuary.  All  the  tribes  are  to  receive  inheritance,  but 
the  Trans-Jordanic  tribes  are  to  be  brouglit  over  to  the 
western  side  and  given  their  lands  there.  The  City  (never 
called  Jerusalem)  is  to  stand  on  neutral  territory  surrounded 
by  the  portion  of  the  priests  and  that  of  the  prince  ;  seven  tribes, 
Dan,  Asher,  Naphtali,  Manasseh,  Ephraim,  Reuben  and  Judah, 
are  to  be  on  its  north,  and  five,  Benjamin,  Simeon,  Issachar, 
Zebulon,  Gad,  on  its  southern  side.^ 

Such  then  is  the  vision  of  the  restored  community  which  A  theocracy 
occupies  the  last  nine  chapters  of  Ezekiel.  It  is  that  of  a 
theocracy  pure  and  simple,  of  a  holy  nation  occupied  entirely 
in  the  service  of  Jehovah.  In  some  important  points  it  differs 
from  the  arrangements  prescribed  in  the  Pentateuch,  notably 
in  the  deposition  of  the  Levites  in  favour,  not  of  the  house  of 
Aaron,  but  of  that  of  Zadok.  Moreover  they  are  not  relegated 
by  Ezekiel  to  an  inferior  position  because  they  filled  it  when 
the  Tabernacle  was  still  standing,  but  on  account  of  their 
recent  apostasy.  It  may  be  that  Ezekiel's  vision  and  his  strong 
personal  influence  were  the  causes  of  the  degradation  of  the 
Levites  to  a  sort  of  secondary  priesthood  ;  but  these  chapters 
describe  a  condition  of  things  so  purely  ideal,  that  it  appears 
hardly  safe  to  draw  conclusions  from  a  literal  interpretation  of 
them. 

But  this  opinion,  developed  in  the  days  of  the  Exile,  had  most 
lar-reaching  consequences.  They  are  seen  in  the  reforms  of 
Nehemiah,  and  in  the  idealised  histories  of  the  kings  of  Judah 
in  Chronicles,  who  more  closely  resemble  "the  princes"  por- 


332      Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


trayed  by  Ezekiel  than  the  monarchs  described  m  the  Kings. 
The  failure  of  the  Hasmonjeans  to  establish  a  stable  monarchy 
was  due  to  this  theocratic  idea  fostered  by  the  Pharisaic  party. 
The  same  spirit  made  Herod's  schemes  for  the  aggrandisement 
of  his  Judajan  dominions  impossible,  and  drove  the  Jews  into 
rebellion  against  their  Roman  masters.  ^ 

It  has  shewn  itself  in  the  Christian  Church,  as  well  m  the 
noble  schemes  of  a  Gregory  VII.  as  in  the  wildest  dreams  of 
fanatics  ;  and  under  whatever  form  it  has  appeared  it  has  caused 
misery  For  it  is  only  when  God's  Spirit,  of  whom  Ezekiel 
speaks  so  frequently,  transforms  the  heart  of  man  that  a  true 
theocracy  can  be  established.  The  transition  from  the  ancient 
to  the  modern  view  of  religion  at  the  time  of  the  Captivity  is 
shewn  by  the  changed  conception  of  the  nature  of  Jehovah. 

It  may  be  doubted  whether  there  was  ever  a  time  when  the 
devout  worshippers  of  Jehovah  in  Israel  did  not  regard  Him 
as  the  One  True  God,  the  Lord  of  all  the  world      But  it  is 
tolerably  certain  that  the  average  worshippers  looked  to  Him 
chiefly  as  the  peculiar  God  of  His  chosen  people.    This  national 
aspect  of  Jehovah's  person  is  naturally  prominent  in  the  teaching 
of  the  earlier  prophets.     In  the  days  of  the  Exile,  however,  the 
transcendent  power  and  majesty    of    Israel's    God    filled    the 
thoughts  of  His  people.     The  prophets  contrasted  His  miglit 
with  the  impotence  of  the  gods  of  the  heathen,  and  poured 
scorn  on  the  Gentiles  for  worshipping  wood  and  stone.     They 
thought  of  their  God  as  the  Creator  and  Ruler  of  all  things,  as 
enthroned  above  all  the  world,  the  One  Living  God.     In  this 
chancred  attitude  of  the  mind  of  Israel  there  was  gain  as  well  as 
loss.''  The  childlike  faith  of  the  men  of  antiquity  had    no 
difficulty  in  imagining  Jehovah  in  personal  contact  with  His 
people     Their  ideas  may  not  have  been  very  spiritual,  but  they 
at  least  kept  them  in  close  contact  with  their  God.    They  could 
see  His  hand  in  every  circumstance  of  life,  they  could  realise 
that  He  loved  Israel  with  a  father's  tenderness.     In  gaining  a 
truer  knowledge  of  the  spiritual  nature  of  Jehovah,  those  of  a 
more  advanced  age  lost  the  intimacy  with  Him  enjoyed  by  their 
fathers.     Jehovah  became  more  and  more  the  Absolute,   the 
Unknown,  the  unnameable  God.     His  actions  could  no  longer 
be  discussed  ;    they  must  be  accepted  without  question.     His 
tender  love  for  Israel  was  less  spoken  of  than  formerly  ;  He  was 
said  to  have  saved  His  people  "for  the  honour  of  His  name" 
rather  than  for  the  love  He  bore  them. 


The  Captivity 


333 


In  Ezekiel  there  are  the  germs  of  a  tendency  which  manifested  Growing 
themselves  first  when  the  service   of  God  was  interpreted   to  consciousness 
mean  the  literal  fulfilment  of  His  written  law  :  then  when  the  maiesty 
Name  of  Jehovah  was  considered  too  sacred    to    pronounce : 
finally  when  the  Memra  or  Word  became  the  sole  means  by 
which  God  communicated  Himself  to  mankind.     Neither  man 
nor  nation  can  exchange  a  childlike  faith  even  for  a  sublime 
creed  without  a  certain  loss,  and  the  old  tender  feeling  which 
existed  between  Jehovah  and  His  people  in  early  days  van- 
ished when  men  began  to  think  less  of  His  person  than  of  His 
attributes. 

But  this  change  in  the  attitude  of  Israel  towards  Jehovah 
must  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  strongest  proofs  that  the  True 
God  revealed  Himself  to  His  people,  and  was  not,  so  to  speak, 
evolved  from  their  inner  consciousness.  It  is  absolutely  un- 
thinkable that  a  mere  tribal  God  should  have  been  spontaneously 
raised  to  the  rank  of  the  Ruler  of  the  Universe  by  a  nation  when 
it  had  touched  the  nadir  of  its  degradation,  whose  Holy  City 
had  been  destroyed,  whose  sanctuary  had  been  ruined.  Had 
Jehovah  been  regarded  as  nothing  but  Israel's  tutelary  deity,  the 
nation  would  surely  have  arbandoned  His  service  for  that  of  a 
more  powerful  being.  They  did  the  very  reverse,  for  the 
disasters  that  befell  them  only  made  them  more  sure  of  the 
greatness  of  His  might,  and  instead  of  forsaking  their  God, 
Whom  they  might  have  declared  to  be  impotent  to  preserve  His 
own,  they  clung  to  Him  as  they  had  never  done  in  the  days  of 
their  prosperity,  and  proclaimed  Him  Sovereign  Lord  of  Heaven 
and  Earth. 

The  weary  days  of  exile  were  also  marked  by  the  growth  of  a  The  problem 
new  national  ideal.  The  problem  of  national  sufl'ering  is  con-  o^  suffering 
stantly  suggested,  and  as  a  new  generation  grew  up,  it  became 
dissatisfied  with  the  explanation  that  its  troubles  were  entirely 
due  to  ancestral  guilt.  In  addition  to  this  the  Jews  could  not 
but  perceive  that  they  were  better  morally  and  socially  than  the 
nations  by  whom  they  were  oppressed.  It  became  imperative 
therefore  to  find  a  new  answer  to  the  question.  Why  does 
Jehovah  sometimes  allow  tlie  innocent  to  sufi'er,  and  the  guilty 
to  enjoy  prosperity  ?  Several  replies  were  suggested.  Jeremiah 
pleads  passionately  with  God  and  asks  Him,  "Wherefore  doth 
the  way  of  the  wicked  prosper  ?  Wherefore  are  all  they  at  ease 
that  deal  very  treacherously?"  (Jer.  xii.  1).  But  no  reply  is 
vouchsafed.    In  the  seventy-third  Psalm,  for  example,  wonder  is 


334      Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


The  book  of 
Job 


expressed  at  the  prosperity  of  the  wicked,  and  the  author 
consoles  himself  with  the  thought  that  it  is  after  all  only 
transitory.  God  has  set  them  "in  slippery  places "  in  order  to 
cast  them  down  to  destruction.  Encouraged  by  this  thought,  he 
resolves  to  persist  in  serving  God. 

One  book  of  the  Bible  is  devoted  to  this  subject,  and,  though 
it  is  impossible  to  determine  its  date,  it  certainly  voices  the 
perplexities  of  this  period.  In  the  whole  of  the  Old 
Testament  there  is  no  more  difficult  book  than  that  of 
Job,  and  it  is  almost  presumptuous  to  attempt  to  theorise 
as  to  its  date  and  origin.  Its  arguments  belong  to  humanity 
in  every  age,  but  especially  to  the  Jews  at  the  time  of  the 

exile. 

The  patriarch,  rich,  prosperous,  and  at  the  same  time  pious, 
may  well  represent  Israel  in  happier  days.  The  trials  which 
befall  the  highly  favoured  man  may  be  equally  well  applied  to 
a  privileged  nation.  Their  object  is  to  test  the  fidelity  of  both. 
Sent  by  Divine  permission,  they  serve  to  answer  Satan's  question, 
"  Doth  Job  serve  God  for  naught  ? "  The  nation  ruined,  the  land 
desolate,  the  population  almost  exterminated,  may  easily  be 
personified  by  the  once  happy  patriarch,  childless,  stricken  by 
poverty  and  disease,  lying  on  a  dunghill  outside  his  own  city.^ 
The  nations  may  be  represented  by  Job's  three  friends,  though 
the  dignified  courtesy  shewTi  by  these  on  their  visit  to  the 
afflicted  patriarch  hardly  corresponds  with  the  savage  joy 
of  the  half-barbarous  Edomites  and   Moabites  at  the  fall  of 

Jerusalem. 

More  fittingly  perhaps  may  they  be  considered  as  shadowing 
the  general  opinion  of  mankind.  It  has  been  maintained  that 
the  first  of  the  "friends,"  Eliphaz  from  Teman,  the  home  of 
the  wise,  gives  expression  to  the  thoughts  of  those  whose  wisdom 
was  supposed  to  be  inspired.  Bildad  the  Shuhite  represents 
proverbial  wisdom  based  on  the  experience  of  antiquity  ;  whilst 
in  Zophar  the  Naamathite  the  more  superficial  judgment  of 
men  finds  expression.^o  The  solution  of  the  difficulty  is  given 
in  the  words  of  God,  "out  of  the  whirlwind."  His  might  in 
Creation  is  there  declared,  His  wisdom  in  the  government  of 
the  animal  world,  the  terrible  animals  He  calls  into  being 
and  control.  Abased  at  the  sight  of  the  Divine  Majesty,  con- 
founded at  the  extent  of  the  power  and  wisdom  of  God,  Job 
can  only  humbly  declare  that   he   does  not  understand    the 


The  Captivity 


335 


motives  by  which  man's  destiny  is  controlled,  and  says  with 
resignation, 

"I  know  that  Thou  canst  do  all  things, 
And  that  no  purpose  of  Thine  can  be  restrained. 
Who  is  this  that  hideth  counsel  without  knowledge  ? 
Therefore  have  I  uttered  that  which  I  understood  not, 
Things  too  wonderful  for  me,  which  I  knew  not. 
Hear,  I  beseech  Thee,  and  I  will  speak : 
I  will  demand  of  Thee,  and  declare  Thou  unto  me. 
I  had  heard  of  Thee  by  the  hearing  of  the  ear ; 
But  now  mine  eye  seeth  Thee, 
Wherefore  I  abhor  myself,  and  repent  in  dust  and  ashes  " 

(Job  xlii.  2-6). 

But  a  solution  of  far  greater  importance  is  found  in  the  concluding  THe  Servant 
chapters  of  the  book  of  Isaiah.  According  to  the  prophet,  Israel  of  Jehovan 
is  a  suffering  nation,  not  only  because  of  its  past  sins,  but  for 
the  sake  of  the  world.  The  nation  is  the  servant  of  Jehovah ; 
full  of  imperfections  it  may  be,  blind  and  deaf  (Is.  xlii.  19), 
but  yet  His  chosen  instrument  to  give  light  to  the  whole  world. 
The  glorification  of  Zion  means  happiness  to  mankind  :  "  Nations 
shall  come  to  thy  light,  and  kings  to  the  brightness  of  thy 
rising"  (Is.  Ix.  3).  And  the  ideal  mission  of  the  nation  ends 
by  centering  round  an  Individual.  The  Servant  of  Jehovah 
speaks  in  His  own  person  as  the  representative  of  God's  people, 
and  in  the  fifty-third  chapter  the  Nature  of  the  Suffering 
Messiah  is  unfolded. 

The  trials  of  the  majority  of  the  Jewish  people  during  the  The  Psalms  of 
Captivity  may  not  have  been  very  great.  The  community  in  t^®  Captivity 
Babylon  was  wealthy  and  numerous,  and  many  evinced  no 
strong  desire  to  return  to  Palestine,  when  the  opportunity 
presented  itself.  But  to  devout  and  earnest  spirits  the  desola- 
tion of  the  land,  the  destruction  of  the  Temple,  and  the  long 
cessation  of  religious  offices,  caused  the  deepest  sorrow.  They 
prayed  with  their  faces  towards  Jerusalem,  they  cherished  the 
memory  of  the  Holy  City.  The  words  of  the  Psalm,  "  By  the 
waters  of  Babylon,"  have  become  typical  of  an  exile's  grief. 
The  nation  personified  by  these  sorrowful  spirits  as  an  individual 
addressed  God  as  "  the  poor,"  the  "  afflicted,"  the  "  humble."  The 
captivity  of  Zion  became  synonymous  with  sorrow.  The  saddest 
strains  in  the  Psalter  reflect  the  thoughts  of  the  Captivity,  and  the 
nation  frequently  speaks  in  the  name  of  some  suffering  saint. 

Side  by  side  with  this  there  was  a  growing  hatred  of  Babylon   Hatred  ot 
expressed  in  burning  language.    Nothing  can  equal  the  dramatic  Babylon 


^^6      Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


force  with  which  an  unknown  poet,  in  the  book  of  Isaiah, 
describes  how  the  ghosts  of  vanished  nations  greet  the  descent  of 
the  King  of  Babylon  into  the  under  world,  and  shout  in  triumph, 
"How  art  thou  fallen  from  heaven,  0  Lucifer,  son  of  the 
morning  ?  how  art  thou  cut  down  to  the  ground  which  did  lay 
low  the  nations  1 ''  (Is.  xiv.  12). 

From  the  days  of  the  Captivity  the  name  of  Babylon  has  be- 
come associated  with  the  haughty  oppression  of  the  righteous. 
Smnmary  The  history  of  the  Captivity  is  one  of  the  growth  of  ideas,  and 

as  it  is  almost  conclusively  established  that  the  book  of  Daniel 
reflects  the  feelings  of  a  very  much  later  date,  the  facts  known 
are  indeed  scanty.  But  this  much  is  certain,  the  ancient 
religious  ideas  of  Israel  were,  as  it  were,  cast  into  a  furnace  and 
emerged  in  the  essential  form  of  Judaism.  The  national  laws 
and  customs,  the  traditional  lore  of  the  priests  of  Jerusalem, 
together  with  the  traditions  of  a  venerable  past,  took  during 
this  period  the  form  of  the  Pentateuch  or  Hexateuch.  History 
began  to  assume  that  moral  tone  which  characterises  the  records 
of  Israel's  past  in  Judges,  Samuel  and  Kings.  Prophecy  lost 
its  purely  national  character  and  became  more  universal  in  its 
application.  The  Davidic  king  made  way  for  the  Messianic 
"  man  of  sorrows."  The  sacrificial  worship  ceased  for  a  time, 
and  the  rabbi  began  to  take  the  place  of  the  hereditary  priest. 
New  problems  of  life  were  debated,  as  the  theories  which  had 
satisfied  the  men  of  old  were  abandoned.  Nor  can  it  be  mere 
coincidence  that  almost  simultaneously  two  races  so  separated 
by  position  and  by  modes  of  thought  as  the  Hebrew  and  the 
Greek  began  to  question  the  notions  of  their  ancestors  con- 
cerning the  moral  government  of  the  world. 


Chapter  XIV 

The  Return  and  Settlement  in  Judaea 

The  hopes  of  the  Jewish  exiles  in  Babylon  were  excited  by  the  Cyrus 
news  that  a  new  conqueror  had  been  raised  up  by  God  for  the 
purpose  of  delivering  His  people.  The  Greek  historians,  led 
by  Herodotus,  tell  romantic  stories  of  the  career  of  Cyrus :  of 
his  youth  passed  in  obscurity  among  the  common  people,  of  his 
triumph  over  his  grandfather  Astyages,  King  of  Media,^  who 
had  sought  his  life,  and  of  his  final  establishment  of  the  Medo- 
Persian  Empire.  But  if  the  history  of  Cyrus  was  attractive  to 
the  Greeks  a  century  after  his  death,  the  actual  progress  of  his 
arms  must  have  been  watched  with  absorbing  interest  by  the 
Jews  in  Babylon,  who  perceived  that  their  one  hope  of  deliver- 
ance lay  in  his  success.  On  the  other  hand,  Nabu-nahid,  or 
Nabonidus,  King  of  Babylon,  had  good  reason  to  mark  with 
anxious  apprehension  the  advance  of  one,  whom  a  few  years 
before,  he  had  styled  "the  little  servant  of  the  Manda"  (or 

"Nomads"). 

What  was  formerly  known  of  Cyrus  has  now  been  supple- 
mented by  three  pieces  of  contemporary  evidence  : — 

(1)  The  inscription  of  Nabu-nahid,  King  of  Babylon ; 

(2)  An  annalistic  tablet ;  and 

(3)  A  proclamation  by   Cyrus  justifying  his  seizure  of  the 

crown  of  Babylon,  and  permitting  those  who  had  been 

deported  there  to  return  to  their  homes. 
According  to  the  evidence  of  these  monuments  Cyrus  was 
King  of  Anzan,  a  petty  principality  of  Elam,  which  he  had 
inherited  from  his  father  Cambyses.  Encouraged  by  Nabu- 
nahid,  he  began  by  revolting  against  his  over-lord,  Istevagu 
(Astyages),  King  of  the  Manda.  In  his  inscription,  the  King 
of  Babylon  says  that  it  had  been  revealed  him  in  a  dream  that 
Istevagu's  destruction  of  the  Temple  of  the  Moon-god  in  Harran 
should  be  punished  by  Cyrus,  King  of  Anzan,  "  the  little  servant 
of  the  Manda,"  and  in  B.C.  549  Cyrus  attacked  Istevagu,  and 

took  him  prisoner. 

•87 


338      Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Advance  of 
Cynis  on 
Babylon 


Isaiah  II.  and 
Cyrus 


Cyrus  must  have  established  the  Medo-Persian  Empire  iu 
the  three  foUowing  years,  for  iu  the  year  B.C.  546  the  Annalistic 
Tablet  styles  him  "  King  of  Persia,"  and  after  this  traces  m 
detail  the  advance  of  his  army  towards  Babylon.  First,  Cyrus 
crossed  the  Tigris  near  Arbela,  and  by  degrees  became  master 
of  Mesopotamia.  Circumstances  favoured  his  further  progress, 
for  by  the  time  that  he  had  entered  Babylonia,  Nabu-nahid 
had  incurred  the  enmity  of  the  powerful  priesthood  of  Bel- 
Merodach  The  invader  was  in  consequence  not  only  hailed 
HS  deliverer  by  the  nations  subject  to  Babylon,  but  was  welcomed 
by  the  citizens  as  restorer  of  their  ancient  worship.'* 

During    the    advance    of    Cyrus,    Nabu-nahid    remained    in 
Babylon  and  reversed  his  previous  policy  by  trying  to  conciliate 
the  priests  of  Merodach.    But  nothing  could  stay  the  inevitable 
triumph  of  the  invader.    Belshazzar,  son  of  Nabu-nahid,  who 
had  been  sent  with  the  army  to  hinder  the  advance  of  Cyrus, 
was  defeated  at  Opis  ;  the  Accadians  surrendered  their  city  of 
Sippara  "  without  fighting "  ;  and  in  the  autumn  of  B.C.  538,  in 
the  month    Marchesvan,  Babylon   opened    her    gates    to    the 
invader.    Nabu-nahid  fled,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  capital 
enthusiastically  welcomed  Cyrus  as  deliverer.     "  Peace  to  the 
city,"  says  the  Annalistic  Tablet,  "  did  Cyrus  proclaim."      He 
had,'  in  fact,  come  not  as  a  conqueror,  but  as  a  restorer  of  the 
ancient  faith.    The  revolution  by  which  Nabu-nahid  was  over- 
thrown was  a  bloodless  one  ;  the  contract  tablets  bear  witness 
that  not  even  the  trade  of  the  busy  city  had  suffered  any  inter- 
ruption.' 

The  enthusiasm  with  which  the  Jewish  exiles  watched  the 

victorious  progress  of  Cyrus  is  attested  by  the  prophecies  of  an 

unknown  seer,  whose  utterances  are  preserved  at  the  end  of  the 

book  of  Isaiah.     In  the  darkest  days  of  their  despondency  the 

exiles  were  aroused  by  the  encouraging  words  of  one  of  the 

greatest  of  the  Hebrew  prophets,  who,  at  the  very  time  when 

Babylonian  idolatry  was  the  religion  of  the  strongest  empire 

in  the  world,  maintained  in  the  language  of  the  most  glorious 

poetry  that  Jehovah,  the  God  of  Israel,  was  the  true  ruler  of 

all  the  nations,   and  boldly   declared  that  in    His  sight   the 

proudest  of  mankind  were  "but  as  grasshoppers"  (Is.  xl.  22), 

So  far  from  forgetting  His  people,  this  unnamed  prophet 

proclaims  that  it  is  Jehovah's  purpose  to  show  how  precious 

Israel  is  in  His  sight.     He  was  now  about  to  give  "  Egypt  for 

its    ransom"   with   "Ethiopia  and  Seba"   (Is.   xliii.   3^.    The 


The  Return  and  Settlement  in  Judaea  339 

message  of  God  to  Israel  was  fraught  with  comfort  to  the 
exiled  nation  and  to  its  ruined  capital.  The  prophet's  charge 
was  "Speak  to  the  heart  of  Jerusalem,  and  cry  unto  her  that 
her  warfare  (or  appointed  foe)  is  accomplished"  (Is.  xl.  2). 
Jehovah  had  not  neglected  His  people,  but  Israel,  blind  to  the 
signs  of  the  time,  failed  to  recognise  His  love.  "Who,"  asks 
the  prophet,  "hath  raised  up  one  from  the  East,  whom  He 
calleth  in  righteousness  to  His  foot  ?  He  giveth  nations  before 
him,  and  maketh  him  rule  over  kings ;  he  giveth  them  as  the 
dust  to  his  sword,  as  the  driven  stubble  to  his  bow"  (Is. 
xli.  2).  "For  your  sakes,"  he  adds,  as  the  conquering  army 
approaches,  "  I  have  sent  to  Babylon,  and  I  will  bring  down 
their  nobles,  even  the  Chaldeans,  in  the  ships  of  their  rejoicing'' 
(Is.  xliii.  14).  At  last,  waxing  even  bolder,  the  prophet  says 
that  it  is  God's  purpose  to  restore  His  people  to  their  own  land 
by  means  of  the  victorious  Persian  :  "  Saying  of  Jerusalem,  She 
shall  be  inhabited  ;  and  of  the  cities  of  Judah,  They  shall  be 
built,  and  I  will  raise  up  the  waste  places  thereof :  that  saith 
to  the  deep.  Be  dry,  and  I  will  dry  up  thy  rivers :  that  saith 
of  Cyrus,  He  is  my  shepherd,  that  shall  perform  all  my  pleasure  ; 
even  saying  of  Jerusalem,  She  shall  be  built ;  and  to  the  Temple, 
Thy  foundation  shall  be  laid  "  (Is.  xliv.  26-28). 

The  return  from  captivity,  in  the  eyes  of  this  enthusiastic 
prophet,  was  to  be  a  second  and  more  glorious  Exodus.  "  Every 
valley  shall  be  exalted,  and  every  mountain  and  hill  shall  be 
made  low ;  and  the  crooked  shall  be  made  straight,  and  the 
rough  places  plain  ;  and  the  glory  of  the  Lord  shall  be  revealed, 
and  all  flesh  shall  see  it  together  :  for  the  mouth  of  the  Lord  hath 
spoken  it "  (Is.  xl.  4). 

Miracles  like  those  of  the  departure  from  Egypt  were  to 
attend  the  restoration  of  God's  people.  "  I  will  open  rivers  on 
the  bare  heights,  and  fountains  in  the  midst  of  the  valleys ;  I 
will  make  the  wilderness  a  pool  of  water,  and  the  dry  land 
springs  of  water.  I  will  plant  in  the  wilderness  the  cedar,  the 
acacia  tree,  and  the  myrtle,  .  .  .  that  they  may  see  and  know 
and  consider,  and  understand  together  that  the  hand  of  the  Lord 
hath  done  this,  and  the  Holy  One  of  Israel  hath  created  it" 
(Is.  xU.  18-20). 

Thus  was  the  nation  incited  to  hope  for  deliverance,  and  Edict  of  Cyrnfl 
within  a  year  of  the  entry  of  Cyrus  into  Babylon  an  edict  was 
issued,  which  is  found  in  the  books  of  Ezra  and  of  Chronicles. 
"Tbiw  saith  Cyrus,  king  of  Persia,  All  the  kingdoms  of  the 


340      Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

earth  hath  J  ehovah  the  God  of  heaven  given  me  ;  and  He  hath 
charged  me  to  build  Him  an  house  in  Jerusalem,  which  is  in 
Judah.  Whosoever  there  is  among  you  of  all  His  people,  his 
God  be  with  him,  and  let  him  go  up  to  Jerusalem  which  is  in 
Judah,  and  build  the  house  of  the  Lord  "  (Ezra  i.  1-3).  The  king 
further  allowed  the  Jews  to  contribute  to  the  furtherance  of  the 
work,  and  restored  aU  the  spoil  of  the  Temple  taken  by 
Nebuchadnezzar. 

The  language  of  the  proclamation  of  Cyrus  on  ascending  the 
throne  of  Babylon  bears  a  distinct  resemblance  to  the  edict 
recorded  in  the  Bible.  In  it  Cyrus  says  that  Merodach  grants 
permission  to  all  exiles  in  Babylon  to  return  to  their  homes  with 
their  gods,  and  asks  them  to  pray  for  him.  As  the  biblical 
record  of  the  proclamation  makes  it  appear  that  Cyrus  ac- 
knowledged the  supremacy  of  the  God  of  Israel,  it  is  possible 
that  a  special  edict  was  made  for  the  Jews.  But  though  the 
object  of  Cyrus  in  thus  allowing  all  exiles  to  leave  Babylon  may 
have  been  partly  political,  the  tone  of  his  proclamation  to  his 
new  subjects,  as  well  as  of  that  preserved  in  the  Bible,  is  dis- 
tinctly religious,  and  is  in  favour  of  the  idea  that  the  conqueror  . 
believed  himself  an  appointed  instrument  in  the  hands  of  God.* 

It  is  disappointing  to  find  that  an  event  like  the  Return,  so 
anxiously  anticipated  by  the  Jewish  exiles,   foretold  in  such 
glowing  language  by  a  prophet,  and  brought  about  by  a  king  of 
such  world-wide  fame  as  Cyrus,  should  be  somewhat  obscurely 
recorded  in  the  Hebrew  Scriptures.     No  prophecies  delivered 
actually  at  the  time  of  the  Return  are  preserved,  nor  is  the 
historical  account  of  it  earlier  than  about  the  third  century  B.c. 
There  is  no  contemporary  evidence  of  how  the  Jews  availed 
themselves  of  the  privileges  granted  them  by  Cyrus  in  B.C.  538  ; 
all  that  is  absolutely  certain  is  that  in  B.C.  521,  the  second  year  of 
Darius,  there  was  a  community  of  Jews  in  Jerusalem,  the  chiefs 
of  which  were  Zerubbabel  the  son  of  Shealtiel,  representing  the 
House  of  David,  and  Joshua  the  son  of  Jozadak,  the  High  Priest, 
and  that  little  or  nothing  had  been  done  by  them  towards  re- 
building the  Temple.^ 
Judah  during       From  a  few  scattered  notices  in  the  Bible  it  is  possible  to  form 
the  Captivity  gome  idea  of  the  condition  of  Judah  and  Jerusalem  during  the 
Captivity.     Despite  the  two  deportations  of  Jews  to  Babylon  in 
the  reigns  of  Jehoiachin  and  Zedekiah,  a  few  were  left  in  the 
land  under  the  charge  of  Gedaliah  at  Mizpah.     Their  numbers 
were  augmented  by  the  remnant  of  the  Judaean  army,  which 


The  Return  and  Settlement  in  Judaea  34 


had  escaped  when  Jerusalem  was  destroyed,  and  by  the  Jews 
who  had  taken  refuge  in  Moab,  Amnion  and  Edom.  Nor  was  the 
Israelitish  element  utterly  extinct  in  the  Northern  Kingdom, 
since  on  one  occasion  eighty  men  from  Shechem,  Shiloh  and 
Samaria  had  brought  their  offerings  to  the  ruined  Temple  at 
Jerusalem  (Jer.  xli.  5).  It  is  true  that  after  the  murder  of 
Gedaliah  the  Jewish  remnant  is  said  to  have  been  removed  to 
Egypt ;  but  this  does  not  entirely  preclude  the  idea  that  during 
the  long  years  of  the  Captivity  a  certain  number  of  Jews  had 
crept  back  to  their  homes  and  were  living  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Jerusalem,  which  even  the  semi-idolatrous  Samaritans  then 
regarded  as  a  sacred  spot.  But  before  the  edict  of  Cyrus  this 
miserable  remnant  only  existed  on  sufferance,  and  would  not 
dare  to  attempt  to  restore  either  Temple  or  city,  even  if  it  had 
possessed  the  means  of  doing  so.  Those  who  had  been  left  in 
Judah  were  considered  as  inferiors  by  the  community  in 
Babylon,  which  numbered  in  its  ranks  not  only  the  priesthood 
and  the  noblest  families,  but  the  most  skilful  of  the  Jewish 
craftsmen.  In  their  new  home  this  portion  of  the  nation  had 
increased  rapidly  in  numbers,  wealth  and  intelligence  ;  for  the 
passionate  sorrow  expressed  in  the  literature  of  the  Captivity, 
and  the  longing  for  the  sight  of  the  Holy  City,  seem  to  express 
the  feelings  of  those  few  pious  and  patriotic  souls,  who  knew  no 
happiness  but  in  the  service  of  their  God.  From  these  the 
majority  of  those  who  availed  themselves  of  the  permission  to 
return  to  their  own  land  was  probably  composed,  the  equip- 
ment for  their  journey  being  supplied  by  their  wealthier 
brethren. 

A  list  of  those  who  returned  is  given  in  the  book  of  Ezra,  and  The  Return 
is  repeated  with  slight  variations  in  that  of  Nehemiah.  At  the 
head  stand  the  names  of  Zerubbabel,  the  representative  of  the 
House  of  David,  and  of  Jeshua,  the  High  Priest,  who  with  ten 
othsrs  seem  to  have  been  the  leaders  of  the  Return  (Ezra  ii.  1-70  ; 
Neh.  vii.  6-73.) 

Part  of  the  people  are  enumerated  by  their  families,  the  rest 
by  the  cities  of  Judah  and  Benjamin  in  which  they  established 
themselves.  The  priests,  to  the  number  of  four  thousand,  are 
next  mentioned  ;  but  only  seventy -four  Levites,  a  hundred  and 
ten  Levitical  singers,  and  a  hundred  and  thirty  door-keepers 
joined  the  expedition.  Three  hundred  and  ninety-two  Nethinim* 
or  Temple  slaves,  were  taken  back  to  Jerusalem,  and  a  few 
families,  who  were  unable  to  prove  their  Israelitish  descent,  were 

2d 


342    Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


permitted  to  accompany  the  returning  exiles.  Certain  descend- 
ants of  the  noble  house  of  Barzillai  the  Gileadite,  who  had 
so  courteously  welcomed  David  when  he  was  escaping  from 
Absalom,  claimed  to  belong  to  the  priestly  order,  but  could  not 
establish  their  right  to  do  so.  The  Tirshatha,  or  governor,  on 
this  account  refused  to  permit  them  to  "  eat  of  the  most  holy 
things"  until  their  right  could  be  determined  by  a  priest  guided 
by  the  sacred  Urim  and  Thummim  (Ezra  ii.  63). 

Numerous  servants  accompanied  the  exiles  on  their  return, 
and  the  liberality  of  their  Babylonian  countrymen  had  furnished 
them  with  horses,  mules  and  camels,  whilst  Cyrus  had  given 
them  the  sacred  vessels  taken  to  Babylon  by  Nebuchadnezzar 
when  he  destroyed  the  Temple. 

Of  the  journey  to  Jerusalem  from  Babylon  we  are  told 
nothing,  nor  do  we  know  whether  it  was  accomplished  by  a 
single  caravan  under  the  leadership  of  Zerubbabel,  or  whether 
the  Jews  came  in  detached  parties.  When,  however,  Zerubbabel's 
company  arrived  at  their  journey's  end  they  made  an  offering  of 
sixty-one  thousand  darics  of  gold  and  five  thousand  maneh  of 
silver  to  the  treasury  of  the  Temple,  and  dispersed  to  their 

cities, 
Settiiur  up  of        In  the  seventh  month,  at  the  time  of  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles, 
t:         ar  the  festival  on  which  Solomon  had  dedicated  his  Temple,  the 

people  "  gathered  themselves  together  as  one  man  to  Jerusalem  " 
(Ezra  iii.  1).  The  feast  was  duly  observed,  the  altar  set  up  on 
its  base,  and  henceforward  the  customary  sacrifices  prescribed  by 
the  Law  were  offered.  It  was  not  till  the  second  year  of  the 
Return  that  the  foundations  of  the  Temple  were  laid  with  much 
solemnity,  the  priests  blowing  the  silver  trumpets,  and  the 
Levites  of  the  sons  of  Asaph  clashing  their  cymbals,  and  praising 
Jehovah  in  antiphonal  song,  "For  He  is  good,  for  His  mercy  en- 
dureth  for  ever  towards  Israel"  (Ezra  iii.  11).  As  the  people 
shouted,  the  elders  who  had  seen  the  old  house  wept,  "  so  that 
the  people  could  not  discern  the  noise  of  the  shout  of  joy  from 
the  noise  of  the  weeping  of  the  people"  (Ezra  iii.  13). 
ReJecUon  Well  might  the  ancient  men  weep  for  the  decay  of  the  nation, 

of  the  jq-Q  sooner  were  the  foundations  of  the  Temple  laid  than  the 

aamarltans  ^^^^  ceased.  The  "adversaries  of  Judah  and  Benjamin,"  as  the 
half-idolatrous  worshippers  of  Jehovah  who  dwelt  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood are  styled,  came  to  demand  permission  to  join  in  the 
work,  "  For,"  said  they,  "  we  seek  your  God  as  ye  do  .  .  .  since 
the  days  of  Esar-haddon,  king  of  Assyria,  which  brought  us  up 


The  Return  and  Settlement  in  Judaea  343 

hither"  (Ezra  iv.  2).^  But  the  rigid  exclusiveness  of  the  Baby- 
lonian Jews  would  not  suffer  such  colleagues  to  share  in  their 
noble  work,  nor  is  it  just  to  cast  on  them  the  reproach  of  an 
ill-advised  intolerance. 

They  had  left  Babylon  and  encountered  the  perils  of  a  journey 
to  Judaea  with  the  express  purpose  of  restoring  what  they 
believed  to  be  the  pure  religion  of  their  remote  ancestors.  They 
were  convinced  that  the  Captivity  was  a  just  punishment  for 
the  compromise  their  fathers  had  made  with  the  religions  of  the 
Canaanites,  and  they  were  determined  to  avoid  this  error.  To 
have  held  out  the  right  hand  of  fellowship  to  the  Samaritans 
would  have  been  to  open  the  door  to  a  return  to  the  very 
practices  by  which  Israel  and  Judah  had  provoked  their  God  in 
the  days  of  old.  Zerubbabel  did  not,  however,  offer  this  ex- 
planation of  his  conduct,  but  taking  his  stand  on  the  royal 
decree,  authorising  his  community  to  rebuild  the  Temple,  said  in 
reply  to  the  request  of  the  Samaritans,  "  Ye  have  nothing  to  do 
with  us  to  build  an  house  unto  our  God  :  but  we  ourselves 
together  will  build  unto  Jehovah,  the  God  of  Israel,  as  king 
Cyrus,  the  king  of  Persia,  hath  commanded  us"  (Ezra  iv.  3). 
But,  whatever  were  the  motives  that  prompted  the  Jews  to 
refuse  the  proffered  help,  the  result  was  fatal  to  the  progress  of 
their  work.  The  Samaritans  left  no  stone  unturned  to  hinder 
the  erection  of  the  Temple,  and  the  building  was  completely 
abandoned  for  several  years. 

The  first  four  chapters  of  Ezra,  which  were  not  reduced  to 
their  present  form  for  fully  two  centuries  after  the  events  they 
relate,  are  the  sole  authority  for  these  incidents  connected  with 
the  Return.7  Yot  the  completion  of  the  Temple  the  utterances 
of  the  contemporary  prophets  Haggai  and  Zechariah  supplement 
the  information  derived  from  the  book  of  Ezra. 

What  occurred  between  the  laying  of  the  foundation  of  the  The  building: 
Temple  and  the  resumption  of  the  work  can  only  be  conjectured,  j^^jj^^j.^^^^^® 
The  restored  exiles  by  their  exclusiveness  incurred  the  odium  of 
the  "  people  of  the  land,"  and  henceforth  lived  in  the  midst  of  a 
hostile  population.  Their  acts  were  represented  unfavourably  to 
the  Persian  authorities  by  counsellors  hired  by  the  Samaritans, 
and  they  were  no  doubt  subjected  to  all  those  petty  annoyances 
which  an  unpopular  and  suspected  people  suffer  at  the  hands  of 
Oriental  officials.  Under  such  circumstances  it  is  natural  to 
suppose  that  the  people  became  too  poor  and  disheartened  to 
continue  the  work  of  rebuilding  the  Temple.     It  is  possible  also 


DarinB 


T^'^ple  to  be 

bull! 


344      Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


that  a  series  of  bad  seasons,  combined  with  unskilful  husbandry, 
further  impoverished  the  Jews.  "Ye  have  sown  much,"  says 
Haggai,  "  and  bring  in  little  ;  ye  eat,  but  ye  have  not  enough,  .  .  . 
and  he  that  earneth  wages  earneth  wages  to  put  it  into  a  bag 
with  holes "  (Hagg.  i.  6).  Yet  all  were  not  equal  sufferers,  for 
the  prophet  is  able  to  taunt  some  for  living  in  their  "ceiled 
houses,  whilst  the  Temple  of  God  lieth  waste"  (Hagg.  i.  4). 
Nothing  was  done  during  the  last  years  of  the  reign  of  Cyrus, 
or  in  the  reign  of  his  son  Cambyses,  who  probably  regarded  with 
suspicion  the  erection  of  a  temple  fortress  in  a  position  command- 
ing the  way  to  Egypt. 

In  521,  however,  Darius  Hystaspes  put  to  death  the  Magian 
usurper  Gomates  and  became  King  of  Persia.  The  new 
sovereign  was  thought  to  be  not  unfriendly  to  the  Jews,  for  in 
his  second  year  the  prophets  Haggai  and  Zechariah  began  to 
urge  upon  Zerubbabel  and  Jeshua  the  propriety  of  resuming  the 
building  of  the  Temple.  Haggai  attributed  the  scarcity  that 
prevailed  in  Judah  to  the  negligence  of  the  Jews  :  "  Mine  house 
lieth  waste,  while  ye  run  every  man  to  his  own  house  "  (Hagg. 

9).     Zechariah  takes  a  higher  groimd  :  his  call  is  to  repent- 


1. 


ance  :  "  Keturn  unto  me,  saith  the  Lord  of  Hosts,  and  I  will 
return  unto  you"  (Zech.  i.  3).  But  when  the  work  had  once 
begun,  Haggai's  prophetic  eye  discerned  that,  though  the 
Temple  was  commenced  in  "a  day  of  small  things,"  it  had  a 
glorious  future,  and  in  language  echoing  that  of  Isaiah  he 
declares  that  a  time  should  come  when  "  the  desirable  things  of 
all  nations  shall  come,"  and  God  "  will  fill  this  house  with  glory  " 
(Hagg.  ii.  7). 

But  no  Temple  could  be  erected  without  permission  from  the 
King  of  Persia,  and  no  sooner  had  the  work  been  recommenced 
than  the  Satrap  Tattenai  asked  the  Jews,  "Who  gave  you  a 
decree  to  build  this  house  and  to  finish  this  wall  ?"  (Ezra  v.  3). 
He  agreed,  however,  to  allow  them  to  go  on  with  their  work 
till  the  pleasure  of  Darius  should  be  known.  A  decree  of 
Cyri^  was  found  at  Achmetha  Ecbatana,  granting  permission 
to  build  a  Temple  at  Jerusalem,  and  prescribing  the  dimensions 
of  the  shrine  as  sixty  cubits  in  height,  and  sixty  in  breadth  ; 
exactly  dquble  the  size  of  that  built  by  Solomon  (Ezra  vi.  3). 
Darius  confirmed  the  edict  of  his  predecessor,  ordering  Tattenai 
to  do  all  in  his  power  to  facilitate  the  completion  of  the  work. 
By  this  means  the  Temple  was  finished  on  the  third  day  of 
the  month  Adar,  in  the  sixth  year  of  Darius,  B.C.  516.     In  the 


The  Return  and  Settlement  in  Judci^a  345 


following  month   the    Passover  was    celebrated  with  unusual 
solemnity  (Ezra  vi.  15-18.) 

Thus  the  second  Temple  was  finished,  but  it  was  long  before  SUenoe  of 
anything  is  recorded  of  the  Jews  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Jewish  Ms - 
Jerusalem,  and  inferences  as  to  their  condition  can  only  be  Jory,  B.C.siT- 
drawn  from  a  few  scattered  hints  in  the  books  of  Zechariah, 
Ezra  and  Nehemiah.  The  city  itseK  was  very  sparsely 
inhabited,  and  those  who  lived  there  seem  to  have  multiplied 
but  slowly,  for  Zechariah  speaks  of  a  future  very  difi'erent 
from  the  present,  when  '*  There  shall  yet  old  men  and 
old  women  dwell  in  the  streets  of  Jerusalem.  .  .  .  And  the 
streets  of  the  city  shall  be  full  of  boys  and  girls  playing  in 
the  streets  thereof"  (Zech.  viii.  4,  5).  Perhaps  it  is  safe 
to  conjecture  that  the  majority  of  those  who  had  returned 
were  men,  and  this  may  account  for  so  many  Jews  at  a  later 
period  intermarrying  with  the  heathen.  The  cities  inhabited 
by  the  first  exiles  lay,  with  the  single  exception  of  Bethlehem, 
north  of  Jerusalem,  the  old  tribal  district  of  Judah  being 
perhaps  occupied  by  the  Edomites,  who,  as  a  reward  for  their 
loyalty  to  Nebuchadrezzar,  had  received  the  right  to  settle 
in  the  depopulated  country.  During  the  interval  between  the 
Return  and  the  arrival  of  Nehemiah,  the  Jews  had  begun  to 
establish  themselves  once  more  in  their  own  cities  and  were 
found  as  far  south  of  Jerusalem  as  Beersheba. 

The  Jewish  community  was  under  a  governor  appointed  either 
by  the  Great  King,  or  by  the  satrap  who  ruled  over  the  territory 
west  of  the  Euphrates  (beyond  the  river).  The  first  of  these, 
called  Sheshbazzar,  or  Sanabassar,  is  perhaps  the  same  as 
Zerubbabel,  the  leader  of  the  Return.^  If  he  appointed 
Zerubbabel  to  this  office,  Cyrus  shewed  great  regard  for  Jewish 
susceptibility,  in  giving  them  as  their  first  ruler  a  member  of 
the  beloved  House  of  David. 

Zerubbabel,  left  undisturbed  in  his  office  by  the  successors  of 
Cyrus,  completed  the  Temple.  After  him  the  Davidic  family 
seem  to  have  lost  its  influence,  owing  to  the  governor's  being 
no  longer  a  Jew,  but  some  Persian  official,  the  burthen  of 
whose  maintenance  was  very  heavily  felt,  and  whose  servants 
made  themselves  especially  obnoxious  by  their  exactions.  The 
residence  of  the  governor  appears  to  have  been  a  fortress 
commanding  the  Temple,  called  the  Birahy  on  the  site  of  the 
famous  stronghold  of  Antonia,  erected  in  after  days  by  Herod 
(Neh.  Yii.  2.)  9 


The  Aaronlc 
priestliood 


346      Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

The  tribute  exacted  by  the  Persian  kings  pressed  very  heavily 
on  the  Jews,  but,  unlike  their  descendants  m  Roman  times,  they 
appear  to  have  had  no  religious  scruples  about  paying  it.     ine 
Th  "creased  their  wealth  by  advancing  the  amount  demanded 
by  the  tax-gatherer,   taking  the    lands  and  persons  of  their 
debtors  as  security,  and  frequently  disregarding  the  sp^^  0 
the  Mosaic  law  by  ruthlessly  selling  the^^solve-t  debtor    as 
slaves.    As  Syrians  of  Palestine  were  included  m  the  vast jrmy 
S  Xerx^  led  against  Greece  in    B^C.    480,  no  doub    the 
Jews  were  among  the  sufferers  of  that  disastrous  expeditior. 

Despite,  however,  the  fact  that  like  other  peoples  the  inhabi- 
tants  of  Judah  felt  the  crushing  weight  of  the  d^P^^^";;^^^^^^^^ 
Persian  rule,  they  seem  to  have  enjoyed  complete  religion 
freedom  with  a  considerable  amount  of  self-government.  The 
High  Priest,  who  had  played  a  very  secondary  part  in  the  days 
of  the  Davidic  kingship,  gradually  became  the  representative  of 
the  nation.  Jeshua,  the  son  of  Josadak,  stands  almost  on  a 
footing  with  Zerubbabel,  and  with  the  disappearance  of  the 
power^of  the  royal  house  the  High  Priests  became  the  natural 

heads  of  the  Jewish  community.  ^,*„^,,pr1 

Although  only  four  of  the  twenty-four  courses  had  returned, 
the  priesfs  numbered  four  thousand,  or  a  tenth  of  the  exiles 
who  came  back  with  Zerubbabel  and  Jeshua     It  wa^  evidently 
an  honourable  distinction  to  belong  to  the  house  of  Aaron,  as 
some  important  families  tried  to  claim  it  without  being  able 
to  give  sufficient  proof  of  their  right  to  do  so.    Strange  as  it 
may  appear,  the  Levites  showed  great  reluctance  to  return  to 
Lusafem.      They    were,  however,  required    for    the    Proper 
ministration  of  the  Temple  service,  and  their  co-operation  was 
eagerly  sought.     It  is  a  noteworthy  fact,  that  those  who  con- 
sented to  go  to  Jerusalem  displayed  a  remarkable  ^eaUor  the 
very  law  which  made  them  subordinate  to  the  House  of  Aaron. 
The  Levitical  guild  of  the  musicians,  moreover,  gave  to  the 
worship  of  the  second  Temple  its  most  distinctive  feature.    At 
the  Return  the  greatest  care  had  been  taken  to  provide  for 
t  mlal  servic!!  of  the  Temple,  and  an  outburst  of  P« 
characterised  the  foundation  of  the  second  house  of  Jehovah  at 

'^'mS'therefore,  the  mechanical  acts  of  sacrificing  engrossed 
the  energies  of  the  Aaronic  priesthood,  the  inferior  order  was 
occux^ed^in  the  work  of  teaching  the  Sacred  Law  and  expressing 
the  aspiration  of  the  saints  in  imperishable  song. 


The  Return  and  Settlement  in  Judaea  347 


But  this  large  body  of  Temple  officers  lacked  order  and  Degeneracy 
cohesion,  and  the  zeal  which  inspired  the  Return  and  the  °^}^^^^^^ 
erection  of  the  second  Temple  was  very  short-lived.  The 
sacrificial  system,  a  heavy  expense  to  an  impoverished  people, 
rapidly  fell  into  decay,  and  the  beasts  which  would  not  be 
accepted  by  the  governor  were  offered  on  the  altar  of  Jehovah. 
The  priests  fell  far  short  of  the  ideal  excellence  of  Levi,  of  whom 
the  prophet  says,  "  My  covenant  was  with  him  of  life  and  peace  ; 
and  I  gave  them  to  him  that  he  might  fear,  and  he  feared  Me 
and  stood  in  awe  of  My  name.  The  law  of  truth  was  in  his 
mouth,  and  unrighteousness  was  not  found  in  his  lips ;  he 
walked  with  Me  in  peace  and  uprightness  and  did  turn 
many  away  from  iniquity"  (Mai.  ii.  5,  6).  The  whole  order 
seems  to  have  forfeited  public  respect  by  their  partial  administra- 
tion of  the  law.'^'* 

A  general  feeling  of  depression  was  everywhere  apparent. 
Like  Haggai,  Malachi  attributes  the  bad  seasons  and  distress  to 
the  parsimony  of  the  people  towards  Qod,  and  entreats  them 
to  prove  whether  the  just  payment  of  the  tithe  due  to  the 
Temple  will  not  bring  more  prosperity  to  the  land.  The  Jews 
begin  to  manifest  a  tendency  to  abandon  the  services  of  Jehovah 
altogether,  not  as  in  old  days  for  idolatry,  but  in  pure  weariness. 
"  It  is  vain,"  said  they,  "  to  serve  God,  and  what  profit  is  it  that 
we  have  kept  His  charge,  and  that  we  have  walked  mournfully 
before  the  Lord  of  Hosts  ? "  (Mai.  iii.  14). 

The  people  were  in  fact  ill  able  to  endure  the  discouragements  Hostility  to 
that  surrounded  them.  They  were  encompassed  by  hostile  tlioJews 
nations.  In  the  south  the  Edomites  occupied  much  of  their 
ancient  territory,  and  pursued  them  with  unrelenting  hostility. 
In  the  north  the  Samaritans,  who  had  formerly  desired  to  make 
Jerusalem  their  holy  city,  had,  owing  to  their  repulse  by 
Zerubbabel,  become  bent  upon  its  destruction.  The  Moabites, 
Ammonites  and  Arabians  had  become  equally  hostile.  Any 
attempt  to  rebuild  the  ruined  walls  was  represented  to  the 
Persian  Government  as  an  act  of  treason.  "  Be  it  known,"  runs 
one  letter  to  Artaxerxes,  "  that  the  Jews  which  came  up  from 
thee  are  come  to  us  unto  Jerusalem ;  they  are  building  the 
rebellious  and  the  bad  city,  and  have  finished  the  walls,  and 
repaired  the  foundations.  Be  it  known  now  unto  the  king, 
that  if  this  city  be  builded,  and  the  walls  finished,  they  will  not 
pay  tribute,  custom  or  toll,  and  in  the  end  it  will  endamage  the 
kings.  ,  .  .    We  certify  the  king  that  if  this  city  be  builded, 


Jtwtin 

Bab/Iou 


swry  of 
Efithsr 


Elamaa  re- 
-     ves  to 
lestroy  the 


348       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


and  the  walls  finished,  by  this  means  thou  shalt  have  no  portion 
beyond  the  river"  (Ezra  iv.  12-13,  and  16). 

The  danger  was  that  the  second  or  third  generation  after 
the  Return  would  cease  to  be  animated  by  the  spirit  of  their 
ancestors,  and  that,  tired  of  incessantly  contending  with  their 
neighbours,  they  would  allow  themselves  to  be  absorbed  into  the 
number  of  the  heathen.  It  is  not  improbable  that  idolatrous 
practices  were  revived,  and  it  is  certain  that  the  fashion  of  inter- 
marrying with  the  Gentiles  had  become  prevalent.  But  for  the 
Jews  in  Babylon,  Judaism  must  have  perished  in  Palestine. 

The  religion  of  God's  people  in  Babylon  was  evidently  ex- 
tremely vigorous.  The  late  book  of  Daniel  bears  witness  to  the 
prevalence  of  a  tradition  that  some  Jews  maintained  their 
ancestral  customs  with  a  marvellous  courage,  which  extorted 
the  admiration  both  of  Nebuchadnezzar  and  of  "Darius  the 
Mede."  The  book  of  Esther,  a  work  of  a  totally  different  temper, 
relates  the  history  of  the  escape  of  the  Jews  from  an  extra- 
ordinary peril  in  the  reign  of  a  king  Ahasuerus  (Heb. 
Ahashverosh),    who    has    been    identified    with    Xerxes,    B.C. 

485-465. 

Ahasuerus  is  said  to  have  made  a  feast  at  his  palace  at 
Shushan  (Susa),  the  capital  of  Persia,  and  in  a  fit  of  drunken 
merriment  to  have  ordered  his  queen,  Vashti,  to  shew  herself  to 
the  assembled  revellers.  As  she  declined  to  appear,  the  king, 
advised  by  his  courtiers  that  her  contumacious  conduct  would 
make  all  women  rebellious,  put  her  away  from  being  queen,  and 
promulgated  a  decree  that  every  man  in  his  kingdom  should 
"bear  rule  in  his  own  house"  (Esther  i.  22).  The  next  queen 
chosen  was  Esther,  niece  of  a  Benjamite  named  Mordecai,  who 
by  her  uncle's  advice  had  kept  her  nationality  a  profound  secret. 
Mordecai  had  an  enemy  among  the  great  officers  of  the  kingdom, 
named  Haman  the  Agagite,  to  whom  he  refused  to  do  reverence. 
His  haughty  independence  so  displeased  Haman  that  he 
"  thought  it  scorn  "  to  punish  Mordecai  alone,  and  resolved  that 
the  whole  nation  should  be  involved  in  a  common  ruin  (Esther 

iii.  6). 

Accordingly  he  persuaded  the  king  that  the  peculiar  customs 
of  the  Jews  constituted  a  danger  to  the  kingdom,  and  offered  as 
an  additional  inducement  the  enormous  sum  of  10,000  talents  if 
he  would  sign  a  decree  ordering  their  destruction-  Eleven 
months  were  allowed  for  preparation,  and  the  blow  was  to  be 
struck   on    the    13th    of    Adar,    the    twelfth    month.      When 


The  Return  and  Settlement  in  Judsea  349 


Mordecai  heard  of  it  he  persuaded  Esther  to  go  uninvited  into 
the  king's  presence,  though  it  was  death  to  do  so,  unless  he 
extended  the  end  of  his  golden  sceptre  to  the  suppliant. 
Estlier  exhorted  the  Jews  in  Shushan  to  fast  for  her  three 
days  before  she  made  the  attempt  to  see  the  king,  who  had  let  a 
month  elapse  since  he  had  last  summoned  her.  On  her  entering 
the  presence,  Ahasuerus  extended  his  sceptre  to  Esther,  and 
granted  her  request  that  Haman  should  attend  the  banquet  she 
had  prepared. 

On  the  night  following  the  feast  the  king,  finding  sleep  im- 
possible, ordered  the  records  of  the  kingdom  to  be  read  to  him, 
and  on  hearing  the  story  of  how  his  life  had  been  saved  by 
Mordecai  from  a  conspiracy,  inquired  what  reward  had  been 
bestowed  upon  him.  Haman  in  the  meantime,  secure  of  the 
royal  favour,  had  made  a  gallows  whereon  to  hang  his  rival. 

When  Haman  was  admitted  to  audience  on  the  next  day,  the  Hainan's 
king  inquired,  "  What  shall  be  done  to  the  man  whom  the  king  overtliroiw 
delighteth  to  honour?"  (Esther  vi.  6).  Thinking  that  no  one 
but  himself  could  be  meant,  Haman  described  the  highest 
honours  a  subject  could  receive,  and  was  told  to  confer  them 
on  Mordecai.  That  night  he  was  bidden  once  more  to  Esther's 
banquet,  and  there  the  queen  declared  herself  a  Jewess  and 
denounced  Haman.  By  the  king's  command  he  was  hanged  on 
the  gallows  he  had  made  for  Mordecai.  At  Esther's  request  the 
Jews  were  allowed  to  work  vengeance  upon  their  enemies,  and 
the  feast  of  Purim  was  henceforth  observed  in  the  month  Adar 
in  memory  of  the  deliverance  of  the  nation. 

Though  the  claims  of  the  story  of  Esther  to  rank  as  history, 
as  well  as  the  canonicity  of  the  book  itself,  have  been  seriously 
questioned,  it  certainly  contains  a  substratum  of  truth,  and 
illustrates  the  peril  to  which  the  Jews  were  exposed  in  the 
Persian  Empire  under  a  capricious  tyrant  like  Xerxes.  It 
shews  also  that  the  peculiar  character  of  the  people  had  begun 
to  produce  bitter  hostility  ;  for  the  words  of  Haman  find  an 
echo  in  all  succeeding  ages,  "  There  is  a  certain  people  scattered 
abroad  and  dispersed  among  the  peoples  in  aU  the  provinces  of 
thy  kingdom  ;  and  their  laws  are  diverse  from  those  of  every 
people  :  neither  keep  they  the  king's  laws :  therefore  it  is  not 
for  the  king's  profit  to  suffer  them  "  (Esther  iii.  8).  -^'^ 

The  Persians  were  not,  as  a  rule,  ill-disposed  to  their  Jewish  The  Jews 
subjects.  The  religion  of  Darius  and  his  successors  was  not  wilder  the 
totally  unlike  that  of  the  chosen  race,  and  had  no  sympathy  vf^^g^ 


350      Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


goea  to 
Jenualem 


witli  the  materialist  idolatry  of  Babylon,  or  the  gross  nature- 
worship  of  Phoenicia.  The  doctrine  of  Zoroaster,  with  its  belief 
in  one  supreme  God,  its  hatred  of  evil,  and  its  abhorrence  of 
imase-worship,  was  in  fact  one  of  the  most  spiritual  and  austere 
religions  of  antiquity.  The  Persians  proved  the  exceUence  of 
their  religion  by  being  the  first  nation  to  appreciate  the  pure 
morality  of  Israel's  faith,  and  in  the  reform  and  development 
of  Judaism  incident  on  the  Captivity,  many  of  the  doctrmes 

of  Persia  were  adopted.  „  t^  ,    ^.  j 

The  Persian  sovereign  to  whom  the  Jews  of  Palestine  owed 
most,  was  ArUxerxes  Longimanus  (B.C.  465-425),  a  sagacious 
monarch,  who  became  the  patron  of  the  two  men  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah,   who  gave    life  to  the  dry  bones  of  the   Judaean 

^  In  B  c  458  Ezra,  at  the  head  of  a  considerable  body  of  Jews, 
made  a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem.  He  had  obtained  permission 
to  do  sb  from  Artaxerxes,  and  the  fervour  of  his  faith  is  shewn 
by  the  fact  that  he  relates  that  he  was  ashamed  to  ask  for  a 
military  escort  because  he  had  assured  Artaxerxes  that  "  The 
hand  of  our  God  is  upon  all  them  that  seek  Him,  for  good 

(Ezra  viii.  22). 

The  edict  of  Artaxerxes  gave  Ezra  very  full  powers  to  inquire 
concerning  Judah  and  Jerusalem,  and  to  take  the  offerings  of 
the  king  and  his  seven  councillors  to  the  Temple,  together  with 
the  freewill  offerings  of  the  priests  and  people.    The  decree 
further  empowered  Ezra  to  draw  freely  upon  the  royal  treasurers 
"beyond  the  river"  for  money,  corn,  wine,  oil  and  salt,  and 
exempted  priests,  Levites,  and  other  ministers  of  the  Temple, 
from  taxes.      The  powers  given  to  Ezra  were  very  extensive : 
he  was  not  only  allowed  to  appoint  judges,  and  to  teach  the  law 
of  God,  but  as  a  last  resource  to  punish  disobedience  by  death. 
Unlike  Zerubbabel,  however,  Ezra  bore  no  Persian  title,  but 
is  styled  Priest  and  Scribe.     It  may  be  that  his  mission  was 
partly  political,  and  was  due  to  Artaxerxes'  desire  to  conciliate 
the  Jews  during  the  crisis  of  the  Egyptian  revolt. 

About  eighteen  hundred  Jews  accompanied  Ezra,  among 
whom  were  Hattush,  a  member  of  the  royal  House  of  David 
and  represenUtives  of  the  two  priestly  families  of  Phmehas  and 
Ithamar.  When,  however,  Ezra  found  that  no  Levites  or 
Nethinim  had  joined  the  expedition,  he  waited  by  the  river 
Ahava,  and  sent  an  embassy  to  Casiphia  to  mvite  the  LevitcE 
living  there  to  accompany  him.    Thirty-eight  Levites  responded, 


The  Return  and  Settlement  in  Judaea  351 

together  with  two  hundred  and  twenty  Nethinim,  "whom 
David  and  the  princes  had  given  for  the  service  of  the  Levites  " 
(Ezra  viii.  20).  After  proclaiming  a  solemn  fast,  and  consigning 
the  immensely  valuable  offerings,  which  he  had  collected,  to 
the  care  of  twelve  eminent  priests,  or  Levites,  Ezra  and  his 
company  started  on  their  journey.  They  reached  Jerusalem 
four  months  after  their  departure  from  Babylon,  and  after  a 
rest  of  three  days,  they  duly  presented  their  offerings  to  the 
priests  of  the  Temple,  and  made  a  solemn  sacrifice  for  all  Israel. 
Some  time  was  occupied  by  the  exiles  in  presenting  their  cre- 
dentials to  the  royal  officers  in  the  district,  and  in  assisting  the 
people  of  Jerusalem  to  decorate  the  Temple. 

In  this  way  some  four  months  elapsed  before  Ezra  was  made  The  mixed 
aware  of  the  painful  truth  that  the  Jews  of  Palestine  were  so  niamages 
allied  by  marriage  with  the  people  of  the  land  as  to  be  hardly 
distinguishable  from  the  surrounding  heathen.  It  was  a  bitter 
disillusion :  Ezra  and  his  companions  had  come  from  Babylon 
with  the  expectation  of  finding  a  community  of  saints,  in  place 
of  which  they  discovered  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  on  the 
verge  of  apostasy.  In  a  transport  of  grief,  Ezra  says,  "  I  rent 
my  garment  and  my  mantle,  and  plucked  off  the  hair  of  my  head 
and  of  my  beard,  and  sat  down  astonied  "  (Ezra  ix.  3). 

The  conscience-stricken  people  assembled,  but  he  remained 
silent  till  the  hour  of  the  evening  sacrifice,  when  he  poured  forth 
an  impassioned  prayer  to  God,  because  He  had  granted  His 
people  "a  little  reviving  in  their  bondage"  (Ezra  ix.  8),  and 
had  been  again  forsaken  by  them.  This  fervent  confession  of 
sin  touched  the  hearts  of  the  people,  and  Shecaniah,  one  of 
the  sons  of  Elam,  proposed  that  all  who  had  taken  foreign  wives 
should  dismiss  them.  Only  four  persons,  one  of  whom  was  a 
Levite,  seem  to  have  had  the  courage  to  oppose  Ezra.  Proclama- 
tion was  made  that  all  the  Jews  should  assemble  at  Jerusalem, 
under  penalty  of  having  all  their  property  "  devoted  "  and  of 
being  themselves  excommunicated,  if  they  did  not  obey  the 
summons.  On  the  twentieth  day  of  the  ninth  month,  the 
people  sat  before  Ezra  in  the  broad  place  before  the  Temple. 
It  was  the  wet  season ;  a  pouring  rain  added  to  the  popular 
dejection,  and  all  agreed  without  hesitation  to  obey  Ezra.  A 
commission  was  appointed,  and  the  foreign  wives,  and  perhaps 
their  children  also,  were  put  away. 

Tried  by  even  the  standard  of  the  Levitical  law,  the  conduct 
of  the  Jews  in  marrying  foreign  wives  does  not  appear  to  have 


buUd  tHe 
walls  of 
JdruBalem 


?fBfc^miali 


352       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


been  so  heinous  as  to  justify  Ezra's  excessive  indignation.  Nor 
does  it  seem  easy  to  acquit  the  commission  appointed  by  him 
of  unreasonable  harshness  in  compelling  the  people  to  sever  the 
family  ties  they  had  made,  and  to  repudiate  the  sacred  obliga- 
tions they  had  contracted.  A  consideration  of  the  circumstances 
of  the  age  alone  can  justify  Ezra  and  his  colleagues.  The  Jews 
of  his  time  were  exposed  to  a  peril  as  great  as  even  that  of 
annihilation  at  the  hands  of  an  invader.  Forming  as  they 
did  an  insignificant  minority  of  the  inhabitants  of  Palestine, 
unless  they  rigorously  maintained  their  exclusive  nationality, 
they  were  in  danger  of  being  absorbed  by  their  neighbours. 
Nothing  but  drastic  measures  could  check  the  evil,  and  it 
was  only  by  the  vigorous  action  of  Ezra,  Nehemiah,  and  Malachi, 
that  the  Jews  of  Palestine  were  preserved  as  a  peculiar  people. 

It  is  probable  that  Ezra,  relying  on  the  royal  favour,  made  an 
attempt  to  rebuild  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  but  that  his  work 
was  interrupted  by  the  hostility  of  the  surrounding  peoples, 
irritated  at  the  repudiation  of  their  daughters  by  their  Jewish 
husbands.  A  letter  addressed  to  Artaxerxes  is  preserved  in 
a  different  context  in  the  book  of  Ezra,  in  which  the  danger 
of  allowing  the  Jews  to  restore  their  walls  is  vividly  depicted. 

In  reply,  Artaxerxes  ordered  the  building  of  the  walls  to  be 
stopped ;  his  commands  were  executed  with  all  the  zeal  of  hatred, 
and  the  enemies  of  the  Jews  "  made  them  to  cease  by  force  and 
power  "  (Ezra  iv.  23).  It  appears  as  if  at  this  time  the  gates  of 
Jerusalem  were  burned  and  the  walls  demolished. 

Thirteen  years  had  elapsed  since  Ezra  left  Babylon,  when 
Artaxerxes  observed  a  sad  expression  on  the  face  of  his  cup- 
bearer Nehemiah,  a  Jew  in  high  favour  with  his  master.  On 
the  king^s  inquiring  the  cause  of  Nehemiah's  melancholy,  which 
he  saw  was  "  nothing  else  but  sorrow  of  heart,"  Nehemiah  in 
great  trepidation  replied,  "  Let  the  king  live  for  ever  ;  why 
should  not  my  countenance  be  sad,  when  the  city,  the  place  of 
my  fathers'  sepulchres,  lieth  waste,  and  the  gates  thereof  are 
consumed  with  fire?"  (Neh.  ii.  3).  The  king  then  further 
encouraged  his  cup-bearer's  confidence  by  allowing  him  to  prefer 
his  petition,  and  Nehemiah,  after  a  silent  prayer  to  the  God  of 
heaven,  boldly  asked  to  be  allowed  to  go  to  Jerusalem,  taking 
with  him  letters  to  the  governors  of  the  provinces,  and  to  Asaph, 
the  keeper  of  the  royal  "paradise,"  authorising  him  to  give  a 
supply  of  timber  to  restore  the  walls.  Artaxerxes  did  more 
than  Nehemiah  had  requested  :  he  made  him  a  Tirshatha,  or 


^-e 
^ 


# 


^ 


Jerusalem  in  the  Days  of  Nehemiah. 

The  rough  sketch  is  intended  to  illustrate  Nehemiah  II.,  III.  In  II.  15, 
Nehemiah  says  that  '  he  turned  back,  and  entered  by  the  valley 
gate,  which  has  been  interpreted  to  mean  that  he  continued  his  ride 
along  the  north  side  of  the  city.  Most  of  the  places  mentioned  in 
the  account  of  the  rebuilding  of  the  walls  are  indicated. 


j 


To  face  page  353. 


The  Return  and  Settlement  in  Judsea  2>5i 

provincial  governor,  and  sent  him  to  Jerusalem  with  an  armed 
escort. 

From  the    first    Nehemiah  found  that  he  must  encounter  Sanballat  and 
strenuous  opposition.     It  is  true  that  he  was  armed  with  several  Totoiah 
royal  decrees,  but  the  power  of  a  Persian  king  in  a  distant 
province  was  not  what  it  was  in  the  palace  of  Susa.     The  satrap 
was  practically  an   independent  sovereign,  and,  provided  the 
tribute  due  from  their  provinces  was  regularly  transmitted  to 
head-quarters,  his  subordinates  exercised  uncontroUed  authority 
Thus  the  rebuilding  of  the  walls  might  again  be  stopped  by 
force  and  power,  or  the  suspicions  of  the  Great  King  might 
be  excited  against  Nehemiah  by  false  accusations.     His  diffi- 
culties were  increased  by  the  position  of  his  two  most  prominent 
adversaries,  Sanballat  the  Horonite,  and  Tobiah,  called  the  slave, 
the  Ammonite,  able  and  unscrupulous  men,  who  not  only  headed 
the  Samaritans  and  other  external  enemies  of  the  Jewish  people, 
but  also  were  bound  by  family  ties  to  an  influential  party  among 
the  priests  in  Jerusalem.     Under  such  circumstances  Nehemiah, 
being  by  no  means  sure  of  the  fidelity  even  of  his  own  country' 
men,  was  bound  to  proceed  with  great  caution.     His  sole  trust 
was  in  his  friends  and  relatives,  whom  he  had  brought  from 
Susa,  and  in  the  disciplined  courage  of  his  Persian  guards. 

Nehemiah  spent  three  days  in  Jerusalem  without  daring  to  Nehemiah 
hint  at  his  purpose,  or  even  to  arouse  suspicions  by  being  seen  to  ^i^es  round 
examine  the  defences  of  the  city.  In  the  sUence  of  the  night  he  *^®  ^*^ 
and  a  few  companions  resolved  to  make  a  circuit  of  the  walls 
Mounted  on  a  mule,  with  his  friends  on  foot,  the  new  governor 
passed  out  of  the  city  gate  into  the  dark  valley  of  Hinnom,  and 
made  his  way  past  the  "dung  port"  to  the  south-western  corner. 
Turning  eastward,  he  rode  to  the  fountain  gate  and  entered  the 
gorge  of  the  Kidron.  Finding  it  impossible  to  ride  close  to  the 
wall,  he  had  to  content  himself  with  following  the  course  of  the 
stream,  and  taking  a  distant  view  of  the  defences  on  the  top  of 
the  cliflp.  Passing  the  Temple,  Nehemiah  probably  turned  west- 
ward, and  having  viewed  the  northern  walls,  completed  the 
circuit  of  the  city,  returning  by  the  valley  gate.io  By  this  means 
he  matured  his  plans,  and  the  next  day  revealed  to  the  assembled 
people  the  authority  he  had  received  from  Artaxerxes,  inviting 
them  to  rebuild  the  walls.  His  words  aroused  the  enthusiasm  of 
his  audience  ;  with  one  accord  the  people  cried,  "Let  us  rise  up 
and  build.  So  they  strengthened  their  hands  for  the  good  work  " 
(Neh.  ii.  11-18).  ^ 


354      Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

m^  w*iia  r«         Nehemiali  is  careful  to  enumerate  those  who  took  part  in  the 
^t  building  of  the  walls.     The  work  was  one  of  restoration,  for 

though  in  some  places  the  wall  was  completely  broken  down,  m 
others  only  slight  repairs  were  needed.    The  towers  do  not  seem 
to  have  been  destroyed,  but  the  woodwork  of  the  gates  had  aU 
been  consumed,  and  the  masonry  also  had  in  all  probability  been 
demolished.    The  most  wearisome  part  of  the  work  was  the 
removal  of  a  vast  amount  of  dust  and  rubbish  from  the  fortifaca 
tions     But  the  unanimity  of  the  people  was  remarkable.     The 
High  Priest,  Eliashib,  a  man  in  whom  zeal  and  patriotism  were 
not  always  conspicuous,  set  the  example  of  building  the  gate  by 
which  the  sheep  for  sacrifice  entered  the  Temple.     Meshullam 
another  opponent  of  Nehemiah,  connected  by  marriage  with 
Tobiah,  joined  in  the  work.     Jericho,  Zanoah,  Mizpah  and  other 
villages  provided  workmen.     Tekoa  sent  labourers,  though  its 
nobles  stood  aloof.    Th^  trade  guilds  of  Jerusalem,  goldsmiths, 
merchants  and  perfumers,  were  represented,  as  were  the  daughters 
of  Shallum,  who  ruled  half  of  Jerusalem.     Such  was  the  earnest- 
ness with  which  this  great  national  effort  was  carried  out   that 
in  fifty-two  days  Jerusalem  was  once  more  a  fortified  city  (JNeii. 

o^nmiltloii  to  ^'nias  an  anxious  period  for  Nehemiah.  In  the  first  place 
ZIT^  Sanballat  and  Tobiah  remonstrated,  and  endeavoured  to  hinder 
the  inception  of  the  work  by  charging  the  people  with  sedition. 
"What  is  this  thing  that  ye  do?  Will  ye  rebel  against  the 
king?"  (Neh.  ii.  19).  When  the  Jews  had  begun  to  build 
they  tried  the  effect  of  ridicule.  "  What  do  these  feeble  Jews  ? 
asked  the  scornful  Sanballat.  .  .  .  "Will  they  revive  the 
stones  out  of  the  heaps  of  rubbish,  seeing  they  are  burnt  ?  (Neh. 
iv  2)  Tobiah,  pointing  to  a  part  of  the  fortifications  doubtless 
erected  by  unskilled  builders,  remarked,  "Even  that  which  they 
build,  if  a  fox  go  up  he  shaU  break  down  their  stone  wall 

(Neh.  iv.  3).  .      .      r  .i  n 

By  this  time,  however,  the  complete  circuit  of  the  wall  was 
built  to  half  its  height,  "For,"  says  Nehemiah,  "the  people  had 
a  mind  to  work"  (Neh.  iv.  6) ;  and  Sanballat  and  Tobiah  saw 
that  nothing  but  force  could  stop  it  from  being  finished.  They 
appeared  accordingly  before  the  city  with  a  mixed  army  of 
Arabians  and  Ammonites  and  a  force  from  the  Philistine  city 
of  Ashdod.  Nehemiah  was  equal  to  the  occasion.  His  family 
and  his  household  troops  maintained  a  ceaseless  guard,  nev-er  so 
much  as  putting  off  their  armour  for  weeks.     He  closed  the 


The  Return  and  Settlement  in  Judaea  ^^^ 

gates  at  night,  and  allowed  none  of  those  living  outside  the  city 
to  leave.  He  quieted  the  apprehensions  of  those  who  feared  the 
vengeance  of  the  enemy,  and  after  arming  every  man  engaged  in 
the  work,  he  exhorted  them  not  to  fear  but  to  "  Remember  the 
Lord  which  is  great  and  terrible,  and  fight  for  your  brethren,  your 
sons  and  your  daughters,  your  wives  and  your  houses."  Seeing 
that  the  Jews  were  prepared,  their  opponents  did  not  dare  to 
attack  them  and  allowed  the  work  to  proceed. 

Trouble  now  arose  from  within.  Scarcity  of  provisions  and 
high  prices  caused  the  poor  to  remonstrate.  They  threatened 
that,  if  corn  were  not  given  them,  they  would  break  open  the 
granaries  and  take  it  (Neh.  v.  1-5.) 

The  distress  was  traceable  to  the  avarice  of  the  patricians  of  Usury 
Jerusalem,  who  had  made  profit  out  of  the  needs  of  their  poorer  prohibited 
brethren.  Nehemiah  forthwith  assembled  the  nobles  and  rulers, 
and  vehemently  upbraided  them  for  their  cruelty  in*  exacting 
usury,  and  in  selling  insolvent  debtors  as  slaves.  The  governor 
and  his  followers  agreed  to  restore  all  the  land  they  held  on 
mortgage,  and  to  remit  the  interest  of  12  per  cent.,  which  it  was 
customary  to  exact.  Their  example  was  followed  by  the  nobles, 
who  took  a  solemn  oath  to  fulfil  their  promise.  To  shew  the 
importance  he  attached  to  the  performance  of  this  pledge, 
Nehemiah  "shook  the  folds  of  his  garment,"  exclaiming,  "So 
God  shake  out  every  man  from  his  house  and  from  his  labour 
that  performeth  not  this  promise,  even  thus  be  he  shaken  out 
and  emptied.  And  all  the  congregation  said  Amen,  and  praised 
the  Lord  "  (Neh.  v.  7- 13). 

His  troubles,  however,  were  not  yet  over,  for  Sanballat  and  Intrigrues 
Tobiah  endeavoured  to  provoke  sedition  in  Jerusalem  by  means  JSJii^b* 
of  their  partisans  in  the  city.  First  they  tried  to  decoy  Nehemiah 
to  a  conference  without  the  walls  by  an  invitation  to  meet  San- 
ballat and  his  Arabian  ally  Geshem  in  the  plain  of  Ono.  This 
would  have  necessitated  Nehemiah's  leaving  Jerusalem  for  four 
days,  as  he  would  have  had  to  go  into  the  Shephelah  to  the 
neighbourhood  of  Lydda,  and  it  was  decided  to  take  this  oppor- 
tunity to  have  him  assassinated.  To  tliis  invitation  the  governor 
sent  the  reply  :  "  I  am  doing  a  great  work,  so  that  I  cannot  come 
down"  (Neh.  vi.  3).  Four  proposals  of  a  similar  nature 
were  sent,  and  at  last  Sanballat  sent  Nehemiah  an  open  letter, 
with  the  object  of  letting  its  contents  be  made  public  in  Jerusalem. 
"  It  is  reported  among  the  nations,"  ran  the  epistle,  "  and  Gashmu 
(or  Geshem)  saith  it,  that  thou  and  the  Jews  think  to  rebel ;  for 


2^6      Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Jerusalem 
repeopled 


Nehemiah's 
forbearance 


which  cause  thou  buildest  the  wall ;  and  thou  wouldest  be  then 
king  according  to  these  words.     And  thou  hast  also  appointed 
prophets  to  preach  of  thee  at  Jerusalem,  saying,  There  is  a  king 
in  Judah  ;  and  now  shall  it  be  reported  to  the  king  according 
to  these  words.     Come  now,  therefore,"  added  the  writer,  assum- 
ing a  tone  of  frankness,  "  and  let  us  take  counsel  together."    This 
insidious  proposal  had  no  efifect  on  Nehemiah,  but  he  nearly  fell 
into  the  next  snare.     His  reverence  for  the  prophetic  office  was 
used  to  entrap  him.     A  certain  Shemaiah  warned  him  that  his 
life  was  in  danger,  and  suggested  that  he  should  retire  to  the 
Temple  for  safety.     But  the  proposal  was  distasteful  to  a  man 
of  courage,  and  the  governor  retorted,  "  Should  such  a  man  as 
I  flee  ?    And  who  is  there,  that  being  such  as  I,  could  go  into 
the  Temple,  and  live]    I  will  not  go  in"  (Neh.  vi.  5-11).     To 
enter  the  shrine  was  a  sacrilege  for  a  layman,  and  to  do  so  for 
fear  of  assassins  would  have  been  fatal  to  Nehemiah's  reputation. 
He  saw  at  once  that  Shemaiah  was  a  false  prophet,  and  that 
Jehovah  had  not  sent  him.     Others  in  the  pay  of  the  enemy  (like 
Noadiah  the  prophetess)  were  sent  to  deceive  Nehemiah. 

At  last  the  gates  were  set  up,  and  the  defences  of  the  city 
complete,  but  the  area  enclosed  by  them  was  but  sparsely 
inhabited  ;  there  were  very  few  houses  as  yet  built,  and  so 
precarious  was  the  condition  of  affairs  that  Nehemiah's  brother 
Hanani,  and  Hananiah,  the  governor  of  the  Castle,  had  strict 
or(iers  never  to  open  the  gates  till  long  after  sunrise. 

To  provide  inhabitants  for  Jerusalem,  it  was  decided  that  one 
out  of  every  ten  Jewish  families  in  Palestine  should  be  selected 
by  lot  to  inhabit  the  city.  A  certain  number  voluntarily  left 
their  lands  to  live  within  the  walls,  and  these  were  considered 
worthy  of  especial  commendation. 

Nehemiah's  energies  were  not,  however,  confined  to  defending 
the  Holy  City,  and  providing  it  with  a  population.  He  set  the 
people  an  example  of  brotherly  forbearance  in  the  way  in  which 
he  himself  lived  as  their  governor.  He  was  lawfully  entitled 
to  a  handsome  daily  supply  of  food  and  wine,  and  he  had  the 
opportunity  of  acquiring  large  estates  ;  but  instead  of  this,  because 
he  saw  "  that  the  bondage  was  heavy  upon  this  people,"  he  not 
only  refrained  from  demanding  "the  bread  of  the  governor" 
(Neh.  V.  18),  but  daily  entertained  a  hundred  and  fifty  of 
the  Jews  at  his  private  charge,  and  practised  lavish  hospitality 
to  foreigners.  His  zeal  for  the  maintenance  of  religion  was  very 
great.     Assisted  by  Ezra  he  directed  the  ceremony  of  the  dedica- 


The  Return  and  Settlement  in  Judaea  357 


tion  of  the  walls,  and  carefully  provided  for  the  due  maintenance 
of  the  ministers  of  the  Temple.  He  insisted  on  the  rigid 
maintenance  of  the  law  of  the  Sabbath,  on  which  day  he  closed 
the  gates  of  Jerusalem,  and  prohibited  all  trade.  When  the 
merchants  tried  to  evade  the  law  by  carrying  on  their  business 
outside  the  city,  he  threatened  them  with  condign  punishment, 
saying,  "If  ye  do  so  again,  I  will  lay  hands  on  you"  (Neh. 
xiii.  21).  Against  mixed  marriages  he  waged  unrelenting  war. 
His  rigour  provoked  much  opposition.  In  B.c.  433  he  was 
recalled  to  Shushan  ;  and,  on  his  return,  found  that  Eliashib  the 
High  Priest  had  established  his  old  adversary  Tobiah  in  one 
of  the  chambers  of  the  Temple  itself,  and  had  allowed  his 
grandson  to  marry  Sanballat's  daughter  (Neh.  xiii.  1-8). 
Full  of  righteous  indignation,  Nehemiah  cast  the  furniture 
of  Tobiah  out  of  the  Temple,  and  drove  the  unworthy  priest 
from  Jerusalem  for  having  "profaned  the  priesthood"  (Neh. 
xiii.  29).  After  this  we  hear  no  more  of  this  great  man,  the 
second  founder  of  Jerusalem.  He  sums  up  his  long  and  useful 
career  with  the  prayer,  "  Remember  me,  0  my  God,  for  good," 

Between  B.C.  445  and  432  a  solemn  religious  ceremony  took 
place,  which  explains  Nehemiah's  zeal  for  the  reformation  of  the 
Temple  and  its  priesthood. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  month,  when  all  were 
assembled  to  celebrate  the  religious  festivities  at  Jerusalem, 
Ezra,  in  obedience  to  the  popular  demand,  brought  forth  the 
book  of  the  Law  of  Moses,  and  read  it  to  the  congregation  "before 
the  broad  place  that  was  before  the  water  gate"  (Neh.  viii.  1-3). 

He  delivered  the  Law  from  a  wooden  pulpit  round  which  the 
Levites  stood.  Directly  he  opened  the  bock,  the  whole  congre- 
gation stood  up,  and  when  he  blessed  Jehovah  all  prostrated 
themselves  in  adoration.  Thirteen  Levites  assisted  Ezra  by  ex- 
pounding the  Law  to  the  people,  and  caused  them  to  understand 
its  meaning  as  he  read  it. 

The  effect  of  the  reading  of  the  Law  was  the  same  on  this 
occasion  as  it  had  been  in  the  days  of  Josiah.  The  assembly 
were  conscience-stricken,  and  broke  into  loud  lamentations. 
These  Ezra,  with  the  approval  of  Nehemiah,  promptly  checked, 
pointing  out  that  it  was  a  day  for  rejoicing,  because  on  it  God's 
will  had  been  revealed  to  His  people,  adding,  "  The  joy  of  the 
Lord  is  your  strength"  (Neh.  viii.  10).  The  rest  of  the  day 
therefore  was  passed  in  festivity. 

On  the  next  day,  however,  Ezra  was  surrounded  by  the  chiefs 

2E 


Nehemiah 
recalled  to 
Shushan 


Reading  of 
the  Law 


358       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


The  solenm 
covenant 


of  the  people  with  their  priests  and  Levites,  who  desired  to 
know  more  of  the  Law,  It  was  accordingly  explained  to  them 
how  the  approaching  Feast  of  Tabernacles  ought  to  be  observed. 
A  proclamation  was  made,  and  the  celebration  of  the  holy  week, 
during  which  the  people  were  commanded  to  dwell  in  booths, 
was  observed  in  such  a  way  as  had  never  been  known  before 
"since  the  days  of  Joshua,  the  son  of  Nun"  (Neh.  viii.  17). 
Every  day  the  law  was  read,  and  the  eiglith  day  was  the 
occasion  of  a  solemn  assembly.^^ 

Two  days  afterwards  a  fast  not  unlike  that  of  the  Day  of 
Atonement,  which  should  have  preceded  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles, 
was  observed,  and  the  seed  of  Israel,  having  formally  separated 
themselves  from  all  strangers,  made  a  humble  confession  of 
national  sin.  The  Levites  directed  their  devotions,  in  a  long 
prayer  recounting  God's  mercies  to  His  people  as  recorded  in 
their  history,  and  the  stubborn  disobedience  of  Israel.  The 
concluding  words  describe  the  condition  of  God's  people  at  this 
time :  slaves  in  their  own  fruitful  land  to  foreign  kings,  who 
"have  power  over  our  bodies,  and  over  our  cattle,  at  their 
pleasure,  and  we  are  in  great  distress  "  (Neh.  ix.  37). 

Finally  the  whole  people  agreed  to  enter  into  a  solemn 
covenant  to  observe  the  Law,  to  which  the  chiefs  of  the  great 
houses  affixed  their  seals,  the  first  name  on  the  list  being  that  of 
Nehemiah,  the  Tirshatha.  In  this  covenant  the  people  bound 
themselves : — 

(1)  To  observe  the  Law  of  Moses. 

(2)  Not  to  intermarry  with  the  heathen. 

(3)  Not  to  traffic   on    the   Sabbath,    and  to  observe  the 

Sabbatical  year. 

(4)  To  pay  a  poll-tax  of  one-third  of  a  shekel  to  maintain 

the  service  of  the  Temple. 

(5)  To  bring  first-fruits  and  tithes. 

The  promulgation  of  the  Law  is  a  fitting  conclusion  of  the 
story  of  the  Old  Covenant,  as  with  it  a  new  period  of  religious 
history  commences.  Ezra's  quiet  work,  by  which  the  Levites 
had  been  prepared  to  become  expounders  of  the  Law,  marks  the 
beginning  of  a  new  era.  From  henceforth  the  law  of  God, 
instead  of  being  the  property  of  a  priestly  caste,  became 
accessible  to  all  who  desired  to  know  it.  The  Book  of  the  Law 
became  the  final  source  of  every  rule  and  custom,  the  deepest 
student  of  the  Law  the  judge  of  all  actions.    The  term  "  Priestly," 


The  Return  and  Settlement  in  Judsea  359 

so  often  applied  to  portions  of  the  Pentateuch,  should  not  lead  to 
the  supposition  that  the  Mosaic  Law  was  promulgated  by  Ezra  in 
the  interests  of  his  order.  On  the  contrary,  whilst  prescribing 
the  duties  of  the  priests,  it  struck  a  blow  fatal  to  their  power, 
since  it  made  them  accountable  to  every  man  who  knew  the 
Law.  Slowly  but  surely  the  sacrificing  priest  made  way  for  the 
man  of  learning,  the  rabbi,  the  theologian.12  Judaism  left  little 
room  for  priestcraft ;  it  became  above  all  things  the  religion  of  a 
book.  But  the  excessive  reverence  for  the  Law  was  unfortunately 
as  unfavourable  to  the  prophetic  as  to  the  priestly  order.  It 
made  mjen  live  in  the  past  rather  than  for  the  future.  Hence- 
forward a  tendency  was  manifested  to  justify  every  act  by 
appeal  to  precedent.  The  nation  felt  that  with  the  settlement 
made  by  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  the  days  of  prophecy  were  over, 
and  could  only  arise  under  some  new  dispensation.  If  some 
books  of  the  Bible  were  reduced  to  their  present  form  after  B.C. 
432,  they  were  accepted  as  canonical  only  because  they  were 
either  professedly  the  work  of  some  ancient  sage,  or  else  related 
the  doings  of  old  time.  Malachi,  the  last  of  the  prophets,  sets  his 
seal  on  the  old  dispensation  in  words  which  foretell  that  the 
prophetic  dispensation  will  again  be  revived  by  the  sending  of 
Elijah  to  prepare  the  nation  for  the  coming  of  "  the  great  and 
terrible  day  of  the  Lord  "  (Mai.  iv.  5). 


o!  post- 
biblical 
period 


Aathorities 


Chapter   XV 

Jewish  History  to  the  Christian  Era 

The  biblical  historj^  of  the  Hebrews  may  seem  to  cease  with 
Ezra  or  Malachi ;  but  the  history  of  the  Bible  by  no  means 
concludes  so  early.  For  much  that  is  contained  in  the  Old 
Testament  is  only  intelligible  to  those  who  have  some 
knowledge  of  the  interval  between  the  close  of  its  story  and 
the  opening  of  that  of  the  New.  It  was,  moreover,  during 
this  period  that  many  of  the  canonical  books  were  assuming 
the  form  in  which  we  now  possess  them,  and  that  spiritual 
ideas  were  growing  up  which  shaped  the  course  of  the  great 
development  of  the  religion  of  the  Old  Testament,  known  as 
Christianity.  Nor  is  some  of  the  literature  which  must  be 
studied  entirely  unbiblical.  The  so-called  Apocrypha  is 
reckoned  as  Scripture  in  many  parts  of  the  Christian 
Church,  and  ought  still  to  form  an  integral  part  of  the 
English  Bible.^  What  follows  therefore  in  this  volume  is 
by  no  means  out  of  place  in  a  history  called  Biblical. 

For  about  a  century  the  history  of  the  Jews  is  practically 
a  blank,  and  for  a  much  longer  period  there  is  nothing  ap- 
proaching contemporary  evidence  out  of  which  to  construct 
a  consistent  narrative.  In  fact,  almost  our  sole  authorities 
are— 1  Maccabees,  written  after  B.C.  100  ;  2  Maccabees,  an 
epitome  of  a  lost  history  by  Jason  of  Cyrene ;  and  Josephus 
who  wrote  his  Wars  between  a.d.  75  and  80,  and  his 
Antiquities  about  ten  years  later.  The  Rabbinical  references 
to  this  long  period  of  over  four  hundred  years  are  almost 
worthless.  The  Apocryphal  and  Pseudepigraphal  books 
only  throw  side-lights  on  the  subject.  The  two  books  of 
Chronicles,  however,  though  they  relate  events  of  a  far 
earlier  period,  are  of  service  as  illustrating  the  condition  of 
religion   during,   or   immediately   after,   the   days   of   the 

Persian  empire. 

The  Jews  seem  to  have  enjoyed  much  obscure  prosperity 

360 


Jewish  History  to  the  Christian  Era  361 


imder  the  Persian  kings.  Ruled  by  their  high  priests,  they 
were  allowed  to  develope  their  religious  polity,  and,  pro- 
vided the  taxes  were  forthcoming,  they  appear  to  have 
enjoyed  comparative  liberty. 

It  may  be  that  the  Book  of  Chronicles  throws  some  light  ThB  Book  of 
on  the  condition,  if  not  on  the  history,  of  Judah  during  the 
Persian  period.  Even  if  it  was  written  as  late  as  B.C.  250  it 
may  well  reflect  a  state  of  things  which  had  prevailed  for 
upwards  of  a  century ;  and,  the  writer,  imder  the  names  of 
David  and  Solomon,  may  have  described  the  Temple  as  he 
knew  it.  The  Law  as  it  exists  in  the  Pentateuch  was  in 
force,  and  the  history  of  antiquity  was  changed  in  order  to 
create  the  impression  that  it  had  always  been  observed  by 
the  kings  and  priests  of  Jerusalem.  From  the  lists  in 
1  Chronicles  of  the  priests  and  Levites  as  organised  by 
David,  one  is  tempted  to  conclude  that  the  majority  of  those 
who  returned  from  Captivity  obtained  some  recognition  as 
hereditary  ministers  in  the  Sanctuary,  the  city  being  rela- 
tively so  small,  and  those  who  served  in  the  Temple  so 
numerous.  At  any  rate,  it  may  be  safely  asserted  that  the 
chief  occupation  of  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  was  the 
conduct  of  the  worship  of  Jehovah.  This  was  carefully 
elaborated  and  made  as  sumptuous,  impressive,  and  rev- 
erent as  possible. 

The  accoimt  of  the  bringing  up  of  the  Ark  to  Jerusalem  Contrasted 
may  well  be  taken  as  typical  of  the  ceremonial  of  the  Second  with 
Temple.  In  2  Samuel,  which  is  obviously  used,  the  scene 
is  riotous  and  barbaric,  but  in  Chronicles  all  is  formal  and 
dignified.  The  singers  with  their  musical  instruments  and 
the  priests  with  their  trumpets  head  the  procession  before 
the  Ark,  borne,  as  was  ordained  in  Numbers  iv.,  by  Levites. 
David  delivers  a  special  psalm  to  be  simg  on  this  occasion 
with  a  refrain,  "  O  give  thanks  unto  the  Lord  for  He  is  good  ; 
for  His  mercy  endureth  for  ever."  The  people  utter  the 
solemn  Amen,  and  praise  the  Lord  (1  Chron.  xvi.  4-36  ;  of. 
Pss.  cv.,  cvi.,  xcv.,  cvii.,  cxviii.,  cxxxvi.,  Ixxii.).  The  part 
played  by  this  graduated  hierarchy  is  much  the  same  in  the 
dedication  of  the  house  by  Solomon  ( 1  Chron.  vii.  4-7) ;  and 
the  arrangement  into  courses  of  priests,  courses  of  singers, 
divisions  of  porters  and  servants  of  the  Sanctuary  is  ascribed 
to  the  care  of  David  when  he  was  preparing  for  the  building 
of  the  Templet 


n  Samuel 


Letter  of 
Afisteas 


Ecolesi- 
astioas  1 


362      Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

This  is  confirmed  by  other  testimony  Uke  the  fictitious 
letter  of  Aristeeis,  supposed  to  be  a  courtier  of  Ptolemy 
Philadelphus  (b.c.  285-247)  sent  as  ambassador  to  Jerusalem 
about  the  translation  of  the  Law  into  Greek,  suggested  to 
the  king  by  Demetrius  of  Phalerum.  The  letter  contains  a 
description  of  the  city  and  Temple  of  Jerusalem,  and  the 
admirable  order  of  the  services  is  emphasised.  The  silence 
with  which  the  sacrifices  were  performed  struck  the  writer 
as  remarkable,  considering  that  the  ministers  in  attendance 
numbered  about  seven  hundred,  yet  all  was  done  "  with  a 
manner  worthy  of  the  Great  Divinity."®  The  same  idea  is 
prevalent  in  the  highly  poetical  description  of  the  ministra- 
tion of  Simon  the  Son  of  Onias,  the  High  Priest,  by  Jesus  the 
son  of  Sirach.  He  appeared  in  the  Sanctuary  like  the 
morning  star,  his  brethren  the  priests  encompassed  him  as 
the  palm  trees  do  a  cedar  in  Libanus.  As  he  poured  out  the 
drink  offering  the  "  sons  of  Aaron  shouted  and  sounded 
their  silver  trumpets,  the  people  prostrated  themselves,  the 
singers  filled  the  House  with  melody"  (Ecclus.  1.  6-21). 

Thus  the  main  attention  of  the  people  was  devoted  to 
public  worship,  the  ritual  of  which  had  been  carried  to  a 
high  pitch  of  perfection,  and,  but  for  occasional  troubles, 
the  Jews  of  Jerusalem  had  no  history. 

The  only  hint  of  these  between  the  close  of  the  canonical 
history  and  the  coming  of  Alexander  to  Jerusalem  is  given 
by  Josephus  in  the  eleventh  book  of  the  Antiquities.  After 
relating  the  story  of  Esther,  the  historian  informs  us  that 
Eliashib  the  High  Priest,  was  succeeded  by  his  son  John. 
There  was  a  rivalry  between  the  new  High  Priest  and  his 
brother  Jesus,  who  had  the  support  of  Bagoses,  general  of 
"  another  Artaxerxes."  The  High  Priest  murdered  his 
brother  in  the  Temple,  and  Bagoses  insisted  upon  entering 
the  Sanctuary  which  had  been  thus  polluted  by  a  corpse, 
saying,  "  Am  I  not  purer  than  he  that  was  slain  in  the 
temple  ?  "  For  seven  years  the  general  is  recorded  to 
have  made  the  murder  a  pretext  to  afflict  the  Jews.  The 
incident,  though  obscure,  is  significant.  Already  the 
office  of  High  Priest  was  an  object  of  ambition  ;  and,  if  we 
can  trust  the  narrative,  the  Persians  had  till  then  respected 
the  sanctity  of  the  Jewish  temple  by  never  forcing  them- 
selves within  its  precincts.  What  had  happened  was  a  omen 
of  many  similar  events  of  violence.    (Joseph.  Antiq.  XI.  7.) 


\ 


Jewish  History  to  the  Christian  Era  363 

The  obscurity  of  Jerusalem  and  the  Jewish  colony  sur-   Alexander 
rounding  it  is  proved  by  the  silence  of  the  writers  of  Greece   comes  to 
in  regard  to  this  extraordinary  community  with  its  peculiar  Jerusalem 
religion.     Nor  is  the  silence  broken  when  Alexander  is  said 
to  have  visited  Jerusalem,  since  we  have  no  authority  for 
this  event  earlier  than  Josephus,  who  wrote  about  a.d.  90.^ 

After  the  capture  of  Tyre  Alexander  the  Great  was  ap- 
proached by  the  Persian  Governor,  Sanballat,  whose 
daughter  had  married  Manasseh  the  brother  of  the  Jewish 
High  Priest,  Jaddua.  In  response  to  Sanballat's  petition, 
the  king  allowed  the  Samaritans  to  build  a  schismatic 
temple  on  Mount  Gerizim.  Alexander,  angry  at  the 
fidelity  displayed  by  the  Jews  towards  the  King  of  Persia, 
marched  to  Jerusalem  to  punish  them,  but  was  met  by 
Jaddua  and  his  priests.  To  the  surprise  of  all  the  king 
fell  down  before  the  Priest ;  and  told  Parmenio,  his 
general,  that  he  did  so  because  he  had  seen  him  in  a  vision, 
and  had  learned  that  through  him  God  would  lead  his  army 
to  victory  over  the  Persians.  He  then  gave  the  High  Priest 
all  he  asked,  and  promised  that  he  would  allow  the  Jews 
of  Media  and  Persia  to  follow  their  own  laws,  and  that  anv 
of  them  who  enlisted  in  his  army  should  have  the  same 
privilege.  When  in  B.C.  331  he  founded  Alexandria  he 
settled  many  Jews  there  and  gave  them  equal  rights  with 
the  Macedonians.     (Joseph.  Antiq.  XI.  8  ;   XII.  1.)* 

Although  the  testimony  of  so  late  a  writer  as  Josephus  is 
insufficient,  in  the  absence  of  all  evidence,  to  make  the  visit 
of  Alexander  to  Jerusalem  an  historical  fact,  there  is  nothing 
intrinsically  impossible  about  it.  Alexander's  anxiety  to 
be  regarded  as  a  god -directed  conqueror,  and  his  eagerness 
to  visit  temples,  is  well  known  ;  and  he  must  have  recognised 
the  value  of  the  Jews,  accustomed  to  travel  to  and  fro  from 
the  East  to  Jerusalem,  as  guides  to  his  army  in  the  coming 
expedition  against  Darius  Codomannus. 

The  death  of  Alexander  in  B.C.  323  was  followed  by  the  Ju^ah  under 
division  of  his  vast  empire  among  his  generals.  The  two  the  Ptolemies 
who  concerned  the  Jews  were  Seleucus  Nicator,  the  ruler 
of  the  East ;  and  Ptolemy  Lagus,  the  lord  of  Egypt.  Speak- 
ing generally,  it  may  be  said  that  among  the  Ptolemies  the 
nation  fround  protectors,  whilst  the  rule  of  the  Seleucidae 
was  oppressive.  Jerusalem  first  fell  to  Egypt,  and  for 
many   years   enjoyed   the   benefit   of   their   tranquil   and 


364       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

tolerant  government,  under  which  the  community  multi- 
pUed  in  Egypt ;  and  Jerusalem  evidently  enjoyed  great 
prosperity,  under  the  High  Priests,  the  recognised  heads  of 
the  nation. 

As  the  Temple  became  richer  the  priesthood  tended  to 
become  a  ruling  aristocracy,  dependent  on  statecraft  and 
military  prowess  rather  than  on  the  practice  of  piety.  The 
tale  of  the  rise  of  the  house  of  Tobias  is  illustrative  of  the 
age,  revealing  what  manner  of  men  controlled  the  destinies 
of  the  Chosen  race. 
^  Under  Ptolemy  III.  Euergetes  B.C.  247-222,  Onias,  the  son 
of  Simon  the  Just,  then  High  Priest,  refused  to  pay  the  tax  of 
twenty  talents  at  which  Judah  was  assessed,  thereby  provok- 
ing the  royal  displeasure.  Joseph,  the  son  of  Tobias,  on  his 
mother's  side  the  nephew  of  Onias,  finding  that  his  uncle 
was  obstinate  in  refusing  to  pay  the  tribute,  persuaded  him 
to  let  him  go  to  Alexandria  as  his  representative  to  plead  for 
the  people.  Joseph  collected  all  the  money  he  could  get 
together,  entertained  Ptolemy's  envoy  sumptuously,  and 
thus  secured  a  favourable  reception  in  Egypt.  He  was  at 
once  received  by  Ptolemy  V.  and  Cleopatra,  and  when  the 
time  came  for  the  farmers  of  taxes  to  bid  for  the  privilege 
of  collecting  them  for  Coele-Syria,  Phoenicia,  and  Judaea, 
Joseph  doubled  the  highest  bid  of  eight  thousand  talents. 
On  being  asked  to  name  responsible  seciu'ities,  he  boldly 
nominated  the  king  and  queen.  Amused  at  his  audacity, 
Ptolemy  granted  Joseph  the  position,  and  allowed  him  two 
thousand  soldiers.  His  appointment  made  him  hateful  to 
all  in  Syria,  but  he  soon  showed  that  he  was  not  to  be  trifled 
with.  Askelon  and  Scythopolis  refused  payment,  only  to 
discover  that  their  chief  men  were  condemned  to  death  and 
their  whole  property  confiscated.  Besides  the  taxes  he  had 
farmed,  Joseph  sent  valuable  presents  to  Ptolemy  and 
Cleopatra,  and  secured  the  goodwill  of  their  courtiers  by 
his  munificence. 

The  youngest  son  of  Joseph,  named  Hyrcanus,  went  to 
Egypt  as  a  mere  boy,  and  gained  even  more  favour  with  the 
king  than  his  father  had  done.  On  his  return  to  Palestine 
his  father  and  brothers  attacked  him  and  were  defeated ; 
but  as  Jerusalem  would  not  receive  him  Hyrcanus  retired 
to  a  strong  fortress  beyond  Jordan,  which  he  called  Tyre 
(the  Rock).     Entrenched  there  he  defended  himself  against 


Jewish  History  to  the  Christian  Era   365 


» 


his  brethren,  and  lived  as  a  robber  chieftain,  making  raids 
on  the  neighbouring  Arabs.  On  the  accession  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes,  Hyrcanus,  fearing  the  vengeance  of  that  king, 
killed  himself.     (Joseph.    Antiq.  XII.  4.) 

This  story,  which  Josephus  tells  with  spirit,  thi'ows 
some  light  on  a  dark  period.  The  Jews  of  this  age  were 
sowing  the  seeds  of  future  unpopularity  by  the  unscrupulous 
energy  of  this  family  as  financiers  and  brigands.  Joseph 
was  evidently  a  ruthless  collector  of  the  revenue  for  his 
Egyptian  masters,  and  Hyrcanus  in  his  fortress  near 
Heshbon  was  the  terror  of  the  countryside.  The  High 
Priesthood,  which  was  in  the  family  of  these  men,  was 
becoming  more  and  more  of  a  secular  office. 

It  is,  at  least,  a  plausible  hypothesis  that  the  foregoing 
narrative  indicates  that  the  tolerance  of  the  Ptolemies  for 
the  Jews  was  due  to  a  policy  of  letting  them  alone  and 
not  inferfering,  provided  the  taxes,  with  which  they 
were  assessed,  were  paid.  But  the  fact  that  the 
approach  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  was  the  signal  for  the 
suicide  of  Hjo-canus,  seems  to  indicate  on  the  part  of  that 
monarch  a  determination  to  put  an  end  to  disorder  in 
Syria.  The  transference  of  Palestine  from  the  rule  of 
the  Egyptian  to  that  of  the  Syrian  Greeks  must  next  be 
considered. 

Under  Antiochus  the  Great  (b.c.  223-187)  Judah  passed 
alternately  imder  the  sway  of  the  houses  of  Ptolemy 
(Egypt)  and  Seleucus  (Syria).  In  b.c.  217  Ptolemy 
Philopator  ceded  the  provinces  of  Ca^le- Syria  Phcenice  and 
Palestine  to  Antiochus  the  Great.  After  the  death  of 
Philopator  in  B.C.  205  the  Eg^-ptians  under  Scopas  invaded 
Palestine,  but  were  defeated  by  Antiochus  at  Paneas  near 
the  sources  of  the  Jordan  in  B.C.  198.  However,  the  pro- 
vinces in  dispute  were  once  more  ceded  to  Egypt  on  the 
marriage  of  Cleopatra,  the  daughter  of  Antiochus,  to 
Ptolemy  Euergetes  II.  On  the  death  of  Cleopatra,  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  reclaimed  the  provinces  on  the  ground  that  they 
had  only  been  given  her  by  his  father  as  a  dower.  In  short, 
as  Josephus  remarks,  the  country  of  the  Jews  was  like  a 
ship  in  a  storm  tossed  by  the  waves  on  both  sides  i Antiq. 
XII.  3). 

It  was,  however,  an  event  far  beyond  the  ken  of  the  in- 
habitants   of    Jerusalem    that    was    really    shaping    their 


The  house  o! 
Seleucus 
dominant  in 
Judah 


Battle  o! 
Hagnesia 


attempts  to 
plunder  tlie 

Temple 


AnUodnit 

Epiphanes 


366       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

destinies.  In  B.C.  190  the  unwieldy  army  of  Antiochus  the 
Great  advanced  into  Asia  Minor,  and  at  Magnesia  en- 
countered the  Roman  legions  commanded  by  Scipio 
Africanus  and  his  brother  Lucius.  There  the  Romans 
annihilated  the  Asiatic  force,  and  exacted  an  enormous 
indemnity  of  fifteen  thousand  talents  from  Antiochxis.  To 
pay  this  he  and  his  successors  made  the  rich  temples  within 
their  dominions  the  victims  ;  Antiochus  himself  perished 
in  B.C.  187  when  trying  to  rob  a  wealthy  temple  in  Elymais, 
being  slain  by  the  fury  of  the  people.  The  turn  of  Jerusa- 
lem was  certain  soon  to  come. 

Antiochus  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Seleucus  Philopator, 
for  whose  reign,  so  far  as  the  Jews  are  concerned,  the  only 
authority  is  the  so-called  second  book  of  the  Maccabees, 
eh.  iii.  1 — vii.  42,  which  is  hagiology  rather  than  history, 
and  may  be  regarded  as  the  earliest  martjo-ology.  In  the 
days  of  the  virtuous  priest  Onias,  Simon,  the  Benjamite, 
governor  of  the  Temple,  informed  ApoUonius,  the  governor 
of  Coele-Syria  and  Phoenicia,  of  the  immense  wealth  of  the 
treasiu*y,  not  only  in  money  designed  for  worship,  but  in 
private  funds.  Some  of  these  it  is  said  were  deposits  of 
widows  and  orphans,  and  other  money  belonged  to 
Hyrcanus  the  son  of  Tobias.*  Heliodorus,  the  chancellor, 
was  sent  by  Seleucus  to  seize  these  funds,  but  was  driven 
out  of  the  Temple  by  a  horseman  clothed  in  golden  armour, 
and  scourged  by  two  young  men  of  more  than  himaan 
strength  and  beauty.  Heliodorus  was  ultimately  saved 
by  the  intercession  of  the  good  Onias  and  returned  to  his 
master.  Onias,  however,  was  driven  out  of  the  city  by 
the  intrigues  of  Simon.  After  the  death  of  Seleucus,  who, 
we  learn  elsewhere,  was  murdered  by  Heliodorus,  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  became  king,  and  with  him  the  great  persecution 
of  the  Jews  began. 

Even  if  the  account  of  Heliodorus  be  pronounced  to  rest 
upon  late  evidence  and  to  be  legend  rather  than  history, 
it  is  by  no  means  impossible  that  something  of  the  kind 
actually  occurred,  as  the  plunder  of  temples  had  already 
begun  under  Antiochus  the  Great.  Antiochus  IV.,  sur- 
named  Epiphanes  (the  Illustrious), and  sometimes  in  ridicule 

♦  According  to  Antiq.  XII.  5,  the  sons  of  Tobias  (enemies 
of  their  brother  Hyrcanus)  later  supported  Menelaus,  the  son 
of  Simon,  in  his  dispute  with  Jason  about  the  High  Priesthood. 


Jewish  History  to  the  Christian  Era  367 


styled  Epimanes  (the  Maniac),  was,  despite  the  eccentricity 
of  his  character,  by  no  means  destitute  of  ability  or  policy. 
He  h£wi  been  brought  up  as  a  hostage  in  Rome,  and  like 
other  Oriental  princes  educated  in  a  Western  atmosphere, 
had  a  hatred  combined  with  a  fear  of  the  people  among 
whom  he  had  been  brought  up.  It  is  said  that  at  Antioch 
he  was  accustomed  to  make  sport  of  the  Roman  institutions 
in  his  revels,  but  he  knew  too  well  the  power  of  the  Republic 
to  defy  it.  It  seemed,  however,  that  he  was  on  the  high 
road  to  accomplish  the  ambition  of  his  father  in  conquering 
Egypt.  In  four  campaigns,  B.C.  171-168,  he  was  successful, 
and  twice  in  B.C.  170  and  in  B.C.  168  he  took  Jerusalem  ; 
but  just  as  he  was  about  to  besiege  Alexandria  the  Roman 
commissioner  (Popilius  Lgenas)  told  him  bluntly  that  he 
must  either  evacuate  Bgypt  or  declare  war  with  the  Romans, 
drawing  a  circle  round  him  on  the  sand  and  ordering  him 
to  make  his  decision  before  he  passed  its  bounds.  Epiphanes 
felt  it  prudent  to  consent  to  this  imperious  demand.  His 
reign  lasted  eleven  years,  and,  like  his  father,  he  perished 
in  attempting  to  plunder  a  temple  in  Elymais,  probably  in 
an  endeavour  to  get  money  to  satisfy  the  demands  of  the 
Romans. 

Thwarted  in  his  ambition  to  be  lord  of  Egypt,  Antiochus  Hellenising 
evidently  tximed  to  the  work  of  imifying  his  dominions,  policy  of 
For  some  time  the  Hellenization  of  Palestine  had  been  in  Antiochus 
process,  notably  by  the  foundation  of  Greek  or  Macedonian 
colonies.  Nor  did  there  seem  much  reason  to  suspect  that 
the  Jews  would  strenuously  resist  an  attempt  to  conform 
themselves  to  Greek  customs.  Certainly  the  first  move 
was  apparently  a  complete  success.  Under  the  High  Priest 
Jason  a  g^^mnasium  was  established  in  Jerusalem,  and  the 
Jewish  nobles  were  compelled  to  wear  the  Greek  hat 
(petasus).  "  And  thus,"  says  2  Maccabees,  "  there  w€is  an 
extreme  of  Greek  fashions,  and  an  advance  of  an  alien 
religion  ...  so  that  the  priests  had  no  more  any  zeal  for 
the  services  of  the  altar  ;  but  despising  the  Sanctuary,  and 
neglecting  the  sacrifices,  they  hastened  to  take  their  share 
in  the  games  unlawfully  provided  in  the  exercise  ground 
(rrjiS  eV  rfj  7raXaL(Trpr)  Trapavofiov  X^PV/^^^V^  (2  Macc. 
iv.  13-14.)  Jason,  it  is  true,  came  to  a  bad  end,  having 
fled  to  the  Lacedemonians  and  dying  unpitied  in  exile  (2  Macc. 
v.  5-10) ;   but  Menelaus,  brother  of  Simon,  who  supplanted 


The  persecn- 
ion 


dXi 


ly  \ 


The 
Widow  and 
her  seven 
sons 


Ther 
Matt: 
ard  I 


368       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


him,  was  even  worse,  though  Jason  had  actually  so  far 
apostatised  from  Judaism  as  to  send  three  hundred 
drachmas  to  the  sacrifice  of  Heracles,  which  however  was 
diverted  from  its  profane  purpose  and  used  to  equip  the 
galleys.     (2  Mace.  iv.   18-20.) 

The  persecution,  for  the  details  of  which  2  Maccabees  is 
the  sole  witness,  began  at  the  instigation  of  an  old  man  of 
Athens,  whom  Antiochus  sent  to  compel  the  Jews  as  a  nation 
to  apostatise  (2  Mace.  vi.  1).  The  Temple  at  Jerusalem 
was  dedicated  to  Zeus  01>Tnpius,  its  rival  at  Gerizim  to 
Zeus  Xenios  (Protector  of  Strangers).  The  Jews  were 
forbidden  to  observe  the  Sabbath  and  the  feasts  ordered  by 
their  Law,  and  to  circumcise  their  children.  Women  who 
did  so  were  put  to  death  and  their  babes  hung  round  their 
necks.  On  the  king's  birthday  ever>'  Jew  was  ordered  to 
partake  of  the  sacrifices,  and  to  observe  the  Dionysiac 
festival  by  wearing  wreaths  of  ivy.  (1  Mace.  i.  54-64; 
2  Mace.  vi.  1-10.) 

Two  martyrdoms  are  recorded  in  2  Maccabees,  and  the 
similarity  of  the  first  with  what  happened  to  the  martyrs 
of  the  Early  Church  is  worth  noticing.  Eleazar,  a  venerable 
scribe,  was  compelled  to  eat  swine's  flesh.  His  friends  ex- 
horted him  to  bring  clean  flesh  of  his  own  providing,  in  order 
that  he  might  avoid  profanation,  and  yet  escape  death.  But 
he  resolutely  refused  to  be  a  party  to  such  a  compromise, 
'and  preferred  to  die  under  cruel  torments.     (2  Mace.  vi. 

12-31.) 

More  fully  told  is  the  story  of  the  death  of  the  Seven  Sons 
of  the  Widow  before  the  eyes  of  their  mother.  Each  one 
in  turn  was  tortured  and  refused  to  apostatise  ;  and  at  last 
the  seventh,  exhorted  by  his  mother,  refused  every  offer 
of  worldly  honour  and  died  like  his  brethren.  "  And  last  of 
all  after  her  sons  the  mother  died."     (2  Mace.  vii.  1-42.) 

The  people  seem  to  have  been  awed  by  the  severity  of  the 
persecution ;  and  the  aristocratic  priests  remained  in- 
different, if  not  favourable  to  the  Syrian  government.  The 
fire  of  the  rebellion  broke  out  in  the  obscure  village  of 
Modin,  headed  by  a  hitherto  unknown  family  of  priests, 
called  the  sons  of  Hasmon,  or  Hasmonaeans.  The  head  of  it 
was  an  aged  man  named  Matthias,  who  had  five  sons,  all  of 
whom  died  a  violent  death  for  the  national  cause.  Seeing 
an  apostate  Jew  advancing  to  sacrifice,  Mattathias  slew  him 


Jewish  History  to  the  Christian  Era  369 

at  the  heathen  altar,  killed  the  king's  commissioner,  and 
cried  aloud  :  "  Whosoever  is  zealous  for  the  law,  and  main- 
taineth  the  covenant,  let  him  come  forth  after  me."  This 
was  the  signal  for  open  revolt.  Mattathias  was  joined  by 
those  who  cared  for  the  religion  of  their  fathers,  and  notably 
by  a  people  called  the  Assidaeans,  who  had  "  offered  them- 
selves willingly  for  the  law."  Henceforth  the  fugitives 
established  a  reign  of  terror  among  the  apostates,  throwing 
down  altars  and  compelling  the  children  of  Jews  to  be 
circumcised.  (1  Mace.  ii.  15-48.)  When  Mattathias  died 
his  faction  were  strong  enough  to  give  him  a  public  funeral 
at  Modin. 

The  leadership  now  fell  to  Judas,  the  son  of  Mattathias, 
known  by  the  name  of  the  Maccabee,  after  whom  the  whole 
family  were  sometimes  called.  For  six  years  B.C.  167-161 
Judas  maintained  a  sort  of  guerilla  war  against  the  Syrians 
with  varying  success.  His  first  victory  was  over  Apollonius, 
whom  he  killed,  using  the  sword  captured  on  this  occasion 
for  the  rest  of  his  life.  A  more  decisive  victory  followed 
over  Seron,  who,  like  the  Canaanites  in  the  days  of  Joshua, 
and  the  Roman  army  of'Cestius  Gallus  in  the  Jewish  War  of 
A.D.  66,  was  driven  down  the  pass  of  Beth-horon  with  great 
loss.  In  the  following  year  Antiochus  went  on  an  ex- 
pedition eastward  leaving  Lysias  as  regent  in  Antioch  with 
instructions  to  settle  the  revolt  in  Judah.    ( 1  Mace.  iii.  1  -37. ) 

The  second  year  of  the  war,  B.C.  166,  opened  with  a  for- 
midable invasion  by  an  army  of  forty  thousand,  commanded 
by  Ptolemy,  the  son  of  Dorymenes,  Nicanor,  and  Gorgias. 
They  encamped  in  Emmaus,  accompanied  by  slave  mer- 
chants prepared  to  buy  the  captive  Israelites  on  the  spot. 
The  insurgents  held  an  assembly  at  Mizpeh,  and  the  sight 
of  the  deserted  city  of  Jerusalem  kindled  in  their  breasts  a 
fire  of  enthusiasm  which  made  their  army  irresistible. 
Gorgias  was  utterly  defeated  and  in  the  following  year 
Lysias  himself  experienced  a  similar  reverse  at  Bethsura. 
(1  Mace.  iv.  1-35.) 

Judas  and  his  followers  were  now  strong  enough  to  restore 
the  Temple,  though  the  citadel  remained  in  the  hands  of  the 
Hellenizing  party.  However,  the  patriots  kept  them  in 
check  whilst  the  altar  was  dedicated,  and  the  sanctuary 
restored  to  the  worship  of  the  God  of  Israel.  A  feast 
of  dedication  (ra  iyKaivta)  was  kept  in  memory  of  this  event 


Judas  the 
Maccabee 


Battle  of 
Emmaus 


Re-dedica- 
tion o!  the 
Temple 


370      Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


S.  of  Jordan 
audio 

Oalilee 


the  death  of 

Antiochus 

Epiphanes 


on  the  25th  day  of  the  month  Chisleu.  Mount  Sion,  pre- 
sumably the  Temple  mount,  was  now  strongly  fortified,  and 
Bethsura  was  held  against  the  Idimieans.  (1  Mace.  iv. 
36-61.) 

Considering  what  has  been  already  related  about  Hyrca- 
nus  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  the  success  of  the  Jews 
was  unwelcome  to  the  surrounding  nations  ;  and  Judas 
and  his  brothers  Simon  and  Jonathan  engaged  in  punitive 
expeditions  beyond  the  Jordan  and  in  Galilee  with  the 
object  of  delivering  their  oppressed  brethren.  The  fifth 
chapter  of  1  Maccabees  recalls  the  book  of  Joshua  and  the 
ruthless  massacre  of  the  Canaanites.  Repeatedly  it  is  said 
that  every  male  in  a  city  was  put  to  the  sword.  The 
brothers  retm-ned  in  triumph,  bringing  their  rescued 
Israelites  into  their  camp.^ 

The  death  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  put  an  end  to  the 
policy  of  coercing  the  Jews  into  abandoning  their  religion. 
Lysias  and  his  ward,  the  young  Antiochus  V.,  were  put  to 
death,  and  Demetrius  the  son  of  Seleucus,  the  brother  of 
Epiphanes,  became  king  of  Syria.  Doubtless  with  a  view 
of  ending  the  religious  trouble  in  Judah,  the  new  king  sent 
Alcimus,  one  of  the  old  high  priestly  stock,  to  Jerusalem 
with  a  governor  named  Bacchides.  The  people  welcomed 
the  new  High  Priest,  and  even  the  Assidaeans  were  reskdy  to 
accept  him  as  a  son  of  Aaron.'  Judas  and  his  brothers  were 
in  a  difficult  position.  No  longer  were  they  fighting  for 
their  faith,  but,  at  best,  for  national  independence,  and, 
possibly,  for  their  own  family  glory.  However,  Alcimus 
proved  thoroughly  unworthy  of  his  office ;  and  even 
treacherously  put  sixty  of  the  Assidaeans  to  death.  Nicanor, 
the  next  general  who  was  sent  against  Judas,  according 
to  2  Maccabees  became  for  a  time  a  friend  of  the  patriot- 
leader,  but  was  at  last  forced  into  fresh  enmity  ;  and 
Nicanor  threatened  to  destroy  the  Temple  unless  Judas 
wets  delivered  up  to  him.  A  battle  was  fought,  and  Judas 
brought  the  head  of  Nicanor  in  triumph  to  Jerusalem. 
This  was  his  last  victory  :  and  the  day  of  Nicanor  was  kept 
appropriately  on  the  thirteenth  of  Adar,  the  day  before  the 
feast  of  Purim,  in  honour  of  Haman's  destruction.  ( 1  Mace, 
vii.  1-50  ;  2  Mace.  xiv.  1,  xv.  36.)  In  B.C.  161  Judas  was 
slain  at  the  battle  of  Elasa,  fighting  against  Bacchides 
and  Alcimus. 


Jewish  History  to  the  Christian  Era  371 


With  Judas,  the  heroic  period  of  the  struggle  was  ended, 
as  is  evidenced  by  the  marked  deterioration  of  the  whole 
tone  of  the  history  in  1  Maccabees.  In  relating  his  actions 
there  is  an  evident  feeling  on  the  part  of  the  writer  that  the 
fight  with  Syria  was  profoundly  religious.  The  rest  of  the 
record  is  secular  in  tone.  It  describes  how,  owing  to  the 
disputes  about  the  succession  to  the  crown  at  Antioch, 
Jonathan,  the  brother  of  Judas,  and  his  brother  and  suc- 
cessor Simon,  advanced  in  power  by  playing  one  pretender 
off  against  the  other,  obtaining  first  the  High  Priesthood 
which  was  given  to  Jonathan  by  Alexander  Epiphanes, 
and  again  by  Demetrius  B.C.  148  (1  Mace.  x.  18-45). 
Afterwards,  in  b.c.  143,  Simon  asserted  his' complete  inde- 
pendence as  "  Simon  the  Great  High  Priest  and  Captain 
and  Leader  of  the  Jews  "  (1  Mace.  xiii.  41-42).  The  last  of 
the  Hasmonean  brethren  was  killed  by  his  son-in-law, 
Ptolemy,  who  enticed  him  to  a  banquet  at  Dok  near  Jericho, 
slew  him  when  he  was  drunken.  This  was  in  B.C.  136  ; 
and  Simon  was  succeeded  as  High  Priest  by  his 
son  John  Hyrcanus,  who,  without  assuming  the  title  of 
king,  had  the  most  successful  reign  of  any  of  his  house, 
and  made  the  Jewish  nation  the  strongest  power  in 
Palestine. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  the  priestly  princi- 
pality of  Jerusalem  was  imique  at  this  time.  Similar 
institutions  were  to  be  found  throughout  the  east. 
The  priests  of  El-Gabal,  the  Sun  god  at  Emesa,  of  Apollo 
at  Daphne,  and  of  Atargatis  of  Hierapolis,  occupied 
positions  analogous  to  that  of  the  Hasmonean  priests  of 
Jehovah  at  Jerusalem.  Hyrcanus  was  a  dexterous 
statesman  and  an  active  warrior.  He  made  peace  with 
Antiochus  Sidetes,  who  had  laid  siege  to  Jerusalem  ;  and 
later  used  the  disorders  among  the  Syrian  Greeks  to 
his  own  advantage.  He  subdued  the  Edomites, 
and  forced  them  to  accept  circumcision  and  become 
Jews ;  destroyed  the  Samaritan  temple  on  Moimt 
Gerizim  ;  laid  siege  to  Samaria  ;  and,  despite  the  inter- 
vention of  Antiochus.  Cyzecenus,  laid  the  city  in  ruins. 
Never  were  the  Jews  more  prosperous  than  at  this  period, 
as  Josephus  asserts,  especially  in  Egypt  under  Ptolemy  X., 
Lathyrus. 

John  Hyrcanus  died  in  the  thirty -first  year  of  hia  reign, 


Simon  and 
Jonathan 


The 

Hasmonean 
priestly- 
rulers 
(a)  John 
Hyrcanus 


372       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Jewish 
factions: 
Hyrcanas 
and  the 
Pharisees 


P 
1*1 

I-  s 

.1 


B.C.  136-106,  but  not  before  the  signs  of  future  trouble  had 
manifested  themselves  owing  to  the  fanaticism  and  factious 
spirit  of  his  people. 

It  has  repeatedly  appeared  from  the  scanty  records  of 
Jewish  history  during  the  period  under  consideration  that 
the  nation  was  never  free  from  the  blighting  influence  of 
faction.     The  troubles  in  the  days  of  the  Governor  Bagoses 
were  caused  by  the  quarrels  in  the  high  priestly  family. 
The  Samaritan  temple  was  built  to  provide  a  home  for 
Manasseh    the    rival    of    the    High    Priest   Jaddua.     The 
country   was   distracted   by   the   family   disputes   of   the 
Tobiadae.     The  Syrian  intervention  was  invited  by  rivals 
for  the  priesthood  of  the  nation.     The  Maccabees  were  first 
supported  and  then  left  in  the  lurch  by  the  Assidaeans. 
Under    Hyrcanus   the   names    Pharisees    and    Sadducees 
appear  for  the  first  time.     If  the  Pharisees  were  not  the 
successors  of  the  Assidaeans — and  so  little  is  known  of  the 
origin  of  either  party  that  it  is  not  possible  to  speak  with 
certainty — they  seem  to  have,  in  the  instance  given  by 
Josephus,   shown  a  similar  spirit.     Hjn-canus  as   a  high 
priest,  who  was  credited  with  being  also  a  prophet,  was 
naturally  drawn  to  a  sect  so  religious  as  the  Pharisees, 
and  his  zeal  for  Israel  and  his  treatment  of  idolators  and 
Samaritans  commended  him  to  the  pious  in  Israel.     Never- 
theless there  were  always  apparently  Jews  who  distrusted 
the  secular  aims  of  the  ambitious  Hasmonean  princes. 

Josephus  relates  that  Hyrcanus  invited  the  Pharisees 
to  a  feast  and  desired  of  the  company  to  correct  him  if  they 
found  him  straying  from  the  right  way.  Whereupon  one 
of  them  named  Eleazar  said  that  he  ought  to  lay  down  the 
high  priesthood  and  be  content  with  governing  the  people, 
giving  as  a  reason  that  his  mother  had  been  a  captive  in 
the  days  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  The  Pharisees,  who 
were  famous  for  their  lenient  punishments,  did  not  condemn 
Eleazar  to  be  worthy  of  more  than  stripes  and  bonds.  This 
so  displeased  Hyrcanus  that  henceforward  he  allied  himself 
with  the  rival  party  of  the  Sadducees.  ^     {Antiq.  XIII.  10.) 

The  charge  that  the  mother  of  Hyrcanus  had  been  a 
captive  was  false,  but  Eleazar  may  have  expressed  the 
genuine  feeling  of  his  party  that  the  high  priesthood  was 
incompatible  with  secular  power.  The  priest  of  Jehovah 
was  in  their  eyes  more  than  a  priest  of  El-Gabal  or  Atargatis, 


Jewish  History  to  the  Christian  Era  373 

who  might  be  immersed  in  worldly  affairs.  But  the  priest 
of  the  God  of  Israel  ought  to  be  a  true  one,  given  up  entirely 
to  His  service.  If  such  were  the  feelings  of  the  Pharisees 
at  this  time  they  may  well  have  been  akin,  at  least  in 
sentiment,  to  the  old  Assidaeans,  who  were  prepared  to 
fight  for  religious  liberty  but  not  for  civic  independence, 
and  may  have  shared  in  the  older  prophetic  spirit  which 
saw  in  the  splendour  of  the  reign  of  Solomon,  or  in  Jerusalem 
in  the  days  of  its  wealth,  something  alien  to  true  religion. 
Hyrcanus  had  raised  the  Jewish  nation  to  a  position  of 
power  and  influence  ;  but,  though  his  name  was  held  in  high 
honour  it  is  not  easy  to  ascertain  from  the  scanty  records  of 
his  reign  anything  about  the  religious  condition  of  Jeru- 
salem. He  was,  however,  reckoned  by  Josephus  as  deemed 
by  God  worthy  of  three  special  privileges :  The  govern- 
ment of  the  nation,  the  priesthood,  and  the  gift  of  prophecy. 

He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Aristobulus,  who  was  the  first  (6) 
of  his  line  to  assume  the  title  of  king.  Josephus  speaks  of  Aristobulus 
him  with  some  commendation,  and  says  that  he  was  known 
as  Philhellen  (a  lover  of  the  Greeks).  From  what  the 
historian  relates,  the  reign  of  Aristobulus  was  that  of  an 
ordinary  Oriental  despot,  signalised  by  the  imprisonment  of 
his  mother  and  brothers  and  the  murder  of  the  only  brother, 
for  whom  he  had  previously  shewn  any  sign  of  affection. 
{Antiq.  XIII.    11.) 

The  second  king,  Alexander  Jannaeus,  was  the  brother  of  (^) 
his  predecessor,  and  seems  to  have  been  a  ferocious  tjTant,  JJ^^^J^Q^g 
but  by  no  means  devoid  of  ability.  His  wars  were 
characterised  by  the  same  religious  fanaticism  as  those  of 
his  father  :  the  conquered  people  being  offered  the  alter- 
native of  circxmicision  or  the  sword.  Josephus  gives  the 
extent  of  his  dominions,  mentioning  the  cities  which  they 
had  taken  from  the  Idumseans  and  Syrians^ ;  and  probably 
under  Alexander  the  Jews  attained  to  a  prosperity  un- 
equalled since  the  somewhat  legendary  days  of  Solomon. 
The  king,  however,  could  not  conciliate  the  Pharisees, 
who  doubtless  did  not  appreciate  the  rule  of  one  who  was  a 
warrior  rather  than  a  high  priest.  Alexander,  however, 
saw  his  error  in  not  keeping  on  good  terms  with  the  power- 
ful sect,  and  on  his  death -bed  he  advised  his  wife  Alexandra 
to  make  friends  with  them.  He  even  ordered  her  to  allow 
his  former  enemies  to  dispose  of  his  body  as  they  willed, 

2F 


airy  of 

s  o! 
aaeus 


TlM 


P<niipef 


374       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


clearly  seeing  that  he  would  thereby  win  them  over  to  his 
wife,  and  probably,  by  appealing  to  their  generosity,  secure 
himself  an  honourable  burial.  He  reigned  twenty -seven 
years,  and  his  wife  Alexandra  continued  on  the  throne  for 
nine  more,  administering  the  kingdom  with  great  success, 
but  not  being  able  to  provide  against  the  calamities  which 
overtook  the  nation  at  her  death. 

Alexandra's  two  sons,  Aristobulus  and  Hyrcanus,  were  at 
bitter  enmity,  and  the  kingdom  of  Judah  was  the  scene 
of  constant  civil  war.  Aristobulus  w£ks,  like  his  ancestors,  a 
man  of  ambition  and  enterprise  ;  Hyrcanus  was  naturally 
inoffensive  and  retiring,  but  his  actions  were  guided  by 
the  hand  of  one  whose  descendants  were  destined  to  rise 
upon  the  ruin  of  the  Hasmoneans.  Under  Alexander 
Jannaeus  and  Alexandra  the  commander  of  the  army  of 
Idumaea  was  Antipater,  also  called  Antipas,  the  son  of  a 
man  of  the  same  name.  Whether  he  was,  eis  Nicolaus,  of 
Damascus,  of  Jewish  origin,  or,  as  his  enemies  declared,  an 
Edomite,  is  uncertain.  At  the  end  of  Alexandra's  reign  he 
was  clearly  at  the  head  of  a  very  powerful  faction  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Gaza,  Ascalon,  and  of  the  Arabs.  Seeing 
that  Aristobulus  was  likely  to  be  a  masterful  ruler  Antipater 
espoused  the  cause  of  Hyrcanus,  whom  he  hoped  to  use  for 
the  furtherance  of  his  ambitions. 

The  prosperous  reigns  of  the  first  Heismoneans  had  been 
due  to  the  weakness  of  the  Greek -Syrian  monarchy.  It  had 
not  been  difficult  for  the  Jews  to  extend  their  dominions 
when  Syria  was  in  disorder,  and  they  had  an  army  ably  led 
and  inspired  by  fierce  fanaticism.  But  the  victories  of 
Hyrcanus  and  Jannaeus  had  imposed  on  the  surrounding 
nations  the  iron  tyranny  of  a  proselytising  religion,  and  the 
kingdom  of  Judah  was  bound  to  suffer  speedily  from  decay. 
The  effete  Syrian  monarchy  was  now  the  subject  of  dispute 
between  two  powerful  nations,  the  Roman  and  the  Parthian, 
who  became  the  arbiters  of  the  destiny  of  the  small  Judean 
kingdom.  Antipater  and  his  family  chose  the  side  of 
Rome,  and,  through  good  report  and  ill,  adhered  faithfully 
to  the  cause  of  the  great  Republic.  The  faction  of  Aris- 
tobulus later  relied  on  the  Parthians  for  support. 

For  some  years  the  history  of  the  East  depended  on  that 
of  Pompey,  whose  policy  even  after  his  fall  continued 
to    mould   the   destinies   of   Asia   Minor,   Syria,   and   the 


Jewish  History  to  the  Christian  Era  375 


neighbouring  countries.  His  first  great  command  in  the 
East  was  in  B.C.  66,  when,  after  a  famous  political  contest  at 
Rome  he  was  given  a  free  hand  against  the  pirates  in  Cilicia. 
In  a  few  months  he  freed  the  Mediterranean  from  all  danger 
of  their  depredations. 

Then  followed  a  series  of  brilliant  campaigns   against 
Mithradates  and  his  allies,  culminating  in  Pompey's  triumph 
at  Rome  on  September  30,  B.C.  61.     On  his  visit  to  Syria  he 
had  been  called  upon  to   interfere  in  Jewish  affairs  by 
deciding   the   rival   clams   of   Aristobulus   and  Hyrcanus. 
Hitherto  the  Romans  had  made  treaties  with  the  Jews, 
but  had  never  been  in  much  contact  with  them.       Hence- 
forward  all   was   to    depend   on   the   attitude    of   Rome. 
Pompey  had  decided  against  Aristobulus,  who  submitted, 
but  when  Pompey's  lieutenant    approached  the  city  the 
gates  were  shut  in  his  face,  and  it  became  necessary  to 
make   the   assault.     When   the   city   was   taken   Pompey 
entered  the  Holy  of  Holies,  but  he  carefully  abstained  from 
plundering  the  Sanctuary.     His  policy  towards  the  Jewish 
Etat«  was  more  severe.     He  abolished  the  royal  dignity, 
confirmed  Hyrcanus   in   the   High   Priesthood,   and   took 
away   all   the   cities   the   Jews   had   conquered   from   the 
Syrians.     He  also  made  them  pay  ten  thousand  talents  to 
the    Roman    treasury.     The    Jews   were    now    placed    by 
their   new   masters    imder    five    councils:   at    Jerusalem, 
Gadara,    Amathus,    Jericho,    and    Sepphoris    in    Galilee. 

{Antiq.  XIV.  5.) 

Henceforward  the  kingdom  of  Judah  had  shrunk  to  the   Judali  re- 
dimensions  of  a  small  principality  over  which  the  ambitious   d^  to  a 
and  energetic  Aristobulus  and  his  sons  were  fighting  with   primjipguty 
the  feeble  Hyrcanus,  supported  by  Antipater,  and  later  by 
his  still  more  famous  son  Herod.     The  whole  of  Syria  had 
become  a  stage  on  which  the  various  Roman  parties  con- 
tended for  the  mastery  of  the  East.     Crassus  the  triumvir 
arrived  in  B.C.  64,  and,  according  to  Josephus,  plundered  the 
Temple.     He  certainly  did  take  immense  spoils  from  the 
Temple  of  Atargatis  at  Hierapolis  ;   but  Jerusalem  lay  far 
out  of  his  line  of  march,  and  no  one  but  Josephus  mentions 
the  fact  of  Crassus  being  there.     It  was  certainly  the  object 
of  the  Jewish  historian  to  show  that  all  who  injured  the 
nation  came  to  a  bad  end,  as  Crassus  did  when  he  was  de- 
feated at  Carrhae  in  the  following  year  ;  and  it  may  be  he 


and  Her'' 


376      Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

has  transferred  the  spoUation  at  Hierapolis  to  Jerusalem ; 
but  there  is  nothing  to  render  a  robbery  of  the  treeisury 
at  this  time  improbable,  either  by  Crtissus  or  his  equally 
rapacious  lieutenant  C.  Longinus  Cassius. 

The  history  of  the  Jews  for  the  next  half  century  centres 
aroLmd  the  family  of  Antipater.  Strange  and  bizarre  as  is 
the  story  of  Herod  the  Great,  which  Josephus  relates  in 
detail,  it  can  be  paralleled  by  the  career  of  his  more  powerful 
contemporary  Deiotarus  of  Galatia^^.  Both  had  the  sagacity 
to  recognise  that  the  power  of  the  Romans  W6ts  irresistible, 
and  that  their  one  hope  lay  in  conciliating  the  real  masters 
of  the  East.  Both  pursued  the  policy  of  fidelity  to  Rome, 
but  to  no  party  in  Rome.  Thus,  though  Syria  was  suc- 
cessively in  the  power  of  Cassius,  the  representative  of  the 
republican  party,  then;  after  Pharsalia,  B.C.  48,  of  Caesar; 
again  after  Caesar's  assassination,  B.C.  42  ;  again  under 
Cassius,  his  murderer;  and,  after  Philippi,  b.c  42,  under 
Antony  ;  till  by  the  battle  of  Actium,  B.C.  31,  it  came  under 
the  sway  of  Oct  avian  (Augustus),  Herod  was  always  a 
friend  of  the  Romans  and  a  supporter  of  the  faction  in  the 
ascendant. 

The  character  of  Herod  is  a  deeply  interesting  but  by 
no  means  unique  study.  It  is  that  of  a  ferocious  and  cruel 
tyrant  of  great  natiu*al  ability,  with  his  native  savagery 
concealed  under  a  veneer  of  culture  sufficiently  to  convince 
his  masters,  the  Romans,  euid  even  posterity,  that  he  was 
a  man  of  enlightened  ideas. 

The  bare  facts  of  his  life  are  briefly  as  follows :  At  the 
age  of  fifteen  his  father  made  him  governor  of  Galilee, 
where  he  signalised  his  administration  by  the  vigour  with 
which  he  put  down  brigandage  and  executed  the  robber 
chief  Hezekiah.  For  this  he  was  accused  by  the  Sanhedrin, 
and  openly  defied  his  judges  by  appearing  armed  and 
surrounded  by  his  followers.  Herod  next  obtained  the  pro- 
tection of  Sextus  Caesar,  governor  of  Syria  ;  but  after  his 
murder  by  Bassus,  he  took  active  part  in  the  war  against 
the  opponents  of  the  Caesarean  party  in  the  East.  By 
the  murder  of  Caesar,  Cassius  obtained  that  province,  and 
Herod  succeeded  in  obtaining  the  favour  of  the  leader  of  the 
republican  aristocrats  till  their  defeat  at  Philippi  inA.D.  42, 
when  he  transferred  his  allegiance  to  Mark  Antony.  In 
A.D.    40   he   obtained   the   barren   title   of  king.      During 


Jewish  History  to  the  Christian  Era  377 

Antony's  administration  of  the  East,  Herod  was  his  faithful 
friend.  In  B.C.  37,  with  the  aid  of  Sosius,  a  legate  of 
Antony,  Herod  captured  Jerusalem,  putting  to  death  all 
the  Sanhedrin  but  two.  Herod  was  opposed  throughout 
by  Antigonus,  the  son  of  Aristobulus,  the  rival  and  brother 
of  Hyrcanus,  who,  by  the  aid  of  the  Parthians,  had  in  B.C.  40 
been  installed  on  the  throne  of  his  ancestors.  At  the  re- 
quest of  Herod,  the  last  of  the  Hasmonean  rulers  was 
put  to  death  by  Antony.  Herod,  however,  by  his 
marriage  with  Mariamne,  the  granddaughter  of  Hyrcanus, 
sought  to  be  recognised  as  representing  the  royal  family  of 
Judah. 

The  battle  of  Actium  was  the  great  crisis  of  Herod's  life ; 
but  even  with  the  downfall  of  Antony,  his  friend  and  patron,  he 
once  more  rose  to  power  and  influence.  Presenting  himself 
before  Octavian,  he  boldly  declared  that  as  he  had  served 
the  defeated  triumvir,  so  he  would  be  faithful  to  his  con- 
queror. His  boldness  was  appreciated,  Herod  was  con- 
firmed in  his  titles,  and  ruled  over  Judah  till  his  death  in 
B.C.  5.  Into  the  terrible  domestic  history  of  his  reign  it  is 
not  necessary  to  enter.  His  dearly-loved  wife  Mariamne 
fell  a  victim  to  his  jealousy,  as  did  her  brother  and  two  sons. 
Yet  whilst  reigning  as  a  tyrant  in  his  blood-stained  palace, 
Herod  was  posing  as  the  best  and  wisest  statesman  in  the 
East,  the  confidant  of  Augustus  and  Agrippa,  as  a  builder 
of  cities  and  an  encourager  of  western  art ;  and  it  was  his 
ambition  also  to  play  the  part  of  a  devout  and  munificent 
patron  of  his  ancestral  religion.  His  magnificent  bid  for 
popularity  was  a  temple  surpassing  in  beauty  all  previous 
ones  on  the  site  of  the  ancient  Sanctuary  at  Jerusalem.  But 
his  efforts  to  conciliate  the  Jews  were  in  vain.  The  nation 
was  unwilling  to  pay  for  earthly  glory  even  at  the  price  of 
only  partial  apostacy,  and  the  very  name  of  the  great  prince 
who  had  made  their  temple  the  glory  of  the  world  was  re- 
garded with  abhorrence. 

It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  the  Rabbinical  writers 
hardly  mention  even  the  Maccabees  ;  and  that  but  for 
books  which  have  siu-vived  only  in  Greek,  the  whole  period 
from  Ezra  to  the  New  Testament  would  have  been  unknown. 
Nor,  save  for  the  first  few  years  of  the  revolt  of  Mattathias 
and  his  sons,  is  it  an  inspiring  one.  Except  for  the  record 
of  the  heroic  martyrs  in  B.C.  168,  and  the  courage  of  the  half 


Concluding 
remarks 


378       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


armed  peasants  under  Judas  and  his  brethren,  there  are 
few  signs  of  any  religious  spirit  in  Maccabees  or  Josephus. 
There  is  indeed  a  painful  similarity  in  what  was  happening 
in  Jerusalem,  whatever  page  be  unfolded.     There  is  the 
same  story  of  rival  priests,  whether  it  be  Bagoses,  or  Alex- 
ander the  Great,  or  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  or  Pompey,  or 
Mark  Antony,  who  appears  on  the  scene.     There  are  the 
same  kind  of  family  feuds  among  the  Tobiadse,  the  Has- 
moneans  and  the  Herods.     The  intrigues  with  the  Ptolemies, 
Seleucidse,  Parthians  and  Romans,  only  differ  in  detail. 
Nor   does   there   appear  to  be   the   slightest   evidence   to 
warrant  that  the  rulers  of  the  nations  displayed  any  finer 
feelings  than  those  of  other  small  and  tiresome  nationalities 
imder  similar  circumstances.     Yet  the  Jews  were  not  as 
other  people.     Beneath  the  surface  very  strong  forces  were 
at   work.     There    was    much   fierce    fanaticism,    but    also 
much  true  religion.      Whilst  priests  and  priest-kings  were 
plotting  and  conspiring  for  their  own  advantage,  there  were 
many  pious  souls  working  at  the  development  of  a  purer 
rehgion  than  had  yet  been  known.     What  these  did  and 
thought  will  be  the  subject  of  the  concluding  chapter. 


Chapter    XVI 


Jewish  Literature  and  Life 


In  order  rightly  to  appreciate  Jewish  thought  at  this  epoch 
it  is  necessary  first  to  examine  those  parts  of  the  Old 
Testament  which  are  generally  regarded  as  later  in  origin 
than  the  time  of  the  promulgation  of  the  written  Law  by 
Ezra.  It  is  not,  however,  necessary  here  to  discuss  every 
passage  pronounced  by  critics  as  of  late  date,  or  every 
allusion  which  seems  to  point  to  an  event  belonging  to  this 
long  and  obscure  period  of  Jewish  history.  A  certain 
discrimination  is  perhaps  permissible  in  the  selection  of 
subjects  from  the  later  writings  of  the  Old  Testament 
which  characterise  Jewish  belief  and  practice  after  the 
assumed  close  of  the  canon.  These  will  here  be  classified 
under  the  following  heads  :  (a)  Extreme  deference  to  the 
\^Titten  Law  (Torah)  as  expressing  of  the  mind  and  will 
of  God  ;  (6)  A  bitter  feeling  of  hostility  to  all  outside  the 
Covenant  with  Israel  ;  (c)  Attempts  to  solve  the  problem 
why  the  righteous  suffer  in  this  life  ;  {d)  Discussions  as  to 
a  resurrection  of  the  just,  or  a  life  beyond  the  grave  ;  (e) 
Apocalyptic,  or  revelations  of  heaven  and  a  final  judgment ; 
(/)  The  idea  of  a  righteous  remnant  of  poor  and  pious 
Israelites  ;    {g)  Influences  of  Greek  thought. 

The  history  of  the  word  law  (torah)  in  the  Old  Testament  (a)  The 
is  interesting.  Derived  from  a  word  meaning  "  to  shoot,"  written  Law 
it  originally  meant  "  direction."  When  a  man  was  in 
doubt  he  consulted  the  priest  or  prophet  and  received 
"  guidance."  Then  the  word  began  to  signify  "  custom  " 
or  "  law."  After  the  captivity  "  the  Law "  was  pre- 
eminently that  of  Moses  in  written  form,  which  was  re- 
garded as  the  final  exposition  of  God's  will.  Once  this 
view  was  definitely  accepted,  the  lawyer  or  teacher  of  the 
Law  supplanted  the  prophet ;  for  no  new  revelation  beyond 
the  exposition  of  the  revealed  will  of  God  was  necessary. 

379 


380      Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Jewish  Literature  and  Life 


381 


(6)  Hostility 
to  surround- 
ing nations 


(c)  The 
sufferings  of 


Judaism  therefore  became  the  rehgion  of  a  book,  and  in  that 
respect  it  differed  materially  from  that  of  ancient  Israel. 
In  the  canonical  Scriptures  the  post -biblical  reverence  for 
the  Law  is  seen  in  ( 1 )  the  respect  for  the  reformed  ritual  of 
the  Temple  which  pervades  the  book  of  Chronicles,  dating 
from  the  fourth  or  third  centuries  B.C.  ;  (2)  the  delight  in 
the  study  of  the  Law  so  constantly  expressed  in  the  Psalter  ; 
(3)  the  intense  and  growing  respect  for  the  sanctity  of  the 
weekly  Sabbath,  as  is  shown  in  the  later  chapters  of  2  Isaiah, 
in  Ezekiel,  and  especially  in  the  drastic  action  of  Nehemiah 
in  suppressing  the  desecration  of  the  holy  day.  (Is.  Ivi.  2,  6  ; 
Iviii.  13  ;  Ez.  xx.  passim  xliv.  24  ;  Neh.  xiii.  passim.)  By 
the  time  of  the  Maccabees,  long  before  the  New  Testament, 
Sabbatarianism  had  become  one  of  the  most  marked 
features  of  Judaism.^ 

Despite  the  many  injunctions  to  massacre  the  Canaanites, 
which  the  Israelites  were  notoriously  negligent  in  obeying, 
there  are  few  signs  of  intolerant  exclusiveness  in  the  Old 
Testament.  Moses  is  friendly  to  the  Kenites,  Samuel 
makes  peace  with  the  Canaanites,  David  is  faithfully  served 
by  his  foreign  soldiers,  Elisha  heals  Naaman,  Isaiah  and 
the  prophets  foretell  the  conversion  of  the  heathen,  Jonah 
preaches  to  Nineveh,  and  God  reproves  him  for  being  dis- 
appointed that  its  repentance  was  accepted.  But  what 
Israel  endured  from  their  Macedonian  masters  engendered 
a  bitter  hatred  of  all  heathen  ;  and  the  Maccabees  actually 
did  what  it  was  assumed  their  forefathers  ought  to  have 
done  to  the  Gentiles  subdued  by  their  arms.  This  spirit 
is  revealed  in  the  book  of  Esther,  a  truly  terrible  revelation 
of  Jewish  intolerance,  and  in  the  institution  of  the  more 
than  half -pagan  feast  of  Furim.^  In  this  book  there  is 
hardly  even  the  pretence  of  religion  to  justify  the  ferocious 
joy  of  the  writer  in  the  hanging  of  Haman  and  his  sons, 
and  the  retaliatory  massacre  of  their  enemies  by  the  Jews. 
It  is  true  that  the  Greek  version  tries  to  soften  this  by  the 
frequent  mention  of  the  name  of  God  in  the  interpolated 
passages,  but  the  tone  of  the  book  is  not  improved  thereby, 
and  one  appreciates  better  the  reticence  of  the  Hebrew 
version,  which  excludes  God  from  the  entire  transaction. 

In  ancient  Israel  divine  justice  was  explained  with  a 
childlike  directness.  The  good  prospered  and  the  wicked 
came  to  a  bad  end.     The  moral  was  "  Be  virtuous  and  you 


will  be  happy."  This  was  especially  true  of  the  teaching  of 
the  book  of  Judges.  Because  Israel  served  Baalim  and 
Ashtaroth,  God  sent  Moabites,  Midianites,  or  Ammonites 
to  afflict  them  ;  when  they  repented,  He  raised  up  deliverers. 
Later  experience  proved  that  this  simple  theory  of  Divine 
justice  would  not  hold.  The  Jews,  under  the  Greeks, 
found  themselves  afflicted,  not  because  they  had  for- 
saken the  Lord,  but  because  they  were  faithful  to 
His  service.  This  experience  is  reflected  in  the  book  of 
Job,  which,  whatever  may  be  its  date,  admirably  expresses 
the  condition  of  righteous  Israel.  The  ancient  sage  of  Uz 
typifies  the  good  man  who  does  all  he  can  to  secure  the 
favour  of  God.  He  has  even  that  pious  dread  of  prosperity, 
so  characteristic  of  the  Greeks,  and  offers  sacrifices  lest  his 
children  should  inadvertently  have  provoked  their  Creator. 
(Job  i.  5.)  Yet  every  sort  of  evil  falls  upon  him.  His 
comforters  resort  to  the  old  argument  that  Job  must  have 
deserved  his  misfortunes,  and,  for  all  his  apparent  virtues, 
have  been  a  sinner  in  secret.  But  the  patriarch  will  not 
accept  the  argument,  and  holds  fast  his  integrity.  In  the 
end  God  answers  Job  out  of  the  whirlwind,  and  reveals 
Himself  in  all  His  power.  Job  acknowledges  his  weak- 
ness, and  repents  in  dust  and  ashes.  The  friends  are 
reproved ;  and  Job  rewarded  with  great  worldly  pros- 
perity. 

The  prosperity  of  the  wicked  is  a  frequent  subject  for 
doubt  in  the  Psalms.  "  How  long  shall  the  wicked  triumph? ' ' 
asks  the  94th  Psalm.  The  73rd  Psakn  complains  that  it  is 
the  imgodly  who  prosper  in  the  world,  and  finds  consolation 
in  the  fact  that  in  the  end  they  suddenly  consume  and  perish. 
The  79th  is  sometimes  supposed  to  refer  to  the  persecution 
of  the  Assidaeans  {Chasidimv.  2)  in  the  days  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes.  The  74th  describes  the  sufferings  of  the  people 
when  the  temple  was  laid  waste.  "  How  long  shall  the 
adversary  reproach,  shall  the  enemy  blaspheme  ?  "  Even 
more  to  the  point  is  the  44th.  Israel  is  become  a  byeword 
among  the  heathen  yet  "  We  have  not  forgotten  Thee, 
neither  have  we  dealt  falsely  in  Thy  covenant."  What- 
ever may  be  the  date  of  these  psalms,  they  reflect  the  feelings 
of  the  Jews  after  the  Captivity  who  could  not  comprehend 
why  their  sufferings  for  righteousness  failed  to  draw  down 
upon  the  people  a  recompense  from  heaven. 


382       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


(d)  Recom- 
pense after 
death 


{e)  Apoca- 
lyptic heaven 
and  a  final 
judgment 


(f)  The 
righteous 

poor 


Whilst  it  is  very  difficult  to  prove  that  the  Old  Testa- 
ment contains  any  passage  which  indicates  that  a  belief 
in  a  future  life  existed  in  primitive  Israel,  it  is  undoubted 
that  the  experiences  of  the  persecuted  Jews  led  them  to  set 
a  high  value  on  any  proof  of  a  resurrection  or  a  life  to  come. 
Any  verse  in  the  Old  Testament  like  Job  xix.  25,  "I  know 
that  my  redeemer  liveth,"  though  it  could  only  be  forced 
into  an  assurance  of  a  life  hereafter,  would  be  welcomed  as 
a  consolation  of  the  martyrs. 

The  book  which  by  most  general  consent  has  been  rele- 
gated from  Old  Testament  times  to  the  Maccabean  age  is 
Daniel.     This  is  perhaps   the  earliest  work  in  apocalyplic 
literature,  although  several  parts  of  the  Old  Testament 
may  be  placed  in  this  category.     Amos  and  Isaiah  both  had 
visions  of  Jehovah  in  the  Temple  (Amos  ix.  1  ;   Isaiah  vi.)  ; 
Zechariah  witnesses  the  apocalyptic  triimiph  before  Jerusa- 
lem (Zech.  xiv.  4-11)  ;  Joel  had  seen  the  heathen  assembled 
for  judgment  in  the  valley  of  Jehoshaphat   (Joel  iii.  9-22). 
To  Ezekiel  a  more  wonderful  vision  of  the  Lord  coming 
with  the  living  creatures  and  the  fiery  wheels    had    been 
vouchsafed  (Ez.  i.  1  if.).     But  Daniel  is  more  specific  than 
any  of  the  foregoing.     In  the  seventh  chapter  the  thrones 
are  set,  and  the  Ancient  of  Days  takes  His  seat  with  His 
innumerable    ministers,    the    judgment    is    set,    and    the 
books    are    opened.     The    beast    is    slain,    and    his    body 
destroyed,  and  given  to  the  burning  flame.     One,  like  a 
son  of  man,  (i.e.  in  human  form)  appears,  and  comes  to  the 
Ancient    of   Days,    and    to    Him   is   given  an  everlasting 
dominion.     In  the  twelfth  chapter,  those  that  sleep  in  the 
dust    arise     to     everlasting    life     or     everlasting    shame. 
Throughout   the  apocalyptic  part  of  the  book   (vii.-xii.) 
the  beasts,  representing  the  nations  of  the  world,  strive 
with  one  another,  and  their  fate  in  heaven  is  a  counterpart 
with  their  destinies  on  earth.     The  reader  is  transported 
into  a  celestial  sphere,  where  he  sees  the  things  in  store  for 

Israel. 

The  history  so  far  as  is  known  of  Israel  from  the  middle 
of  the  fifth  century  before  the  Christian  era,  as  has  been 
shown,  was  mainly  a  record  of  self-seeking  intrigue  on  the 
part  of  ambitious  rulers  of  a  small  nation.  But  it  would  be 
a  great  mistake  to  suppose  that  the  Chosen  People  after 
the  Captivity  were  fairly  represented  by  such  men  as  Jason, 


Jewish  Literature  and  Life 


383 


Menelaus,  Alcimus,  the  Tobiades,  Alexander  Jannaeus,  and 
the  house  of  Antipater.  The  Law  was  carefully  studied 
with  the  other  Scriptures,  and  the  reverent  Temple  worship 
stimulated  many  to  devotion.  Undoubtedly  many  were 
waiting  for  the  Consolation  of  Israel.  These  godly  folk 
were  however  powerless  to  influence  the  course  of  politics, 
and  lived  in  obscurity,  often  oppressed  by  the  secularised 
priests  and  rulers  of  the  community.  Their  voices  are 
heard  in  the  Psalms  as  the  "  saints,"  the  poor,  the  meek, 
who  groan  under  the  tyranny  of  the  rich,  the  ungodly  and 
the  foolish.  Without  doubt  these  felt  that  they  were  the 
"  remnant  "  of  whom  Isaiah  speaks.  Their  poverty  was 
not  so  much  economic  as  volvmtary,  in  that  they  deliberately 
refused  the  good  things  of  this  world  rather  than  prove 
unfaithful  to  a  religion,  the  strict  observance  of  which 
withdrew  them  from  competing  in  the  race  for  wealth  and 
power  in  which  less  scrupulous  men  were  engaged.  Their 
existence  explains  a  portion  of  the  literature  which  has  found 
its  way  into  the  Hebrew  Canon ;  and  silent  as  history  i&  in 
regard  to  them,  they  were  a  main  factor  in  shaping  the 
thoughts  of  their  countrymen  and  in  forming  Jewish  character. 

One  book  received  into  the  Canon  of  the  Old  Testament,  (g)  Greek 
and  only  one,  is  distinctly  Greek  rather  than  Hebrew  thought 
in  its  outlook  :  Ecclesiastes  (Qoheleth — "  she  that  pro- 
claimeth").  Despite  the  fact  that  the  book  is  decidedly 
poetical  in  parts,  its  tone  is  pessimistic,  and  its  wisdom  is 
heathen  rather  than  pious.  The  world  is  bad,  life  is  full  of 
injustice,  and  mankind  is  wretched,  nothing  really  matters, 
for  all  things  are  as  breath  and  emptiness.  But  it  is 
possible  for  a  sensible  man,  by  exercising  a  wise  moderation, 
to  pass  his  time  in  comparative  comfort ;  but,  even  in 
righteousness,  excess  must  be  avoided. 

Thus  from  the  Old  Testament  may  be  gathered  much  to 
illustrate  the  tendency  of  the  thought  of  this  age.  The 
idea  of  a  Canon  of  Scripture  is  foreshadowed  in  the  preface 
to  Ecclesiasticus  ;  but  except  for  the  Law  there  is  little 
evidence  for  the  existence  of  the  Hebrew  Bible  in  its  present 
form.  Daniel,  at  any  rate,  seems  to  have  been  unknown  or 
ignored  by  Jesus,  the  son  of  Sirach.  But  a  great  step  had 
been  taken  in  making  the  literature  of  the  Hebrews  known 
to  the  world  at  large  by  the  translation  first  of  the  Law, 
and  then  of  other  books,  into  the  Greek  language. 


384       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


gini 


The  story  of  the  way  in  which  the  Hebrew  Scripture  was 
translated  into  Greek  is  founded  on  a  series  of  legends,  the 
earliest  of  which  is  the  so-called  letter  of  Aristeas  to  Philo- 
crates,  supposed  to  be  a  courtier  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus, 
king  of  Egypt,  B.C.  285-247.  The  date  of  the  letter  is 
much  disputed,  some  placing  it  as  early  as  B.C.  200,  when 
Jerusalem  was  under  the  Egyptian  Ptolemies,  before 
it  peissed  under  the  kings  of  Antioch.  Some  have  placed 
it  as  late  as  in  the  days  of  the  Roman  Empire.  The  letter 
is  a  long  one,  and  tells  how  Demetrus  of  Phalerum  persuaded 
Ptolemy  Philadelphus  to  procure  for  his  library  at  Alex- 
andria a  version  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures.  To  conciliate 
the  Jews  the  king  ransomed  their  countrymen  who  were 
slaves  in  Egypt,  having  been  made  captive  by  his  father 
Ptolemy  Lagns.  It  was  then  decided  by  the  advice  of 
Demetrius  to  send  to  Eleazar,  the  High  Priest,  asking  him 
to  nominate  six  men  from  each  of  the  twelve  tribes  as 
translators.  The  request  was  accompanied  by  splendid 
presents,  and  Eleazar  sent  seventy-two  men  as  desired. 
Aristeas  was  the  ambassador  to  Jerusalem,  and  gives  a 
careful  description  of  the  Temple  and  the  city,  and  also  of 
the  ingenious  way  in  which  the  Sanctuary  was  supplied 
with  water.  Eleazar  explained  the  merits  of  the  Jewish 
law  at  great  length,  and  despatched  the  envoys,  who  were 
sumptuously  entertained  by  Ptolemy  at  Alexandria.  At 
the  banquet  the  king  asked  questions  of  his  guests,  and  was 
highly  gratified  by  their  answers.  When  the  feasting  was 
over  the  Jewish  delegates  were  conveyed  to  the  house 
where  they  were  to  make  the  translation.  Their  work  was 
read  to  the  Jewish  people,  and  an  imprecation  was  pro- 
nounced on  anyone  who  should  dare  to  alter  or  add  to 
the  version.  The  king  also  heard  and  approved  the 
translation  ;  and  those  who  had  made  it  were  sent  home 
richly  rewarded  for  their  labours. 

That  the  letter  is  of  value  as  an  historical  document  is 
generally  denied  ;  for  though  the  writer  may  be  accurate 
in  his  description  of  the  court  of  the  Ptolemies,  he  is  guilty 
of  such  anachronisms  as  to  make  Demetrius  of  Phalerum 
librarian  to  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  though  died  in  disgrace 
not  long  after  the  accession  of  that  monarch.  The  letter 
is  in  fact  one  of  the  many  forgeries  in  the  interests  of  Jewish 
propaganda,  made  in  the  third,  second  and  first  centuries 


Jewish  Literature  and  Life 


385 


B.C.,  in  which  Gentiles  are  made  to  testify  to  the  greatness 
of  Israel. 

There  is  nothing,  however,  in  Aristeas  which  in  any  way  Slip€niatlina 
suggests   supernatural   intervention.     The  earliest  Jewish  aid  claimed 
writer  who   shows  himself  acquainted  with  the  Aristeas  for  the  LXX 
letter  is  Philo,  who   died   about  the  middle  of  the  first 
century.     In  his  Life  of  Moses  he  gives  the  story  of  the 
assembly  of  the  translators  on  the  island  of  Pharos,  and 
declares  "  that  as  men  possessed  they  produced  not  divers 
interpretations,   but  all  alike  used  the  same  words  and 
phrases,  as  though  some  invisible  prompter  whispered  in  the 
ears  of  each."     Later,  Josephus  paraphrases  the  letter,  but 
does   not  dilate   on  the  excellence  or  inspiration  of  the 
translation. 

Justin  Martyr  (c.  a.d.  138),  in  h\s^st  Apology,  alludes  to 
the  translation,  but  he  makes  Ptolemy  send  to  Herod  for 
translators  !  The  first  Christian  who  mentions  that  the 
translators  were  kept  apart  in  cells  and  produced  each  an 
identical  version  is  pseudo-Justin  in  the  Exhortation  to  the 
Greeks.  The  Christian  fathers,  Ireneeus,  Clement  of 
Alexandria,  Tertullian,  Anatolius,  and  Eusebius  of  Csesarea, 
all  quote  or  allude  to  Aristeas  ;  but  only  the  first  two  add 
the  story  of  each  of  the  Seventy  making  the  same  version. 

The  story  of  the  inspired  translation  in  all  its  absurdity 
appears  in  Epiphanius  (fA.D.  403),  an  erudite  and  volumi- 
nous episcopal  author  who  combined  monastic  sanctity 
with  a  credulity  unusual  even  in  hagiology.  The  trans- 
lators were  shut  up  in  pairs  in  thirty-six  cells  on  the  island 
of  Pharos,  each  with  servants  and  stenographers,  and  they 
produced  thirty -six  identical  versions  of  the  whole  Hebrew 
Bible. 

Jerome,  the  translator  of  the  Latin  Bible  from  the 
Hebrew  (fA.D.  422),  though  an  admirer  of  Epiphanius, 
will  not  hear  of  an  inspired  translation.  "  It  is  one  thing," 
he  says,  "to  be  a  prophet,  and  another  to  be  an  inter- 
preter." He  also  declares  with  perfect  truth  that  the 
Seventy  (as  the  seventy-two  translators  are  generally 
called)  only  translated  the  five  books  of  the  Law. 

Philo  says  that  a  feast  was  kept  in  honour  of  the  trans- 
lation, but  the  Rabbinical  Jews  say  that  when  the  Law 
was  written  in  Greek  "  Darkness  came  upon  the  world  for 
three  days."     "The  day,"  it  is  said  elsewhere,   "was  a 


386      Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


The 
Apoerypha 


VoUt 


Jewish  Literature  and  Life 


The  Wisdom 
o!  Solomon 


hard  day  for  Israel,  like  as  when  Israel  made  the  (golden) 
calf."  It  is  in  the  Tahnud  that  the  story  is  told  that  the  word 
amebeth=^hair  was  translated  dasupous  (hairy  foot)  instead 
of  the  classical  logos,  out  of  respect  for  Ptolemy  Lagos,  the 
father   of   Philadelphus. 

Such  is  the  story  of  the  origin  of  the  translation  of  the 
Seventy,  a  momentous  episode  in  the  history  of  religion. 
Perhaps  the  rabbis  of  Palestine  and  Babylon  in  the  fourth 
and  fifth  centuries  of  our  era  were  right  in  regarding  it  as  a 
calamity  to  their  religion,  as  it  opened  up  the  Bible  to  the 
Greek  world  and  thus  facilitated  the  diffusion  of  Chris- 
tianity. As  a  translation  it  has  defects,  and  is  obviously 
the  work  of  many  different  hands,  but  it  has  become,  with 
additions,  the  Old  Testament  of  a  great  part  of  the  Christian 
world,  and  some  of  the  doctrines  most  prized  in  the  Church 
are  defended  by  quotation  of  passages  in  the  Septuagint 
which  bear  but  little  resemblance  to  the  Hebrew  original.^ 

The  Old  Testament  has  been  expanded  and  partly  en- 
riched by  books,  most  of  which  probably  belong  to  this 
period,  but  have  been  considered  by  Protestant  Christians 
as  uncanonical  because  they  have  not  been  preserved  in 
Hebrew.  The  most  important  of  these  as  illustrative 
of  Jewish  life  are  Tobit,  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon,  and 
Ecclesiasticus. 

In  Tobit,  there  is  an  ideal  portrait  of  the  virtuous  Israelite 
and  his  family.  Tobit  is  supposed  to  be  a  native  of  Northern 
Israel  who  refuses  to  have  any  dealing  with  the  "  calf  '* 
worship  of  his  neighbours,  and  offers  his  sacrifices  and  pays 
his  tithes  in  Jerusalem  (Tobit  i.  5-6).  W^hen  he  was 
carried  away  captive  to  Nineveh  he  became  rich  as  the 
king's  purveyor,  and  always  invited  the  poor  to  dine  with 
him  ;  and  at  the  risk  of  his  life  gave  burial  to  an  Israelite 
who  was  found  dead  (ii.  2-7).  When  he  became  blind 
and  was  reduced  to  poverty,  and  his  wife  Anna  was  forced 
to  go  out  and  work  for  him,  the  neighbours  remembered 
his  good  deeds  and  gave  her  presents  (ii.  14).  The  old 
man  exhorts  Tobias  his  son  not  to  scorn  his  brethren,  not 
to  withhold  his  workman's  wages,  "  And  what  thou  thyself 
hatest,  do  to  no  man  "  (iv.  15).  The  whole  book  is  per- 
meated with  a  tone  of  healthy  domestic  piety. 

If  Tobit  is  representative  of  Hebrew  piety,  the  Wisdom 
of   Solomon  exemplifies   the   spirit   of  Jewish   Hellenism, 


387 


probably   in   Alexandria.     The   righteous   Israelite   is   ex- 
posed to  temptations  very  different  from  those  which  en- 
countered  his  ancestors  in  the  days  of  the  Old  Testament. 
The  wicked  lure  him  not  to  idolatry  but  to  an  Epicurean 
philosophy.     "  Short  and  sorrowful  is  our  life,"  say  they, 
"  none  ever  returned  from  Hades.     We  were  born  by  mere 
chance,  and  we  shall  be  as  though  we  had  never  been. 
The  body  shall  be  turned  to  ashes,  and  the  spirit  shall  be 
dispersed  as  thin  air.  .  .  .  Our  names  shall  be  forgotten 
...  our  life  shall  pass  away  as  the  traces  of  a  cloud. 
Come  therefore  and  let  us  enjoy  the  good  things  that  now 
are  .  .  .  let  us  crown  ourselves  with  rosebuds  before  they 
are  withered.  ...  Let  us  not  spare  the  widow,  nor  rever- 
ence the  gray  hairs  of  the  old  man.     But  let  our  strength 
be  to  us  a  law  of  righteousness,  for  that  which  is  weak  is 
found    to   be   of   no   service."     (Wisdom   ii.    Ml.)     This 
cynical  disavowal  of  all  morality,  and  assertion  that  might 
makes  right,  provokes  the  enemies  of  goodness,  whether 
they  be  Jews  or  Gentiles,  to  hate  the  righteous  man.     "  Let 
us  lie  in  wait  for  the  righteous  man  ;   because  he  is  of  dis- 
service to  us  ...  he  professes  to  have  knowledge  of  God, 
and  nameth  himself  the  servant  (Tra??)  of  the  Lord.  . 
We  are  accounted  of  him  as  base  metal.   ...  The  latter 
end  of  the  righteous  is  caUed  happy,  and  he  vaunteth  that 
God  is  his  father.     Let  us  see  if  his  words  be  true.     For 
if  the  righteous  man  is  God's  son,  he  will  uphold  him. 
With  the  outrage  and  torture  let  us  put  him  to  the  test,"'&c' 
(Wisdom  ii.  12-20.) 

The  answer  which  the  pious  author  finds  to  this  blas- 
phemy is  that  God  created  man  for  incorruption,  and  that 
the  souls  of  the  righteous  are  in  His  hands.  Their  hope 
is  full  of  immortality,  and  in  the  day  of  visitation  they  shall 
shine  (iii.  1-9). 

In  the  description  of  Wisdom  is  seen  the  transition  from 
Hebrew  to  Greek  thought.  The  morality  is  Jewish,  but 
such  philosophy  as  there  is  is  intensely  Hellenic.  Witness 
the  following  :  "For  there  is  in  her  (wisdom)  a  spirit  quick 
of  understanding,  holy,  alone  in  kind  (/xovoyevT??),  manifold, 
subtil,  freely  moving,  clear  in  utterance,  unpolluted,  dis- 
tinct, unharmed  ...  all  powerful,  all  surveying,  and 
penetrating  through  all  spirits  that  are  quick 'of  under- 
standing, pure,  most  subtil :    For  wisdom  is  more  mobile 


Greek 

inflaence 


The  Wisdom 
o!  Jesus  the 
son  of  Sirach 


388       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

than  any  motion  ;  Yea,  she  pervadeth  and  penetrateth  all 
things  by  reason  of  her  pureness.  .  .  .  For  she  is  the 
effulgence  from  everlasting  light,  and  an  unspotted  mirror 
of  the  working  of  God,  and  the  image  of  his  goodness, 
(vii.  22-26.)  The  language  here  is  a  preparation  for  that 
adopted  by  the  Christians  to  define  the  relation  of  the  Logos 
to  the  Father.  The  description  of  the  terrors  of  the  super- 
stition of  the  heathen,  "  Who  supposed  they  held  the  holy 
nation  in  their  power,"  is  surprisingly  vivid,  but  its  language 
is  not  that  of  the  Old  Testament.  "  In  terror  they  deemed 
the  things  which  they  saw  to  be  worse  than  the  sight  on 
which  they  could  not  gaze.  And  they  lay  helpless,  made 
the  sport  of  magic  art  (R.V.,  xvii.  7  ;  but  see  margin).  .  .  . 
W^hether  there  were  a  whistling  wind,  or  a  melodious  voice 
of  the  birds  among  the  spreeiding  branches,  or  a  measured 
fall  of  water  running  violently  .  .  .  over  them  alone  was 
spread  a  heavy  night,  an  image  of  the  darkness  that  should 
afters\'ards  receive  them "  (xvii.  passim).  It  is  indeed 
impossible  even  to  turn  over  the  pages  of  Wisdom  and  not 
to  recognise  how  much  the  Greek  Testament  owes  to  the 
influence  of  the  book. 

Ecclesiasticus  has  a  preface  by  the  translator,  who  was  the 
author's  grandson,  and  is  most  interesting  and  quite 
modern  in  its  general  tone.  He  says  that  as  the  Law  the 
Prophets  and  the  Other  Books  have  given  Israel  good  in- 
struction, those  who  read  them  must  also  desire  to  teach. 
Therefore  his  grandfather  Jesus,  after  study  of  Law, 
Prophets,  and  the  rest  of  the  Books,  was  drawn  to  write  to 
help  those  who  wished  to  obey  the  Law.  The  readers  of  this 
book  are  asked  to  be  patient  with  the  translator  if  he  fails  to 
interpret  certain  phrases.  For  all  know  that  Hebrew  is  a 
difficult  language  to  translate  so  as  to  give  each  saying  its 
exact  force.  Nevertheless  he  has  rendered  the  book  to 
the  best  of  his  ability  for  the  sake  of  those  who  living  in  a 
strange  land  desire  to  fashion  their  manners  in  accordance 
with  the  Law. 

Like  Proverbs,  the  book  is  cast  in  poetical  form,  and  as 
the  Hebrew  version  has  been  discovered  of  a  great  part  of  it, 
it  is  possible  to  have  a  more  correct  knowledge  of  the  text 
and  meaning  than  formerly.  Ecclesiasticus  may  be  de- 
scribed as  a  wise  and  sensible  book.  It  does  not  represent 
the  poetry  of  Israel's  hope,  but  the  sober  prose  of  Jewish 


Jewish  Literature  and  Life 


389 


family  life.  Nor  is  its  value  less  for  this  reason  to  the 
historian  who  desires  to  discover  what  manner  of  men 
ordinary  Jewish  citizens  were  in  the  post-biblical  age,  and 
in  one  respect  at  least  the  author  has  a  real  poet's  love  of 
nature.     He  certainly  appreciates  the  beauty  of  the  snow. 

As  birds  flying  down  he  sprinkleth  the  snow  ; 
As  the  lighting  of  the  locust  is  the  falling  dovm  thereof  ; 
The  eye  will  marvel  at  the  beauty  of  its  whiteness, 
And  the  heart  will  be  astonished  at  the  raining  of  it. 
The  hoar  frost  also  he  poureth  on  the  earth  as  salt ; 
And  when  it  is  congealed,  it  is  as  points  of  thorns. 

(Eccles.  xliii.   17-19.) 

The  dignity  of  the  priesthood  also  moves  the  son  of 
Sirach  to  eloquence,  as  is  seen  in  his  description  of  Aaron 
and  Phinehas  in  the  forty -fifth  chapter  ;  but  above  all  he 
is  impressed  by  the  Temple  service  as  performed  by  the 
great  priest  Simon  the  son  of  Onias  (Heb.  Jonathan),  who 
appeared  in  the  sanctuary. 

As  the  morning  star  shining  forth  of  thick  clouds  ; 
And  as  the  full  moon  in  the  days  of  the  solemn  feast, 
As  the  sun  dawning  upon  tlie  temple  of  the  king, 
As  the  lotus  at  the  waterspring. 

(1.  7-8,  Hebrew). 

And  so  metaphor  is  piled  on  metaphor  as  the  High  Priest 
is  described  going  up  to  the  altar.  But  most  of  the  teaching 
of  the  sage  is  practical ;  and  as  one  reads  his  precepts  it  is 
easy  to  understand  why  the  Jew  claimed  kindred  with  the 
Spartan  children  who  were  not  pampered.  To  play  with  the 
boys  would  only  make  them  impudent.  The  son  must  be 
taught  by  the  rod. 

Beat  his  shoulder  while  it  is  yet  tender. 

Bruise  his  loins  while  he  is  yet  a  youth. 

Bow  down  his  head  in  his  youth  ; 

And  smite  through  his  loins  while  he  is  a  little  one. 

(xxx.   11-12,  Hebrew.) 

Yet  are  children  most  precious,  for  the  father  lives  again 
in  them.  But  the  master  of  the  house  must  rule,  and  wife, 
children  and  slaves  must  be  taught  their  place.  Daughters 
should  not  be  treated  too  favoiu-ably,  and  the  sooner  they 
are  married  the  better. 

Give  away  a  daughter — and  away  with  trouble. 
But  join  her  to  a  man  of  understanding. 

(vii.  25,  Hebrew.) 

2g 


390       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Rabbinical 
teaching 


TIm  nyioif 

ofthe 
Fathers 


But  the  poor  are  to  be  relieved,  one  should  weep  with 
those  who  mourn,  and  visit  the  sick.  (vii.  32-36.)  Friend- 
ship is  a  precious  thing,  and  old  friends  are  best.  (ix.  10.) 
The  book  is  full  of  pithy  aphorisms,  "  Jest  not  with  a  rude 
man,  lest  thine  ancestors  be  dishonoured."  (viii.  4.)  '*  He 
that  is  glorified  in  poverty,  how  much  more  in  riches." 
(x.  30.)  **  In  a  man's  prosperity  even  an  enemy  is  a  friend  ; 
and  in  his  adversity  even  a  friend  separateth  himself." 
(xii.  9,  Heb.)  '*  He  that  toucheth  pitch  shall  be  defiled." 
(xiii.  1.)  **  Wherefore  have  fellowship  with  one  that  is 
richer  than  thou  ?  W^at  fellowship  shall  an  earthen  pot 
have  with  a  kettle,  when  if  this  smiteth  that  it  shall  be 
dashed  in  pieces  ?  "  (xiii.  2.)  The  last  quotations  show 
how  considerable  was  the  influence  of  Ecclesiasticus  on 
common  speech,  when  the  Apocrypha  was  more  generally 
read.  The  wisdom  of  the  book,  however,  may  be  summed 
up  in  the  words  which  Bunyan  sought  in  vain  to  find  in  the 
Bible : 

Look  at  the  generations  of  old,  and  see  : 

Who  did  ever  put  his  trust  in  the  Lord,  and  was  ashamed. 

(ii.  10.) 
The  tendency  throughout  is  Rabbinic.  From  the  con- 
cluding chapter  one  gathers  that  Jesus  the  son  of  Sisach 
kept  a  school,  a  heth-Tuidrash  or  house  of  instruction, 
(li.  23.)  The  Hebrew  is  described  as  intermediate  between 
the  Old  Testament  and  that  of  the  Mishna,  or  earliest 
written  tradition  of  the  Jews.* 

Before  the  Christian  era  arose  those  schools  which  at 
later  time  had  so  powerful  an  influence  on  the  development 
of  later  Judaism ;  indeed  we  have  suggestions  of  the 
rabbinic  methods  even  in  Old  Testament  times.  Some  of 
the  Psalms  and  the  Proverbs  have  much  the  same  rabbuiic 
flavour  as  the  writings  of  Jesus,  the  son  of  Sirach.  The 
tradition  however  left  the  prophetic  stage  with  Ezra ;  and 
by  him,  it  is  said,  was  committed  to  the  men  of  the  Great 
Synagogue.  It  was  then  that  inspiration  made  way  for 
instruction. 

In  the  Mishna,  or  earliest  written  traditional  law  {circa 
A.D.  300),  which  was  destined  to  expand  with  the  Talmud, 
there  is  a  treatise  known  as  **  Sayings  of  the  Fathers  "  {Pirqe 
Ahoth).  These  are  not  judicial  decisions  belonging  to  the 
class  called  halachah  {halach,  to  walk),  but  moral  precepts 


Jewish  Literature  and  Life 


391 


not  unlike  Proverbs,  but  more  rabbinical  in  form.     The 
opening  words  are  : 

'*  Moses  received  the  Law  (Torah)  from  Sinai,  and  he 
delivered  it  to  Joshua,  and  Joshua  to  the  Elders,  and  the 
Elders  to  the  Prophets,  and  the  Prophets  delivered  it  to  the 
men  of  the  Great  Synagogue.  They  said  three  things  : 
*  Be  deliberate  in  judgment ;  and  raise  up  many  disciples  ; 
and  make  a  fence  to  the  Law.'  " 

The  first  *'  father  "  quoted  is  Simon  the  Just,  one  of  the 
remnants  of  the  Great  Synagogue.  Next  is  Antigonus  of 
Socho,  who  said  :  "Be  not  slaves  that  minister  to  the  Lord 
with  a  view  to  receive  recompense  ;  but  be  as  slaves  that 
minister  to  the  Lord  without  a  view  to  receive  recompense  ; 
and  let  the  fear  of  heaven  be  upon  you."  This  is  followed 
by  the  sayings  of  the  fathers  of  each  generation  down  to 
the  first  century  arranged  in  pairs,  the  last  pair  being 
Hillel  and  Shammai,  the  founders  of  the  two  great  legal 
schools,  the  '*  house  of  Hillel"  and  "  the  house  of  Shammai" : 
these  are  followed  by  Gamaliel. 

The  aphorisms  preserved  in  the  treatise  are  not  as  a  rule 
particularly  striking.  They  are,  however,  of  some  interest 
as  illustrative  of  the  teaching  of  the  Rabbis. 

Hillel  said  :  "  Be  of  the  disciples  of  Aaron  ;  loving  peace^ 
and  pursuing  peace  ;  loving  mankind  and  bringing  them 
near  to  the  Law." 

Rabban  Shimeon  ben  Gamliel  said  :  "  On  three  things 
the  world  stands  :  on  judgment,  and  on  truth,  and  on 
peace." 

Rabban  Gamliel,  son  of  R.  Judah  ha-Nasi,  said  :  "  Do 
His  will  as  if  it  were  thy  will,  that  He  may  do  thy  will  as 
if  it  were  His  will.  Annul  thy  will  before  His  will,  that  He 
may  annul  the  will  of  others  before  thy  will." 

R.  Tarphon  said  :  "  The  day  is  short  and  the  task  is 
great,  and  the  workmen  are  sluggish,  and  the  reward  is 
much,  and  the  Master  of  the  House  is  urgent."  He  said : 
"It  is  not  for  thee  to  finish  thy  work,  nor  art  thou  free  to 
desist  therefrom  ;  if  thou  has  learned  much  Law,  they 
give  thee  much  reward  ;  and  faithful  is  the  Master  of  thy 
work,  and  know  that  the  recompense  of  the  reward  of  the 
righteous  is  for  the  time  to  come." 

R.  Simeon  said  :  ' '  There  are  three  crowns  :  the  crown 
of  the  Law,  and  the  crown  of  Priesthood,  and  the  crown  of 


392       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


under  false 
names 


T: 


Royalty  ;    but  the  crown  of  a  good  name  mounts  above 
them." 

The   unwillingness   of   the   Jewish    teachers    to    convey 

moral  or  prophetical  truths  under  their  own  names  is  verj^ 

marked.     They    ahnost    invariably    preferred    to    conceal 

their   identity   imder   some   venerable   sage   of   antiquity. 

The  famous  Christian  hymn  says  that  the  Dies  Irae  will 

come  as  David  and  the  Sibyl  witness  {Teste  Dauid  cum 

Sibylla).     This  is  in  accordance  with  the  Jewish  idea  that 

the  seers  of  Israel  and  those  renowned  among  the  Gentiles 

agree  in  bearing  witness  to  the  consummation  of  the  age 

and  to  the  glory  of  Israel.     A  literature  attributed  to  the 

Sibyls  arose  among  the  Jews,  and  was  continued  among 

the  Christians,  consisting  of  oracles  supposed  to  represent 

the  wisdom  of  the  remotest  Gentile  antiquity.     The  Sibyls 

write  in  the  metre  and  dialect  of  the  Homeric  poems,  but 

of  course  claim  to  antedate  them.     (III.  419-25.) 

The  only  part  of  the  "  Oracles  "  which  is  generally  ad- 
mitted to  be  both  Jewish  and  pre-Christian  is  Bk.  III.  97- 
294  and  489-828.  These  verses  probably  belong  to  the 
second  century  before  Christ.  In  them  there  is  an  in- 
teresting description  of  the  Jews  as  a  righteous  nation, 
which  may  be  paraphrased  : 

To  their  nation  virtue  is  the  only  care.  Theirs  is  not  the 
base  avarice  which  brings  war.  They  divide  their  fields  justly, 
nor  do  they  remove  their  neighbour's  landmark.  Among  them 
the  rich  do  not  strive  to  oppress  the  poor  nor  to  defraud  the 
orphan  and  widow.  A  man  is  only  judged  rich  for  what  he 
gives  away.  It  is  their  custom  to  allow  the  poor  to  glean 
dm-ing  the  reaping  :   for  God  made  His  world  common  to  all. 

(in.  234-247.) 

This  is  interesting  in  showing  how  the  Jews  at  this  period 
acknowledged  that  they  professed  and  practised  a  better 
morality  than  other  men,  and  that  their  religion  breathed 
the  spirit  of  the  prophet  rather  than  the  formality  of  the 
legislator. 

In  III.  740-797  there  is  a  description  of  what  will  be  when 
men  obey  the  Law  : 

Honour  God,  and  the  earth  shall  be  full  of  good  things  and 
yield  abundant  fruit.  The  towns  shall  be  filled  with  plenty,  and 
war  shall  cease  :  for  king  will  keep  faith  with  king.  And  God 
will  raise  up  a  king  for  ever.     From  all  lands  men  will  go  to 


Jewish  Literature  and  Life 


393 


the  Temple  to  make  their  offerings.  On  the  mountains  the 
lambs  will  skip  among  the  wolves  and  the  lion  shall  eat  straw 
like  the  ox,   &e. 

In  the  fourth  book,  perhaps  post-Christian,  the  Gentiles 
are  called  to  repent : 

Wretched  mortals  !  repent  !  throw  away  your  spears  and 
swords.  Raise  your  hands  to  the  heavenly  Temples  and  pray 
for  pardon  for  your  sins,  washing  your  bodies  in  ever-flowing 
streams.  (jy.   162-170.) 

They  are  not  invited  to  become  Jews  by  submitting  to 
circiuncision.^ 

In  early  Christian  literatm-e  there  is  mention  of  prophecies   Enoch 
by  Enoch  the  famous  patriarch,  who  was   "  translated  " 
that  he  should  not  see  death.     The  first  allusion  is  found  in 
the    New    Testament,     "Enoch,    seventh    from    Adam, 
prophesied  "  (Jude  14).     The  Jewish  writers  of  the  period 
now  imder  consideration  either  quote  directly  or  are  in- 
fluenced by  this  literatiu-e,  for  the  popular  title,  "  the  Book 
of  Enoch,"  is  incorrect,  it  being  a  number  of  writings  be- 
longing to  different  periods,  and  including  extracts  from 
a   book   of   Noah.     The   different   portions   of    "  Enoch " 
have  been  separated  and  dated  with  a  precision  which 
implies  a  marvellous  intuition  in  reconstructing  the  story 
of  the  Assidaeans  and  of  the  early  Pharisees,  despite  of  the 
scantiness     of     material     available.     "  Enoch "     however 
exercised  much  influence  on  Jewish  thought,  and  appealed 
more  strongly   to   Christian  imagination.     By   the   fourth 
century  of  our  era  Synagogue  and  Church  alike  agreed  to 
reject  it,  and  it  was  lost  to  the  majority  of  Christians  till 
Bruce  the  traveller  discovered  that  it  existed  in  Ethiopia 
in  the  Abyssinian  Church.     This  was  in  1773.     In  1821  it 
was    translated    by    Laurence,    afterwards   Archbishop    of 
Cashel,  from  a  MS.   in  the  Bodleian  Library  at  Oxford. 
In  1838  the  Ethiopic  version  was  published  by  the  same 
scholar. 

The  subjects  treated  of  in  Enoch  are  those  which  are 
beyond  the  human  ken,  and  in  the  first  place  relate  to  the 
interviews  of  Enoch  as  God's  messenger  with  the  angels 
"  who  kept  not  their  first  estate,"  but  fell,  being  seduced 
by  the  beauty  of  the  daughters  of  men.  This  is  the  theme 
of  the  Noah  fragment  vi.-xi.  Shemjaza,  the  leader  of  the 
"  Watchers,"  induces  them  to  enter  into  a  conspiracy  with 


394       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 

him,  whereupon  two  hundred  descend  into  the  world.  The 
daughters  of  men  bear  children  to  them,  great  giants,  three 
thousand  ells  high.  The  fallen  angels  teach  men  imlawful 
arts.  Finally  Michael  will  be  sent  to  bind  Shemjaza.  A 
blissful  age  will  follow,  the  earth  will  yield  fruit  a  thousand 
fold,  and  men  will  live  till  they  beget  thousands  of  children. 
Enoch  then  has  visions  of  heaven  and  hell :  "I  looked  and 
I  saw  therein  a  lofty  throne  :  its  appearance  was  as  crystal, 
and  the  wheels  thereof  as  the  shining  sun,  and  there  was  a 
vision  of  cherubim.  And  from  underneath  the  throne  came 
streams  of  flaming  fire.  .  .  .  And  the  Great  Glory  sat 
thereon,  and  His  raiment  shone  more  brightly  than  the  sun 
and  was  whiter  than  any  snow"  (Enoch  xiv.  18-20).  Beyond 
the  abyss  there  was  a  place  with  no  firmament  above  or 
solid  earth  below,  *'  it  was  a  waste  and  horrible  place."  Here 
the  disobedient  angels  would  be  punished  for  ten  thousand 
years  (xviii.  14-16).  A  great  day  of  judgment  is  to  come, 
and  God,  "  One  who  had  a  head  of  days,"  will  appear,  and 
with  Him  a  "  Son  of  Man,"  who  hath  righteousness.  He 
has  been  chosen  by  the  Lord  of  Spirits  ;  and  He  is  also 
called  the  Elect  One.  Under  Him  heaven  and  earth  will 
be  transformed  and  made  a  blessing. 

And  I  will  cause  mine  elect  ones  to  dwell  upon  it  : 
But  the  sinners  and  evil  doers  shall  not  set  foot  thereon. 

(Enoch    xlv.    3ff.) 

In  the  days  of  this  Elect  One  there  shall  be  a  resurrection 
of  Israel,  but  not  of  the  Gentiles. 

The  earth  shall  give  back  that  which  is  entrusted  to  it, 
And  Sheol  also  shall  give  back  that  which  it  received. 

(li.  1.) 
And  so  the  book  continues  with  visions  of  heaven,  hell, 
and  judgment,  and  of  the  fate  of  the  disobedient  angels. 
Much  is  said  about  the  countless  host  of  heaven,  and  its 
orders  and  ranks,  the  secrets  of  the  luminaries,  and  their 
heavenly  coiu-ses.  But  the  chief  interest  of  Enoch  lies  in 
the  fact  that  there  are  so  many  passages  which  seem  to 
have  influenced  the  visions  of  judgment  and  of  the  return 
of  Christ  in  glory  foimd  in  the  New  Testament.  The  book 
itself  seems  to  be  most  important  as  indicating  the  possibility 
of  the  existence  of  a  larger  Jewish  literature  on  heaven, 
hell,  judgment,  and  hosts  of  angels  and  demons  than  was 
once  suspected. 


Jewish  Literature  and  Life 


395 


How  far  the  influence  of  Persia  is  to  be  seen  in  the  books 
of  Enoch  is  a  very  open  question  ;  and  it  seems,  to  say  the 
least,  a  perilous  experiment  to  dogmatise  on  the  subject  of 
the  date  of  its  component  parts  and  their  meaning,  con- 
sidering our  ignorance  of  the  history  of  Israel  between  Old 
and  New  Testament  times.  ^ 

Another  apocalyptic  book  which  is  included  in  the  The  second 
Apocr^^ha  of  our  Bible  is  the  so-called  Fourth  Book  of  book  of 
Esdras,  the  visionary  part  of  which,  iv.-xiv.,  is  loiown  to  Esdras 
modern  scholars  as  iv.  Ezra.  It  is  probably  a  post- 
Christian  Jewish  work  of  the  first  centm-y  a.d.,  and  there- 
fore can  hardly  be  used  as  evidence  for  earlier  opinions  and 
views.  The  questions  which  Ezra  propounds  and  the 
angel  answers  are  pertinent  to  any  time.  Why  do  the 
righteous  suffer  ?  W^hy  are  so  few  saved  ?  Why  does 
God  destroy  His  own  work  ?  and  the  answers  are  well  worth 
attention.  The  apocalyptic  part  is  very  curious  :  "  My. 
son  [Jesus]  shall  be  revealed,"  and  He  shall  reign  with  elect 
four  hundred  years.  After  this  "  My  son  Christ  shall  die 
and  all  that  have  the  breath  of  life."  The  world  shall 
return  to  its  old  silence  for  seven  days.  Then  there  will 
be  a  resurrection,  "  compassion  and  long  suffering  shall 
pass  away,  and  only  truth  shall  stand  and  good  deeds  shall 
awake."     (2    Esdras   vii.    26-35.)7 

As  it  would  be  impossible  to  form  any  idea  of  what  Sects  in 
primitive  Christian  thought  was  if  heresy  were  to  be  com-  Judaism 
pletely  ignored,  so  would  it  be  with  Judaism  if  nothing 
were  known  of  the  sects  and  parties  into  which  it  was 
divided.  For  every  opinion,  however  extreme  or  even 
grotesque,  which  has  distracted  a  religious  commimity, 
in  a  certain  degree  indicates  the  trend  of  thought  at 
the  time.  The  Gnostics,  for  example,  played  a  most  im- 
portant part  in  the  development  of  Christian  thought,  and 
their  speculations  were  attempts  to  give  a  solution  to  the 
problems  of  the  age.  As  long  as  these  difficulties  were 
to  the  front  Gnosticism  was  formidable,  but  with  their 
disappearance  other  heresies  took  their  place  as  fresh 
perplexities  arose.  But  it  must  be  remembered  that  in 
Judaism  opinion  was  not,  as  in  Christianity,  the  important 
matter.  The  crucial  point  was  whether  a  man  observed 
the  Law,  and  not  what  view  he  held  even  on  matters  of 
paramount  interest.     As  the  opinions  attributed  to   the 


396      Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Pharisees  and  Sadducees  respectively  attest,  the  question  of 
immortaUty  was  an  open  one.     The  Jews  were  therefore 
divided   rather   by   matters   relating   to   practice   than  by 
theology- ;    and  all  were  agreed  that  the  Law  was  binding, 
though  there  were  differences  as  to  how  it  should  be  inter- 
preted.    One    thing,    however,    must    be    borne    in    mind, 
namely,  that  Jewish  sectarianism  is  a  matter  on  which  it  is 
generally  assumed  more  is  knowTi  than  it  is  actually  possible 
to  know,  as  the  materials  are  very  scanty. 
Ascetic  SP-^3         The  principles   of  Judaism  are  not   primarily  ascetic  ; 
but  it  could  no  more  escape  the  influence  which  leads  to 
withdrawal  from  the  world  than  any  other  religion.     Traces 
of  these  are  found  in  the  Old  Testament  in  such  teachers  as 
Elijah,  who  seems  to  have  been  a  prophet  of  the  desert ; 
and   in  Jehonadab,   the  son  of  Rechab,   whose   followers 
rejected  all  the  amenities  of  settled  life  in  Canaan.     It  is 
possible  that  the  Assidaeans  of  the  Maccabean  age  were  an 
ascetic  sect,  but  too  little  is  known  of  them  to  assert  any- 
thing about  their  views  or  practices.     But  all  strict  ob- 
serv^ance  of  the  Law  at  this  period  partook  of  the  nature  of 
asceticism,  inasmuch  as  it  isolated  its  faithful  observers 
not  only  from  intercourse  with  Gentiles,  but  from  all  Jews 
who  were  less  scrupulous  than  themselves,  thus  entailing 
a  constant  discipline  of  isolation.     It  is  not  to  be  wondered 
at,  therefore,  that  there  were  waves  of  asceticism,  especially 
in  days  when  many  were  displaying  great  laxity  in  observing 
the  Law,  and  even  showing  tendencies  to  apostatise  alto- 
gether from  the  worship  of  God. 
Tl:  i:  senes         The  most  interesting  of  these  ascetics  are  the  so-called 
Essenes,  whose  very  name   has   been  a  cause  of  constant 
perplexity.     In  dealing  with  them  it  is  best  to  state  first 
what  is  actually  known  about  them  before  indulging  in  any 
theories  as  to  their  origin  and  beliefs.     So  much  has  been 
said  about  them  in  regard  to  their  influence  on  Christianity, 
the  possibility  that  Jesus  Chiist  was  trained  by  them,  and 
their  importance  generally,  that  it  is  well  to  bear  in  mind 
that   our   only  early   authorities  are    Philo    {fl.  a.d.    37), 
Josephus  (a.d.  37- 100c.)  and  Pliny  the  Elder  (ja.d.  79). 
Philo  on  the         In  his  treatise  on  the  "  Contemplative  Life,"  Philo  says  he 
Essenes  has  already  written  about  the  Essenes,  and  evidently  this 

treatise  has  been  lost.     He  regards  them  as  an  "  active" 
rather  than  a  "  contemplative  "  sect ;  and  in  his  book.  That 


Jewish  Literature  and  Life 


397 


every  honest  man  is  free,  he  remarks  that  the  Essenes 
abstain  from  animal  sacrifices.  He  also  speaks  of  their 
secret  books  and  allegorical  methods. 

Josephus  says  that  there  are  three  philosophical  sects   Testimony  of 
among  the  Jews — Pharisees,  Sadducees,  and  Essenes.     It   Josephus 
must  be  recollected  that  he  is  writing  for  a  Gentile  public, 
and  therefore  that  he  probably  uses  language  more  vague 
than  he  would  have  employed  in  accounts  designed  for  his 
own  countrymen.     The  earliest  description  is  in  the  Wars 
of  the  Jews.     The  Essenes  are  the  strictest  sect,  they  practice 
continence,  regard  pleasure  as  an  evil,  do  not  marry,  but 
train  children  for  their  Order.     They  have  all  their  goods  in 
conmion  ;    there  is,  so  to  speak,  one  patrimony  among  all. 
They  appoint  stewards  to  look  after  the  property  of  the 
community.     They  abjiu-e  the  use  of  oil,  and  wear  white 
garments.     They  have  communities  in  many  cities;  and 
an  Essene  is  so  sure  of  a  welcome  that  he  need  take  no 
baggage  on  a  journey.     They  have  a  common  meal,  and 
their  daily  labours  are  assigned  to  them  by  then-  overseers. 
They  practice  bathing  in  cold  water  to  promote  chastity  of 
body.     The  Order  is  entered  by  several  stages  of  initiation. 
The  postulant  is  given  a  white  robe,  a  girdle  and  a  hatchet, 
and  lives  as  they  do  for  a  year  on  probation.     Having 
proved  himself  worthy,  the  candidate  is  then  allowed  to 
partake   of   "the   water   of  purification."     He   is   further 
tested  for  two  years,  and  then  admitted  to  full  communion 
and  the  common  meal,  after  binding  himself  by  fearful 
oaths  to  observe  piety  to  God,  justice  to  men,  fidelity  to 
those  in  authority,  love  of  truth.     He  has  also  to  pledge 
himself  to  conceal  nothing  from  his  sect,  and  to  guard  its 
doctrines,  preserve  its  books  as  secrets,  as  also  the  names 
of  the  angels.     Guilty  persons  are  cast  out,  but  are  at  times 
allowed  a  death -bed  repentance. 

The  initiated  are  divided  into  foiu*  classes,  and  the  seniors 
remain  rigidly  separated  by  their  holiness  from  the  juniors. 
The  asceticism  they  practice  is  so  wholesome  that  many 
five  to  be  a  hundred.  In  persecution  they  bear  torture 
with  joy,  and  will  endure  anything  rather  than  curse  Moses 
or  eat  unlawful  meats.  They  believe  when  the  soul  is  set 
free  from  the  flesh,  if  good,  it  goes  to  a  joyous  place,  like  the 
islands  of  the  blessed ;  and,  if  bad,  to  punishment.  They 
therefore  hold  the  doctrine  of  the  immortality  of  the  soul. 


TiM 

Therapentae 


398       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


but  not  of  the  resurrection  of  the  body,  for  the  soul  is  im- 
prisoned in  the  body.  There  is  a  second  order  of  Essenes 
who  allow  marriage,  but  not  for  pleasure,  only  in  order  to 
have  descendants. 

Josephus  says  that  in  the  early  morning  the  Essenes  say 
nothing  which  is  not  holy  before  sunrise,  when  they  offer 
certain  ancestral  prayers,  as  though  they  were  supplicating 
the  sun  to  rise.  This  statement  may  imply  that  there  was 
a  certain  sun-worship  in  Essenism,  but  the  language  of 
Josephus  is  ambiguous. 

There  are  two  briefer  notices  of  the  Essenes  in  the 
Antiquities.  In  the  thirteenth  book  they  are  said  to  be 
determinists,  and  the  Pharisees  to  hold  a  modified,  and  the 
Sadducees  a  positive  doctrine  of  free-will.  In  the  eighteenth 
book  the  statement  of  the  Wars  is  virtually  repeated,  with 
the  additional  information  that  the  Essenes  either  do  not 
offer  sacrifices  in  the  Temple,  or  if  they  do  (for  the  reading 
is  doubtful)  do  so  apart  from  the  rest  of  the  people,  and  that 
their  sole  occupation  is  agriculture.  It  is  from  the  Natural 
History  of  Pliny  that  one  knows  that  this  astonishing  sect 
{gens  praeter  ceteros  mira)  lived  by  the  Dead  Sea.  He 
dwells  on  the  fact  that  the  nation  persists,  though  no 
children  are  bom  in  it.  There  is  not  a  hint  about  the 
Essenes  in  the  New  Testament,  nor  are  they  directly 
alluded  to  in  the  rabbinical  literature.  Josephus  says 
that  Herod  honoured  the  Essenes  because  one  of  them, 
by  name  Menaham,  met  him  when  he  wets  on  his  way  to 
school  and  foretold  that  he  would  one  day  be  a  king.  So, 
when  he  was  forcing  the  Jews  to  take  an  oath  of  fidelity 
to  him,  he  specially  exempted  the  disciples  of  PoUio  and 
Sameas  and  the  Essenes.  {Antiq.  XV,  10,  4.)  An  Essene 
acted  as  a  general  in  the  Jewish  war.     {Wars  III.  2,  1.) 

WTiat  Josephus  tells  us  of  the  Essenes  certainly  provokes 
interest,  if  it  does  not  satisfy  curiosity.  The  analogies 
between  them  and  some  of  the  early  Christians,  their  forms 
of  gradual  initiation,  their  possible  affinities  with  Persian 
and  Oriental  habits  of  thought,  create  a  desire  to  know  more 
of  them  ;  but  by  the  days  of  the  Church  Fathers  in  the  third 
century  they  had  evidently  disappeared.® 

There  is  a  treatise  attributed  to  Philo  called  On  the  Life 
of  Contemplation  y  which  describes  certain  Jewish  ascetic 
communities    near    Alexandria    in    the    neighbourhood    of 


Jewish  Literature  and  Life 


399 


Lake  Mareotis.  Some  have  supposed  the  work  to  be  a 
Christian  romance  of  the  fourth  century  written  to  prove 
that  the  monasticism  of  the  age  was  more  ancient  than  was 
supposed,  and  was  traceable  to  spiritual  Judaism.  On 
the  whole  it  seems  satisfactorily  established  as  the  work  of 
Philo,  but  whether  he  is  romancing  or  describing  a  real 
state  of  things  is  another  question.  The  settlement  by 
Lake  Mareotis  consisted  of  men  and  women  who  lived 
each  in  his  separate  cell,  like  the  later  monks,  with  an  oratory 
attached.  They  met  on  Sabbaths,  and  their  great  festival 
was  on  the  seventh  Sabbath.  On  this  day  there  was  a 
conmion  meal.  The  service  lasted  throughout  the  night. 
There  were  solemn  hymns  and  religious  dances.  Like  the 
Essenes,  these  Therapeutae  (servants,  or  healers)  renoimced 
all  private  property  and  apparently  disapproved  of  slavery. 
Philo  hints  that  this  sort  of  asceticism  was  not  confined  to 
Judaism,  but  was  also  practised  by  the  Greeks. ^ 

What  has  been  related  in  the  previous  chapter  is  evidence   The 
that,  if  there  was  a  strong  religious  spirit  in  Judaism,  there   Covenanters 
was  much  to  repel  in  the  corruptions  of  the  priestly  rulers 
in  Jerusalem.     It  is  quite  possible  that  the  degeneracy  of 
the  leaders  of  the  people  may  have  produced  such  move- 
ments as  have  been  described,  but  now  a  fragment  has  been 
discovered  in  Cairo  which  relates  how  a  strict  party  of 
religionists  left  Jerusalem  and  organized  a  separate  com- 
munity  in   the   neighbourhood   of   Damascus.     The   very 
obscurity  of  the  record  adds  to  its  interest,  as  it  is  im- 
probable that  it  was  manufactured  with  any  ulterior  object. 
"  In  the  period  of  wrath,  390  years  after  God  had  given 
them  into  the  hand  of  Nebuchadnezzar,"  is  the  date.   It  is 
not  so  easy  to  fix  this  as  might  appear,  but  it  was  probably 
about  the  middle  of  the  third  century  B.C.  or  possibly  a 
little  later.     God  is  said  to  have  raised  up  a  Teacher  of 
Righteousness,  and  an  Anointed  One  (Messiah)  was  expected 
to  arise  from  the  House  of  Aaron.     Certain  people  bound 
themselves  by  a  covenant  and  they  seem  to  have  tried  to 
reproduce  the  conditions  of  life  in  the  Wilderness.     The 
community  was   classified  as  Priests,   Levites,   Israelites, 
and    Proselytes.     A    Priest    presided    over    every    group. 
They  interpreted  the  Law  very  strictly,  and  would  not  even 
allow  a  man  to  rescue  an  ox  or  ass  which  had  fallen  into  a 
pit  on  the   Sabbath.     They  seem  to  have  had  divisions 


Baptist  and 
Bamiiig 


LflgaMIe 

Mcta 


Saddnoeef 


400       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


among  themselves,  and  to  have  been  troubled  by  a  "  Man 
of  Scoffing."  No  one  knows  more  of  them,  but  the  fact 
of  such  a  community  existing  is  significant.  From  its 
interest  in  the  house  of  Zadok  and  its  priestly  character 
the  document  has  been  called  Zadokite.^^ 

The  appearance  of  the  Baptist  '*  clothed  in  camel's  hair 
with  a  leathern  girdle  about  his  loins,"  and  "  eating  locusts 
and  wild  honey,"  is  less  surprising  in  view  of  the  ascetic 
tendencies  revealed  in  the  Judaism  of  the  period  ;  and  it  is 
natural  that  such  a  teacher  should  have  had  disciples. 
Josephus  says  that  about  a.d.  55  "he  wets  informed  that 
one  whose  name  was  Bannus  lived  in  the  desert,  who  used 
no  other  clothing  than  grew  upon  trees,  and  had  no  other 
food  than  what  grew  of  its  own  accord,  and  bathed  himself 
in  cold  water  frequently  both  by  day  and  night,  in  order 
to  preserve  his  chastity."  Josephus  says  he  copied  him, 
and  remained  in  his  company  for  three  years. 

The  differences  in  religion  among  the  Jews  were  mainly 
on  points  of  Law.  The  Law  being  regarded  as  the  revela- 
tion by  which  the  will  and  piupose  of  God  is  made  known. 
As  obedience  could  only  be  paid  by  those  who  were  thorough 
experts  in  how  to  handle  the  Law,  the  different  schools  of 
interpretation  had  their  adherents,  and  debated  keenly 
with  one  another.  It  will  often  be  found  that  the  strangest 
differences  were  on  what  now  seem  trifling  legal  points, 
which  were  far  from  uniAiportant  when  the  exact  perform- 
ance of  every  detail  was  necessary  to  the  adequate  fulfil- 
ment of  a  law. 

The  New  Testament  and  Josephus  are  in  agreement  that 
the  two  leading  parties  in  Judaism  were  Sadducees  and 
Pharisees  ;  but,  considering  how  well  known  these  names 
are,  it  is  remarkable  how  little  can  definitely  be  asserted 
about  either  sect.  The  two  appear  suddenly  in  the  story  of 
John  Hyrcanus,  who,  when  provoked  by  the  boldness  of 
the  Pharisee  Eleazar,  transferred  his  favour  to  the  Sadducees. 
From  that  time  till  the  death  of  Alexander  Jannaeus  the 
House  of  Hasmon  was  supported  by  that  party.  From 
this  it  may  be  inferred  that  the  Sadducees  upheld  the 
priestly  kingdom  of  the  Maccabees,  which  seemed  too 
worldly  in  its  aims  to  the  more  scrupulous  faction  of  the 
Pharisees.  It  is  generally  assumed  that  the  Sadducees 
were  on  the  side  of  the  Priesthood,  and  an  attempt  has  been 


Jewish  Literature  and  Life 


401 


made  to  derive  their  name  from  Zadok,  the  High  Priest 
under  Solomon  and  the  ancestor  of  the  Jerusalem  hierarchy 
The   rabbmical   legend   is   that  Antigonus   of   Socho   was 
misunderstood  to  deny  the  resurrection  when  he  warned 
his  disciples  against  serving  with  hope  of  reward.     Ac- 
cordingly they  decided  that  it  was  best  to  live  in  luxury. 
But  this  is  a  late  tradition,  and  may  be  due  to  the  use  of  the 
word  Sadducee  to  denote  an  irreligious  person.     What  we 
know  definitely  about  them  is  partly  from  Josephus  and 
partly  from  the  New  Testament.     The  historian  says  of 
them  that  they   rejected    tradition  and  were  only  bound 
by  the  written  W^ord,  that  they  were  rich  and  attracted 
persons  of  rank,  and  were  not  popular  like  the  Pharisees 
that  they  denied  the  immortaUty  of  the  soul  and  rewards 
and  punishments  after  death,  and  that  they  were  very 
strong  maintainers   of   the   Freedom   of  the   Will      Thev 
could  not  put  their  principles  into  practice  as  magistrates, 
but  had  to  defer  to  the  Pharisees,  who  were  favoured  by 
the  people.     The  New  Testament  gives  little  further  in- 
formation, but  it  connects  them  more  definitely  with  the 
priesthood,  and  says  that  they  did  not  believe  in  angels  or 
spirit.     Josephus  dwells  on  the  fact  that  the  Sadducees 
were    much    more    severe    in    their   judgments    than    the 
Pharisees,  and  were  more  anxious  to  demand  the  life  of  the 
criminal. 

The  attempts  to  explain  the  name  Pharisee  have,  as  a  rule,    Th. 
reference  to  their  peculiar  tenets.     Either  the  word  is  con-   Pharisees 
nect^d  with  separation,  in  allusion  to  the  way  in  which  the 
Pharisee  separated  himself  from  other  people ;  or  Persian 
from  the  beliefs   held  by  the  sect  in  regard  to  angels  and 
spirits  being  of  Persian  origin.     Josephus  says  that  they 
were  habitually  lenient  as  judges,  in  contradistinction  to  the 
feadducees,  who  exercised  great  severity  in  exacting  the 
utmost  penalty  prescribed  by  the  Law.     This  is  confirmed 
m  the  New  Testament,  where  the  Pharisees  oppose  Jesus  as 
Teacher,  but  take  no  part  in  His  condemnation,  and  after- 
wards range  themselves  on  the  side  of  the  disciples,  for 
whom  Gamaliel  is  said  to  have  pleaded  that  the  Sanhedrin 
should  let  them  alone  (Acts  v.)     The  sect,  according  to 
Josephus,  was  very  popular,  being  highly  regarded  for  piety 
not  the  less  so  because  they  were  a  lay  rather  than  a  priestly 
party.     But  it  is  remarkable  how  little  definite  information  is 


402       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


Jewish  Literature  and  Life 


403 


Samaritani 


obtainable  concerning  the  Pharisees  before  the  Christian 
era.  Except  for  the  allusions  to  them  in  Josephus  in  con- 
nection with  John  Hyrcanus  and  Alexander  Jannseus  and 
Alexandria,  and  an  occasional  mention  of  a  Pharisee  in  the 
days  of  Herod,  nothing  definite  is  known.  In  after  times 
they  seem  to  have  been  the  one  party  to  survive  the  ruin  of 
the  Temple ;  and,  strange  to  say,  in  the  rabbinical  sources,  in 
their  contests  with  their  Sadducean  rivals,  they  seem  to 
have  been  inclined  to  interpret  the  Law  in  a  spirit  of  greater 
liberality,  their  "  tradition  "  often  enabling  them  not  to 
insist  on  its  literal  fulfilment. 

The  Samaritans,  who  still  exist  as  a  small  remnant  in 
Palestine  and  practice  their  religious  rites  on  Mount 
Gerizim,  must  have  been  somewhat  formidable  rivals  of 
Judaism,  to  judge  from  the  notices  of  them  by  Josephus  and 
in  the  New  Testament.  According  to  2  Kings  xvii.,  they 
were  not  Israelites  at  all,  but  a  mixed  race  of  people,  im- 
ported from  the  East  by  Esarhaddon,  king  of  Assyria, 
whose  religion,  taught  by  a  priest  of  Bethel,  was  a  mixture 
of  the  worship  of  Jehovah  and  idolatry  (2  Kings  xvii.  24ff.). 
But  nowhere  else  is  it  suggested  that  the  Samaritans  were 
idolators  even  by  those  most  hostile  to  their  claims.  In 
Ezra  iv.  2  they  tell  the  Jews  "  we  seek  youi  God  as  ye  do." 
Josephus  relates  that  the  Samaritan  Temple  on  Mount 
Gerizim  was  built  in  the  days  of  Alexander  the  Great,  just 
before  his  conquest  of  Persia  by  Sanballat,  whose  daughter 
had  married  Manasseh,  the  brother  of  the  high  priest  at 
Jerusalem.  Sanballat  persuaded  Alexander  to  sanction 
his  temple  on  the  ground  that  it  was  advisable  to  divide  the 
Jews  into  two  sects  {Antiq.  IX.  8,  4).  The  temple  on 
Gerizim  was  destroyed  by  John  Hyrcanus  after  it  had  stood 
for  two  centuries  {Antiq.  XIII.  9,  1),  but  the  worship  con- 
tinued; and  Josephus  says  that  when  Jews  were  discon- 
tented with  the  worship  and  discipline  of  Jerusalem  they 
went  over  to  the  Samaritans.  According  to  the  Fourth 
Gospel  the  Samaritans  claimed  to  represent  ancient  Israel, 
and  spoke  of  "  our  father  Jacob."  (John  iv.  12  ;  see  also 
Joseph.  Antiq.  XI.  8.  6).  Bitterly  as  the  Jews  were  op- 
posed to  the  Samaritans,  they  were  compelled  to  acknow- 
ledge that  they  often  obeyed  the  Law  which  they  preserved 
in  the  ancient  Hebrew  character.  They  are  said  not  to 
have    received    the    rest    of    the    Scripture.      Strangely, 


however,  they  had  a  Messianic  belief,  apparently  independent 
of  that  of  the  Jews.  The  Sadducees  seem  more  in  sym- 
pathy with  them  than  the  Pharisees.^ 

The  Jews  had  more  than  one  Temple  during  the  period  The  temDlM 
under  consideration.  The  papyri  prove  that  from  in  Egypt 
a  very  early  time,  before  Cambyses  invaded  Egypt,  there 
was  one  at  Teb  (Assouan,  at  the  first  cataract  of  the  Nile) ; 
and  Josephus  relates  that  Onias,  the  son  of  Onias,  obtained 
leave  from  Ptolemy  and  Cleopatra  to  build  a  temple  at 
Leontopolis,  saying  that  such  a  sanctuary  had  been 
prophesied  by  Isaiah  xx.  18.  As  Onias  came  of  the  legiti- 
mate stock  of  the  High  Priests,  the  ministers  of  his  temple 
were  more  legally  entitled  to  serve  than  those  of  Jerusalem. 
It  actually  survived  the  ancient  sanctuary,  and  was  closed 
by  Paulinus,  governor  of  Alexandria,  at  the  end  of  the 
Jewish  war,  after,  according  to  Josephus,  having  stood  for 
three  hundred   and  forty-three  years. 

The  most  difficult  question  to  answer  is  the  one  of  the   Messianii* 
^eatest  interest,  namely,  what  was  the  expectation  among   ezpectXni 
the  Jews  as  to  the  coming  of  Messiah  between  the  days  of  the 
Old  and  New  Testament  ?  The  evidence  is  so  scanty  that  it 
IS  most  difficult  to  give  a  definite  answer.    The  Apocalypses, 
notably   Daniel   and     Enoch,  foretell  the  setting  up  of  a 
divme  and  indestructible  kingdom  or  sovereignty  of   God 
and  the  ultimate  triumph  of  His  kingdom.    But  in  1  and  2 
Maccabees  and  in  Josephus,   which  are  almost  the  sole 
historical  authorities,  there  is  little  hint  as  to  the  expectation 
of  the  Jewish  people.     That  Messianic  hope  was  strong  is 
evident  from  the  gospels,  and  most  of  the  New  Testament, 
and  also  that  Jesus  did  not  satisfy  the  expectation  of  many 
Jews  is  evident  from  their  refusal  to  accept  His  message. 
The  rabbinical  authorities  are  too  late  to  throw  much  light 
on  the  subject.     All  that  can  be  said  positively  is  that  in 
the  heavy  trials  of  the  nation,  both  from  its  enemies  outside, 
and  from  those  who  were  untrue  to  its  best  traditions 
within,  there  were  pious  souls  who  looked  anxiously  for 
the  consolation   of  Israel. ^^ 

The  Messianic  hope,  however,  appears  in  the  so-called 
Psalms  of  Solomon,  or  Psahns  of  the  Pharisees,  as  they  have 
been  termed,  from  the  fact  that  they  are  supposed  to  ex- 
press the  feelings  of  that  party  after  the  desecration  of  the 
Temple  by  Pompey  in  B.C.  63.     The  seventeenth  Psakn  is 


404       Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews 


a  prayer  for  a  righteous  king  of  the  house  of  David,  that 
Jerusalem  may  be  purged  from  the  heathen.  This  king  will 
rebuke  sinners  and  gather  a  holy  people.  He  will  have 
mercy  upon  the  nations  who  come  to  serve  him.  None 
will  be  able  to  resist  Him,  &c.,  &c.  All  shall  be  holy  as 
their  king,  the  Lord  Messiah. 

But  in  the  so-called  Testament  of  the  Twelve  Patriarchs 
the  just  and  perfect  ruler  is  to  come  not  from  Judah,  but 
from  Levi.  It  is  the  same  in  the  Book  of  Jubilees  or  **  Little 
Genesis,"  and  in  the  document  about  the  "  Covenanters 
of  Damascus."  The  word  "  Messiah  "  is  not  found  in  any 
of  these,  as  it  is  in  the  Pharisaic  Psahns.  The  idea  of  a 
Levitical  deliverer  was  natural  under  the  priestly  rule  of  the 
Maccabees,  and  of  a  Messiah  from  Judah  taken  from  the 
older  Scriptures  to  their  opponents  of  the  Pharisaic  sect. 


NOTES   ON    CHAPTERS. 


2H 


NOTES 
Chapter  I 

1.  The  stele  was  discovered  1896,  and  contains  an  account  of  an  in- 
vasion of  Palestine  by  Menephtah  II.,  the  successor  of  Rameses  II., 
who  died  in  B.C.  1281  (so  Mahler  in  Sayce,  Early  Israel,  p.  277).  Prof. 
Petrie  says  :  '  It  is  the  earliest  certain  allusion  to  any  historical  con- 
nection with  them  (the  Israelites)  on  any  monument  or  record  outside 
the  Old  Testament.'  BaW,  Light  from  the  East,  p.  130.  For  a  fairly 
recent  list  of  the  bibliography  on  the  subject  see  Paton,  Syria  arid 
Palestine,  p.  xxxiii.  (1902).  (p.  1) 


2.  The  first  eleven  chapters  of  Genesis  are  mainly  taken  from  the 
so-called  '  Jehovistic  '  document,  a  work  evidently  composed  in  the 
Southern  Kingdom.  The  earliest  date  allowed  is  B.C.  850.  Hardly 
any  critic  places  it  much  later  than  B.C.  750,  though  some  divide  it 
into  the  work  of  J*,  circa  850,  and  J^,  650  B.C.  Driver,  Introd.  to  the 
Literature  of  the  Old  Test.,  ch.  i.,  p.  7.  The  existence  of  documentary 
elements,  however,  must  not  lead  us  to  forget  the  unity  of  plan 
pervading  the  book  of  Genesis.  (p.   1) 


3.  The  so-called  '  Priestly  Code  '  (P)  compiled  after  the  Captivity, 
circa  B.C.  440.  The  sections  belonging  to  this  Code  recur  at  intervals 
throughout  the  Pentateuch  and  Joshua.  As  Driver  says,  '  If  read 
consecutively,  apart  from  the  rest  of  the  narrative,  it  will  be  found 
to  form  nearly  a  complete  whole,  containing  a  systematic  account  of 
the  origins  of  Israel,  treating  with  particular  fulness  the  various 
ceremonial  institutions  of  the  Hebrews  (Sabbath,  Circumcision, 
Passover,  Tabernacles,  Sa<;rifices,  Feasts,  etc.),  and  displaying  a  con- 
sistent regard  for  chronological  and  other  statistical  data.  .  .  .  On 
account  of  the  predominance  in  it  of  priestly  interests,  and  of  the 
priestly  point  of  view,  it  is  commonly  called  the  Priestly  Narrative, 
and  denoted,  for  brevity,  by  the  letter  P.'  The  Book  of  Genesis, 
Introd.,  p.  iv.  (p.   1) 

4.  Wellhausen  {History  of  Israel,  p.  304,  Eng.  Tr.)  says  of  the 
Priestly  Narrative  of  the  Creation  as  contrasted  with  that  of  J  :  'In 
the  first  accoimt  (Gen.  i. — ii.  3)  we  stand  before  the  first  beginnings 
of  sober  reflection  about  nature,  in  the  second  we  are  on  the  ground 
of  marvel  and  myth.' 

How  orderly  the  Creation-story  in  Gen.  i.  is,  may  be  seen  by  the 
way  in  which  the  '  days  '  are  grouped  in  pairs. 


Ist  day 
2nd  „ 
3rd  day 
4th  „ 
5th  day 
6  th  „ 


[  Division. 

>  Inanimate  Nature. 

I  Animate  Nature. 


(  Light  from  Darkness  (see  Job 
(  Waters  fromWaters.  [xxxviii.l9) 
("The  dry  Land,  and  Plants. 
(^The  Heavenly  Luminaries. 
(  Birds  and  Fishes. 
\  Beasts  and  Man 


Notes  on  Chapter  I 


407 


The  two  narratives  are  brought  into  clear  contrast  by  the  Rev. 
F.  H.  Woods,  B.D.,  in  his  article  Hexateuch,  Hastings'  Diet.  Bible, 
vol.  ii.,  p.  3646  :  '  Notice  the  very  remarkable  difference  in  the  whole 
tone  and  character  of  the  Creation-stories,  Gen.  i. — ii.  4o,  and  ii.  46, 
etc.  The  first  describes  Creation  as  taking  place  in  a  systematicy 
order,  reaching  its  climax  in  man,  created  male  and  female,  every- 
thing being  made  out  of  nothing  by  the  separate yia<  of  Almighty  God. 
In  the  second,  all  other  things  belonging  to  the  earth  (the  heavenly 
bodies  are  not  mentioned)  are  made  after  the  creation  of  the  first 
man,  in  the  order  best  suited  to  his  wants,  ending  in  the  creation  of 
woman. ' 

Ch.  i.,  says  Dr.  Driver, '  displays  clear  marks  of  study  and  deliberate 
systematization  :  ii.  46  ff.  is  fresh,  spontaneous,  and,  at  least  in  a 
relative  sense,  primitive.'     Genesis,  p.  35.  (p.   2) 

5.  Ball  {Light  from  the  East,  p.  2)  assigns  the  origin  of  the  Creation 
tablets  to  the  third  millennium  b.c.  Sayce  {Higher  Criticism  and 
Monuments,  p.  62)  thinks  that  in  their  present  form  they  belong  to  a 
later  date.  '  The  attempt  '  he  remarks,  '  breathes  so  thoroughly  the 
air  of  a  later  philosophy  which  has  reduced  the  deities  of  earlier  belief 
to  mere  abstractions  and  forces  of  nature,  that  I  much  doubt  whether 
it  can  be  assigned  to  an  earlier  date  than  the  seventh  century  b.c' 
Gunkel  {Schopfung  und  Chaos)  thinks  that  the  Creation -story  was 
current  among  the  Hebrews  long  before  it  was  incorporated  in  Gen.  i. 
In  the  main  points  there  is  a  far-reaching  coincidence  between  the 
Babylonian  and  Hebrew  Creations.  (1)  Both  stories  place  water 
and  darkness  alone  at  the  beginning  of  things.  (2)  They  personify 
the  Deep  by  the  same  name  Tehom  =Tiamat.  (3)  In  both,  the  ap- 
pearance of  light  is  the  beginning  ot  a  new  order.  (4)  In  both,  the 
creation  of  heaven  is  effected  by  the  division  of  the  waters  of  the 
primeval  flood  into  those  above  and  those  below  the  firmament. 
(5)  The  six  creative  acts  are  similar  and  in  almost  the  same  order. — 
Encyclopcedia  Bihlica,  Art.  Creation,  §  3.  '  The  inscriptions  preserved 
in  these  tablets  .  .  .  form  in  reality  a  kind  of  epic  poem,  the  theme  of 
which  is  the  glory  of  the  god  Marduk,  the  supreme  god  of  Babylon, 
declaring  how,  after  a  severe  conflict,  he  had  overcome  the  powers  of 
chaos  and  darkness,  and  so  had  been  able  to  create  a  world  of  light 
and  order.'     Driver,  Genesis,  p.  27. 

For  the  struggle  between  Jehovah  and  Tehom,  Leviathan  and 
Rahab  personifying  the  forces  of  Chaos,  see  Oesterley,  the  Evolution 
of  the  Messianic  Idea,  and  Zimmem,  Babylonian  and  Hebrew  Genesis. 

The  superiority  of  the  Hebrew  account  lies  in  (1)  the  absence  of 
mythological  details  ;  (2)  the  insistence  that  God  existed  before  all 
things,  and  was  not  (as  the  gods  in  the  Babylon  myth)  called  into 
being  to  give  order  and  harmony  to  matter  ;  (3)  the  clear  perception 
that  God  is  above  all  and  distinct  from  every  created  thing,     (p.  2) 


6.  The  employment  of  the  divine  names  in  Genesis  gave  a  French 
physician  by  name  Astruc  the  clue  to  the  documentary  theory. 
These  views  were  embodied  in  his  Conjectures  sur  les  memoires 
originaux  dont  il  paroit  que  Moyse  s'est  servi  pour  composer  le  livre  de 
la  Gen^sCy  Brussels,  1763.     Bennett,  Biblical  Introduction,  p.  20. 


4o8 


Notes  on  Chapter  I 


Notes  on  Chapter  I 


409 


Jehovah  was  not  employed  to  designate  the  Sabered  Name  till  a.d. 
1520,  and  the  form  is  an  impossible  one.  Probably  the  Name  waa 
pronounced  Jahveh.  As  however  this  is  by  no  means  certain,  I  have 
retained  the  more  familiar  '  Jehovah.'  I  should  prefer  to  copy  the 
l-everence  of  the  Hebrews  and  of  the  Versions  in  speaking  of  '  the 
Lord,'  were  it  not  for  the  importance  of  reminding  my  readers  that 
the  tetragrammaton  J  H  V  H  is  a  proper  name. 

For  a  discussion  of  the  Sacred  Names  see  the  Hibbert  Journal,  July 
1 909,  where  Professor  Eerdmans  denies  that  they  are  necessarily  by 
different  writers  or  indicate  separate  sources.  Three  proper  names 
compounded  of  the  Sacred  Name  Jahveh  have  been  d,iscovered, 
dating  from  the  period  of  Hammurabi  (B.C.  2600  circa).  It  is  not, 
however,  certain  that  the  Divine  Name  was  known  to  the  Baby- 
lonians. See  Delitzsch,  Babel  und  Bibel,  p.  46  {Kng.  Tr.),  p.  71,  and 
esp.  133-141  ;  Dr.  C.  W.  Johns,  Expositor,  Oct.  1903,  and  Cambridge 
Biblical  Essays,  p.  47  sq.  ;   Driver,  Genesis,  p.  xlix. 

In  Gen.  ii.  46  ff.  we  find  the  combination  of  the  two  names,  Jahveh - 
Elohim,  which  is  not  found  elsewhere  in  the  Hexateuch  except  in 
Ex.  ix.  30.  This  expansion  of  the  Sacred  Name  is  probably  due  to 
the  last  reviser  or  editor.     Dillmann,  Genesis,  p.  97,  Eng.  Tr.     (p.  3) 


7.  This  was  discovered  by  Mr.  Rassam  at  Sippara,  and  mostly 
relates  the  building  of  the  sacred  cities  and  their  temples.  The 
second  line  reminds  us  of  Gen.  ii.  5..  '  No  reed  had  come  forth,  no  tree 
been  created.'  In  other  places  there  are  echoes  of  Gen.  i.  Ball, 
Light  from  the  East,  \i.\^.  -  (p.  3) 


8.  Sacred  trees  are  common  in  Babylonian  literature.  The  ser- 
pent was  the  embodiment  of  evil.  The  third  Creation  tablet  contains 
a  passage  about  sinning  by  eating  forbidden  fruit.  There  is  also  a 
charm  against  demons,  who  are  said  '  to  have  taken  woman  from  the 
thigh  of  man.'  But  this  last  has  been  explained  to  mean,  '  such  is 
the  power  of  demons  that  they  can  draw  away  a  woman  from  her 
husband's  side.'  When  interpretations  are  so  diverse  caution  is 
needed.  See  Sayce,  Higher  Criticism  and  the  Monuments,  p.  101. 
Hastings'  Diet,  of  Bible,  Arts.  Eve  and  Fall. 

Regarding  the  numerous  attempts  to  '  locate  '  Paradise  or  to  shew 
that  the  Biblical  idea  of  the  Garden  of  Eden  and  the  Fall  are  adapta- 
tions of  the  Babylonian  Paradise  legend,  such  as  is  found  in  Frederic 
Delitzsch's  Wo  lag  das  Parodies  ?  Dillmann  {Genesis,  p.  110,  Eng. 
Tr.)  remarks:  'Anything  precisely  corresponding  to  the  Biblical 
Paradise  is  not,  up  to  this  time,  demonstrable  among  any  other 
people.'  '  As  to  the  much-discussed  seal -cylinder,  in  which  two 
well -dressed  figures,  the  one  with  two  horns  on  the  head,  the  other 
with  a  serpent  standing  direct  behind  it,  sit  on  chairs  opposite  the 
tree  of  life,  while  each  stretches  out  a  hand  towards  it,  a  relation  of 
this  to  the  Fall  is  no  more  than  a  romance  about  it  created  by  certain 
scholars.' 

For  valuable  remarks  on  the  spiritual  meaning  of  the  Fall  see 
Driver,  Genesis,  p.  56,  whore  he  discusses  the  difficult  question  of 
Man's  condition  before  he  fell.  Dr.  Tennant's  Hulsean  Lectures  on 
The  Origin  and  Propagation  of  Sin  should  be  carefully  studied,  (p.  4) 


9.  Josephus  {Antiq.  I.  i.  3)  says  that  the  river  that  went  out  of 
Eden  ran  round  the  whole  earth,  as  the  ancients  believed  the  streams 
of  Oceanus  did,  and  that  the  four  rivers  were  the  Euphrates,  the 
Tigris,  the  Ganges,  and  the  Nile.  The  most  ancient  opinion  is  that 
Pison  =  Ganges,  and  Gihon  =  Nile.  The  belief  that  these  four  rivers 
rose  in  one  part  of  the  world  indicates  the  vaguest  ideas  of  geography. 
Sayce  {Higher  Crit.  etc.,  p.  104)  says  that  by  'the  river'  the  Persian 
Gulf  is  meant,  and  that  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates  entered  it  by 
different  channels.  Ball  {Light  from  the  East,  p.  32)  gives  a  map  of 
the  world  with  Babylon  and  the  Euphrates  and  a  few  cities  marked, 
supplying  as  he  remarks  '  an  excellent  illustration  of  the  state  of 
geographical  knowledge  at  the  time.'  (p.  4) 

10.  Three  Flood-narratives  have  been  discovered  besides  the  story 
preserved  by  Berosus,  the  historian.  The  important  one  is  the 
Babylonian  story  of  the  Deluge  related  to  the  hero  Gilgamesh  by  his 
ancestor  Xisuthrus  {Hasisadra),  discovered  by  G.  Smith  in  1872  in 
the  Library  of  Asshur-bani-pal  at  Kouyunjik.  The  visit  to  Xisuthrus 
is  the  eleventh  exploit  of  Gilgamesh,  and  is  recorded  in  the  month 
when  the  Sun  is  in  Aquarius.  For  the  Creation  and  Flood  in  Baby- 
lonian mythology  see  L.  W.  King,  Babylonian  Religion,  chs.  iii.  and  iv. 

Driver,  Genesis,  p.  10 Iff.  :  '  The  principal  countries  in  which  these 
Flood-stories  are  found  are  Greece  (Deucalion's  Deluge),  Lithuania, 
Australia,  Hawaii,  Cashmir,  Thibet,  Kamschatka,  different  parts  of 
India  and  America  (where  such  stories  are  particularly  numerous).' 
Flood-stories  are  absent  in  Egypt,  China,  and  Japan,  and  are  '  almost 
absent  in  other  parts  of  Africa  (except  where  they  are  due  to  Chris- 
tian influence).'  For  the  latter  see  HoUis,  The  Masai,  especially  the 
Preface,  p.  xiii.     For  Flood-legends  see  Dillmann,  Genesis,  pp.  254ff. 

(p.  5) 

11.  The  measurements  of  the  ship  of  Xisuthrus  are  given  in  the 
Gilgamesh  Epic.     Budde  thinks  that  the  description  of  the  ark 
belongs  to  J*  and  not  to  P,  to  which  most  critics  assign  it.     En 
cyclopcedia  Biblica,  Art.  Deluge,  p.  10. 

The  dates  in  P  are  particularly  interesting.     Tne  Flood  (Gen.  vii. 

1 1 )  begins  on  the  17th  day  of  the  second  month  :  the  waters  increase 
for  150  days  (vii.  24)  :  the  ark  goes  aground  on  the  17th  day  of  the 
seventh  month  (viii.  4)  :  on  the  1st  of  the  tenth  month  the  tops  of 
the  mountains  are  seen  (viii.  5)  :  on  the  1st  of  the  first  month  in  the 
next  year  the  Flood  has  disappeared  (viii.  13)  :  on  the  27th  of  the 
second  month  the  earth  is  dry  (viii.  14).  Thus  the  Flood  lasts  1  year 
and  11  days,  or  reckoning  by  lunar  months,  354  +  11  days,  i.e.  365 
days,  a  solar  year. 

In  J,  the  waters  increase  for  forty  days,  and  disappear  (viii.  8,  10, 

12)  after  21  days.  The  duration  of  the  Flood  is  therefore  61  days. 
Each  of  the  two  accounts  is  complete  in  itself.  Driver,  Genesis. 
Dillmann,  Genesis.  (p.  6) 

12.  The  whole  story  of  Cain  bristles  with  difficulties.  (1)  His 
name  :  Gen.  iv.  1,  Eve  called  him  Cain,  saying,  '  I  have  gotten  a  man 

rom  (or  by  the  help  of)  Jehovah.'     According  to  these  obscure  words 
Cain  is  derived  from  the  Hebrew  verb  qanah=  to  get.     The  name 


410 


Notes  on  Chapter  I 


means  also  a  laiice  ;  Cheyne  renders  it  '  a  smith,'  the  Cainites  being 
famous  workers  in  metal.  Encyclopcedia  Bihlica,  Art.  Cain.  It  is 
suggested  that  Cain  represents  the  tribe  of  the  Kenites  (Numb.  xxiv. 
22).  (2)  The  cause  of  the  rejection  of  Cain's  offering  and  the  mean- 
ing of  Jehovah's  words  in  iv.  7  :  the  LXX.  by  a  slight  change  of 
vowel -points  make  the  offence  a  ritual  one.  '  Didst  not  thou  sin,  if, 
though  thou  didst  offer  aright,  thou  didst  not  rightly  divide  (the 
sacrifice)  ?  {hiiXrji).  (3)  The  Hebrew  text  is  evidently  corrupt  ; 
iv.  8,  '  And  Cain  said  to  Abel,'  where  the  Hebrew  does  not  give  his 
words,  the  LXX.  and  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  add  '  Let  us  go  into 
the  field.'  (4)  Cain's  fear  that  he  will  be  slain,  implying  that  there 
were  other  men  to  avenge  Abel.  (5)  The  marks  set  on  Cain,  which 
some  consider  was  a  sign  appointed  by  God  to  reassure  him.  What 
did  this  signify  ?  Was  it  the  totem  mark  ?  (6)  Cain  builds  a  city  ; 
a  strange  thing  if  he  was  only  the  third  inhabitant  of  the  Earth  ! 

On  the  whole  it  appears  reasonable  to  infer — ( 1 )  That  the  story  of 
Cain  and  Abel  is  not  originally  connected  with  the  preceding  narra- 
tive, but  that  its  origin  is  Palestinian  ;  (2)  That  it  was  intended  to 
describe  the  hostility  between  the  nomads  and  the  people  leading 
settled  lives  and  at  the  same  time  tending  cattle  ;  (3)  That  the 
'  mark  '  was  the  protection  of  the  nomads,  who  lived  without  law, 
being  a  sign  that  their  relatives  would  avenge  their  death  (Robertson- 
Smith,  Religion  oj  the  Semites,  p.  252)  ;  (4)  That  Cain  the  city  builder 
was  not  the  same  as  Cain  the  murderer,  but  was  identical  with  the 
Cainan  in  the  pedigree  of  Adam  in  Gen.  v.  {Encycl.  Bibl.,  Arts.  Eve, 
Cain,  Cainites  ;  Mitchell,  The  World  before  Abraham,  p.  163  ;  Ryle, 
Early  Narratives  of  Genesis,  p.  70  ;  Dillmann's  and  also  Delitzsch's 
Commentaries  on  Genesis  ;  Ball,  Genesis,  etc.)  Dr.  Driver  in  his 
Genesis,  Addenda,  p.  xvi.,  refers  to  this  note  of  mine  ;  but  he  remarks 
that  the  LXX.  rendering  here  quoted  '  is  anything  but  probable.' 
'  The  text'  he  remarks  in  his  comments  on  Gen.  iv.  7  '  is  open  to 
suspicion,  but  as  understood  it  teaches  a  profound  psychological 
truth,  viz.  the  danger  of  harbouring  a  sullen  and  unreasoning  dis- 
content :  it  is  a  temper  which  is  only  too  likely  to  lead  to  fatal  con- 
seouences,  and  which,  therefore,  should  at  all  costs  be  checked.'  (p.  7) 


13.  '  What  remains  unaffected  by  criticism  (in  the  story  of  Cain)  is 
the  prophetic  inspiration  manifested  in  the  representation  of  God's 
holiness  and  long-suffering,  in  the  analyses  of  the  guilty  heart,  and 
in  the  knowledge  of  the  rapid  diffusion  of  the  principle  of  sin,  and  its 
tendency  to  steadily  increasing  heinousness  as  manifested  in  out- 
ward act.'     W.  P.  Paterson  in  Hastings'  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  Art.  Cain. 

The  following  letter  was  sent  to  me  by  the  much-lamented  Greek 
scholar  Dr.  Walter  Headlam,  bearing  on  the  subject  of  Cain  : — 

Dec.    19,   1905. 

Deak  Foakes-Jackson, — Thank  you  very  much  for  the  Biblical 
History — not  only  for  being  kind  enough  to  send  it  me,  but  because 
it's  the  very  book  that  I've  been  wanting,  and  didn't  know  existed, 
I'm  ashamed  to  say.  T  haven't  had  time  to  read  it  yet,  but  I  found 
myself  turning  down  almost  every  page  I  looked  at.  It  will  be  ex- 
tremely useful  in  a  region  where  I'm  nearly  as  much  an  amateur  as  a 
retired  sea-captain,  and  I  hope  will  save  me  from  making  some  very 


Notes  on  Chapter  I 


411 


ignorant  suggestion.  I  should  be  sorry  to  step  in  with  unwashed 
feet  where  angels  fear  to  tread,  and  I  haven't  broached  any  sugges- 
tion about  the  Mark  of  Cain  ;  but  it  seemed  clear  enough  that  those 
early  chapters  were  a  chronicle  of  inventions  and  institutions,  and  it 
occurred  to  me  that  possibly  Cain  was  the  first  man  banished  for 
bloodshed  and  sacrosanct  a^  a  suppliant  under  God's  protection — as 
Ixion  was  in  Greece.  But  then  there's  the  trouble  of  ignorance  ; 
I  don't  know  whether  there's  any  evidence  of  the  Hebrews  having 
had  that  institution  ;  if  they  never  had,  my  guess  of  course  would  be 
rubbish.  Yours  ever, 

Walter  Headlam. 


14.  This  is  the  popularly  accepted  view,  but  it  is  denied  by  Well- 
hausen  and  certainly  it  is  not  so  much  as  hinted  at  in  the  Biblical 
narrative.  The  Jewish  legend  is  that  Lamech  accidentally  slew 
Cain.  Much  turns  on  the  interpretation  of  '  I  have  slain.'  The 
perfect  in  Hebrew  may  also  mean  '  I  would  or  could  have  slain,' 
cf.  Numb.  xxii.  29,  where  Balaam  says,  '  I  would  there  were  a  sword 
in  mine  hand,  for  then  had  I  killed  thee'  (^St;  av  i^eKevTrjado-e,  LXX.). 
Prof.  Kennett  furnishes  me  with  the  following  explanation  :  Lamech, 
a  tribal  chieftain,  has  received  from  some  boy  a  cut.  He  has  avenged 
the  insult  by  slaying  the  aggressor,  deprecating  the  blood-guiltiness 
which  would  attach  to  him  in  consequence  by  an  appeal  to  the  pre- 
cedent of  Cain.  We  find  a  similar  deprecation  of  blood-guiltiness  in 
the  case  of  David.  (2  Sam.  i.  16  ;  2  Sam.  iii.  28,  29.)  Both  Driver 
and  Dilknann  are  of  opinion  that  the  '  Song  '  of  Lamech  is  meant  to 
exult  over  his  foes,  and  that  he  means  to  say  that  with  the  new 
weapons  he  will  slay  men  and  boys  for  a  slight  injury  like  a  blow.  In 
comparison  with  Lamech,  Cain  was  only  a  beginner.  Dillmann, 
Genesis,  p.  207,  Eng.  Tr.  (p.   8) 


15.  Ryle,  Early  Narratives  of  Genesis,  p.  79. 


(p.  8) 


16.  This  is  a  difficult  passage.  '  The  sons  of  the  Elohim  saw  the 
daughters  of  the  Adam.''  Who  were  the  former  ?  Some  say  men  of 
a  superior  race  to  the  Adamites  ;  others,  as  the  LXX.  in  some  MSS., 
'  angels,'  The  latter  view  is  the  most  plausible  :  for  (1)  it  is  the 
general  meaning  of  '  Sons  of  God  '  in  the  O.T.  (Job.  i.  6,  ii.  1,  xxxviii. 
7) ;  (2)  it  is  the  N.T.  explanation  of  this  passage  (2  Pet.  ii.  4,  Jude  6), 
and  the  patristic  view  (Tertullian,  adv.  Marc.  v.  8  ;  Augustine,  De 
Civ.  Dei  xv.  23)  ;  so  also  Josephus,  Antiq.  1.  iii.  1.  Mitchell,  The 
World  before  Abraham  ;  Wade,  Old  Test.  History.  It  is  interesting  to 
notice  that  Origen,  following  Philo,  rejects  the  view  of  the  angels 
having  connection  with  the  daughters  of  men,  and  says  the  passage 
must  be  taken  allegorically.  He  denies  that  the  Book  of  Enoch, 
which  Celsus  quotes,  is  authoritative  (Contra  Celsum  v.  54,  55).  For 
the  Book  of  Enoch  see  Charles'  edition,  and  also  J.  B.  Mayor,  Epistles 
of  St.  Jude  and  II.  Peter,  ch.  x.  (The  Story  of  the  Fallen  Angels),  (p.  8) 


17.  Professor  MargoUouth  (Arts.  Ham  and  Japhet  in  Hastings' 
Diet,  of  the  Bible)  thinks  that  originally  the  three  sons  of  Noah  may 


412 


Notes  on  Chapter  I 


merely  have  signified  the  divisions  of  the  inhabitanto  of  Palestine  : 
but  by  whom  Japheth  was  represented  is  not  yet  certain.  (p.  8) 


18.  This  seems  to  be  the  general  opinion  ;  and  though  Dillmann 
{Genesis,  p.  302)  expressly  denies  the  possibility  of  Canaan  the  name 
of  a  people  being  one  of  a  triad  of  brothers,  two  of  whom,  Shem  and 
Japheth,  do  not  bear  gentilic  names,  Hastings'  Diet,  oj  the  Bible  and 
Cheyne  in  the  Encyclopcedia  Biblica  (Art.  Ham)  both  support  it. 
Mitchell  {The  World  before  Abraham,  p.  230)  points  out  that  in  Noah's 
curse  Jehovah's  name  is  mentioned  in  connection  with  Shem,  the 
ancestor  of  the  Hebrews,  but  '  God  '  is  to  '  enlarge  Japhet.'  Dr. 
Driver  says  that  it  is  Ood  not  Jehovah  (who  is  reserved  for  Shem), 
there  being  no  knowledge  of  the  God  of  revelation  in  Japheth.  Dr. 
Cheyne  thinks  that  the  w'ords  concerning  Japheth  are  a  later  addition. 
In  his  Traditions  and  Beliefs  of  Ancient  Israel,  the  '  dwelling  in  the 
tents  of  Shem  '  refers  to  the  occupation  of  Shem  (especially  Israel) 
by  '  Pelishtim  in  the  time  of  Saul,'  p.  154.  (p.  8) 

19.  Josephus  attributes  the  building  of  the  tower  of  Babel  to 
Nimrod  (LXX.  N€/Spw8),  Antiq.  I.  iv.  2.  In  Jewish  and  Mahomnie- 
dan  tradition  he  was  the  persecutor  of  Abraham.  Every  writer 
seems  to  take  a  different  view  of  him  :  for  example  Pinches  in 
Hastings'  Diet,  of  the  Bible  identifies  him  with  the  god  Merodach. 
Sayce  {Higher  Grit,  and  Monuments)  says  he  was  not  a  son  of  Cush, 
but  the  founder  of  a  Kassite  dynasty  and  a  Semite  ;  whilst  Cheyne 
transports  him  from  Babylonia  and  settles  him  among  the  Jerah- 
meelites  in  Southern  Palestine  !  {Encyclopaedia  Biblica,  Art. 
Nimrod  ;  Traditions  and  Beliefs,  p.  180.)  Micah  (v.  6)  calls  Assyria 
'  the  land  of  Nimrod.'  Driver  {Genesis,  p.  120)  calls  Gen.  x.  8-12 
*  a  digression.     Origin  of  the  Empires  of  Babylon  and  Assyria.'  (p.  9) 


20.  Babel  is  the  regular  Hebrew  word  for  Babylon,  and  the  author 
of  Genesis  xi.  derives  it  from  balbel,  to  confound.  The  real  meaning  of 
the  word  is  '  Gate  of  God,'  bab-ila.  The  tower  of  Babel  is  either  that 
of  Birs  Nimrud  at  Borsippa,  S.W.  of  Babylon,  or  the  Great  Temple  of 
Merodach  in  Babylon  itself.  For  identifications  of  the  '  Tower  of 
Babel  '  see  Driver  and  Dillmann,  in  loco.  Dr.  Driver  thinks  that 
the  story  of  the  building  of  Babel  is  not  Babylonian.  '  As  Gunkel 
has  remarked,  the  narrative  reflects  the  impression  which  Babylon 
would  make  upon  a  foreigner,  rather  than  that  which  it  would  make 
upon  a  native.'     Genesis,  t^.I^I.  (P    9) 


21.  Ball,  Light  from  the  East,  p.  86. 


(p.  9) 


22.  Sargon  of  Accad,  whose  date  according  to  the  inscription  of 
Nabonidus  (b.c.  550)  was  B.C.  3800,  but  who  has  been  placed  by  some 
as  late  as  B.C.  2770,  certainly  conquered  the  land  of  Martu  (Syria), 
and  his  son  Naram  Sin  was  possibly  worshipped  as  a  god  in  Cyprus. 
Ball,  Light  from  the  East,  p.  53.     Paton,  Syria  and  Palestine,  ch.  ii. 

(p.   10) 


Notes  on  Chapter  I 


413 


23.  This  title  was  first  assumed  by  a  king  of  the  city  of  Larsa  about 
B.C.  1850.     Hommel  in  Hastings'  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  Art.  Babylonia. 

(p.   10) 

24.  This  appears  to  be  certain.  Sargon  and  Naram-Sin  were 
Semites,  so  that  the  inroad  of  this  element  into  Babylonia  may  be  as 
early  as  about  4000  B.C.  But  the  Sumerian  language  found  on  the 
inscriptions  is  distinct  from  that  of  the  Babylonian  Semites.  En- 
cyclopcBdia  Biblica,  Art.  Babylonia,  sec.  43,  col.  440.  Paton,  Syria 
and  Palestine,  p.  8. (p.   10) 

25.  It  would  hardly  be  right  to  style  the  religion  of  Israel  at  the 
time  of  the  writing  down  of  the  stories  in  Genesis  as  monotheistic. 
A  monotheist  denies  the  existence  of  any  god  but  One.  This  the 
Israelites  did  not  apparently  do  ;  they  worshipped  one  God  only,  but 
denied  neither  the  existence  nor  the  power  of  the  gods  of  the  heathen. 
See  my  article  '  Israel  and  Babylon  '  in  The  Interpreter,  Jan.  1907. 

(p.   11) 

26.  '  Your  fathers  dwelt  on  the  other  side  of  the  flood  {i.e.  the 
Euphrates)  in  old  time,  even  Terah,  the  father  of  Abraham,  and  the 
father  of  Nachor,  and  they  served  other  gods,'  Josh.  xxiv.  2.  Robert- 
son-Sniii;h  {Propliets  of  Israel)  considers  this  chapter  a  very  ancient 
document.  /p,   \\\ 

27.  How  obscure  and  fragmentary  for  example  is  the  account  of 
Lamech  and  his  sons,  and  of  Nunrod  !  both  of  which  would  have  been 
of  the  greatest  interest  to  us.  (p.   \\) 

28.  About  the  portions  of  Genesis  i. — xi.  belonging  to  P  there  is 
hardly  any  dispute.  They  are  i.  1 — ii.  46  ;  all  v.  except  ver.  29  ;  vi. 
9-22;  vii.  6,  11,  13-166,  186-21,  24;  viii.  1-5;  ix.  1-17,  20,  29;  x. 
1-7,  20,  22-23,  31,  32;   xi.  10-27,  31-32.  (p.   13) 


29.  In  the  N.T.  Enoch  is  mentioned  in  Heb.  xi.  5,  where  the  LXX. 
is  followed,  '  he  pleased  God,'  for  Hebrew  '  he  walked  with  God,'  and 
in  Jude  14  the  apocryphal  '  Book  of  Enoch  '  is  quoted.  Dr.  Driver 
identifies  Enoch  with  the  seventh  of  the  antediluvian  kings  of 
Babylon,  Enmiduranki,  whom  the  sun-god  Shamash  instructed  in 
all  the  arts  of  divination.  In  the  '  Book  of  Enoch,'  Enoch,  '  seventh 
from  Adam  '  (Jude  14),  is  given  visions  of  judgement  by  angels  and 
unfolds  the  secrets  of  the  heavens.     Driver,  Genm^,  p.  78.       (p.   13) 


30.  For  discussions  on  the  subject  of  the  Chronology  here  and  in 
ch.  v.,  see  Articles  on  '  Chronology  '  in  Bible  Dictionaries,  and  the 
commentaries  of  Dillmann,  Delitzsch  and  others.  The  Hebrew, 
Samaritan  and  LXX.  systems  all  differ  ;  that  according  to  the  LXX. 
being  606  years  longer  than  the  Hebrew.  According  to  Berosus 
there  were  ten  generations  from  Alorus  to  Xisuthrus,  the  same  num- 
ber as  from  Adam  to  Noah.  Notice  how,  as  historical  persons  are 
approached,  the  limits  of  life  shrink.  The  antediluvian  kings  of 
Babylon  were  given  reigns  of  tens  of  thousands  of  years.         (p.   14) 


414 


Notes  on  Chapter  II 


31.  Sayce,  Higher  Criticism  and  MonumenUt,  p.  130.  Wade,  Old 
Testament  History,  ch.  ii.  LXX.  :  *EA.tcra  /cat  ®ap<rLS  {a.l.  0ap<r€ts) 
—K-qTLOL  {a.l.  Kltlol)—F68lol.  (P-   14) 


32.  The  Cush  who  begat  Nimrod  is  not  connected  with  Ham  in 
the  pedigree,  and  Genesis  x.  8-12,  belongs  to  J,  and  not  to  P,  who  is 
our  main  authority.     (See  Note  19  supra.)  (p.   14) 

33.  Arphachshad  probably  represents  Babylonia,  the  latter  half  of 
the  name  being  practically  identical  with  the  word  Chesed  (see 
Genesis  xxii.  22),  from  which  comes  the  plural  Chasdim,  the  usual 
Hebrew  appellation  for  the  Babylonians.  Wade,  Old  Test.  Hist., 
p.  72.  (P-   14) 


Chapter  II 


1.  See  Dr.  Cheyne's  article  in  the  XlXth  Century  and  After  for 
January  1902,  in  which  he  maintains  that  Abraham  and  Jacob  are 
lunar  myths,  and  that  Joseph  signifies  the  sun. 

Prof.  Kennett  writes  to  me  : — 

'  I  personally  believe  that  Abraham,  Isaac  and  Jacob  only  became 
the  ancestors  of  Israel  after  the  conquest  of  Canaan  ;  e.g.  Abraham 
was  the  "  father  "  of  Hebron,  and  when  Hebron  became  Judsean  (as 
it  did  after  the  reign  of  Saul),  Abraham  became  the  father  of  Judah, 
6tnd  after  the  fall  of  Samaria  of  North  Israel  also.' 

But,  ingenious  as  these  hypotheses  may  be,  they  are  not  demon- 
strable ;  and  it  seems  advisable  to  accept  in  the  main  the  Biblical 
account  unless  it  is  proved  to  be  inconsistent  with  known  facts. 

It  appears  that  the  only  solution  of  this  difficult  question  is  that 
the  patriarchs  are  sometimes  described  as  individuals  and  sometimes 
as  tribes.  When,  for  example,  Keturah,  whom  Abraham  apparently 
married  in  extreme  old  age,  is  said  to  have  borne  him  Midian  (Gen. 
XXV.  2),  or  when  Jacob  and  Laban  make  a  frontier  treaty  between 
Israelites  and  Aramaeans  (Gen.  xxxi.  51),  it  seems  certain  that 
'  tribes  '  and  not  persons  are  indicated.  On  the  other  hanc\,  Abra- 
ham, a  wealthy  immigrant  moving  from  place  to  place  in  Palestine 
and  making  peaceful  arrangements  with  the  local  sheikhs,  is  his- 
torically more  easily  conceived  than  as  the  leader  of  a  horde  roaming 
about  unmolested  in  Palestine.  I  pass  over  his  personal  qualities, 
his  faith,  and  even  his  exhibitions  of  weakness.  Driver,  Genesis, 
pp.  liv.  fi.  There  is  no  evidence  that  Abraham,  Isaac,  or  Jacob 
were  ever  worshipped  as  local  gods  or  even  as  heroes  in  the  classical 
sense  of  the  word.  Dillmann,  Genesis,  vol.  ii.,  p.  3,  Eng.  Tr.  See  also 
Mr.  A.  L.  Williams's  article  on  Abraham  in  Murray's  Illust.  Bible 
Diet. (P-   18) 

2.  Driver,  Introduction  to  Old  Testament,  pp.  110-118.  Dillmann, 
Kittel  and  Riehm  place  E  about  900-850  B.C.,  and  J  between  830  and 
750  B.C.  Wellhausen,  Kuenen  and  Stade  assign  priority  to  J  (850- 
800  B.C.)  over  E  (c.  750  B.C.).  Both  belong  to  the  golden  period  of 
Hebrew  Uterature.  (P*   1^) 


Notes  on  Chapter  II 


415 


3.  See  especially  the  history  of  Joseph,  Gen.  xxxvii.  22-24,  28a, 
29-30,  36  (E),  16,  12-21,  25-27,  31-35  (J).  Cf.  Gen.  xlii.  37  and 
xliii.  3.  (p.   18) 

4.  In  Hosea  and  Amos  the  sacred  places  are  Shechem  (Gen.  xii.  6, 
xxxiii.  18,  Hos.  vi.  9),  Bethel  (Gen.  xii.  8,  xxviii.  19,  xxxv.  1,  Amos  iv. 
4),  Beersheba  (Gen.  xxi.  32,  xxvi.  33,  Amos  viii.  14).  (p.   18) 


5.  The  date  of  Gen.  xiv.  is  very  much  questioned.  All  are  agreed 
that  it  is  from  a  source  different  from  all  the  rest  of  Genesis  ;  but 
whether  this  source  is  of  venerable  antiquity  or  of  the  post-captivity 
-  age  is  still  undecided.  Dr.  Hommel,  who  remarks  that  in  it  'we 
obtain  a  glimpse  of  the  general  history  in  the  twentieth  century  B.C., 
such  as  is  nowhere  else  vouchsafed  to  us  in  the  Bible  '  {Ancient 
Hebrew  Tradition,  p.  148),  allows  that  it  shews  signs  of  having  been 
re -edited.  Driver  says  :  '  The  general  style  and  literary  character 
of  the  narrative  suggest  that  it  is  not  of  an  earlier  date  than  the  age  of 
Ezekiel.'  Of  the  kings  mentioned,  Amraphel  is  said  to  have  been  the 
great  Babylonian  king,  Khammurabi,  who  afterwards  overthrew  the 
supremacy  of  the  Elamite  Chedorlaomer.  This  name  is  genuinely 
Elamite,  and  a  native  goddess  was  called  Lagamar  or  Lagamal ;  it 
has  not,  however,  been  discovered.  Arioch  of  Elassar  has  been 
identified  with  Eriaku  of  Larsa.  The  name  of  Tidal  has  also  been 
found  (Hommel,  op.  cit.,  pp.  149  and  185).  See  also  Sayce,  Higher 
Criticism,  etc.,  p.  164  ;  Godspeed,  History  of  the  Babylonians  and 
Assyrians.  The  great  Elamite  invasion  took  place  in  the  middle 
of  the  third  millennium  B.C.     Paton,  Syria  and  Palestine,  p.  29. 

(p.   19) 

6.  Hastings'  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  Art.  Abraham,  p.  15o.  '  The 
writer,'  Bishop  Ryle  remarks  {ib.  Art.  Biblical  Chronology)  '  does  not 
suggest  an  interval  of  nearly  a  thousand  years  between  Abraham 
and  the  Exodus.'  (p.   19) 

7.  The  fact  that  Abraham  pursued  the  invaders  to  Dan  is  con- 
sidered by  Dr.  Cheyne  an  indication  that  in  the  original  story  the 
patriarch  dwelt  in  Galilee,  and  not  at  Hebron.  XlXth  Century  and 
After  for  January  1902.  He  has,  I  believe,  now  located  this  Dan  in 
N.  Arabia.     Trad,  and  Beliefs,  p.  249.  (p.   19) 


8.  The  Philistines,  like  the  Israelites,  are  said  to  have  been  immi- 
grants into  Canaan  (Amos  ix.  7).  They  have  been  identified  with 
the  Parusati  of  the  monuments  of  Rameses  III.  They  are  supposed 
to  have  made  their  appearance  about  1200  B.C.  The  title  '  king  of 
the  Philistines,'  applied  to  Abimelech  in  Gen.  xxvi.,  is  probably  an 
anachronism.     Encycl.  Bibl.,  Art.  Philistines,  §§  3  and  7.        (p.  20) 


9.  The  southern  Hittites,  mentioned  also  in  Gen.  xxvi.  34,  xxxvi. 
2,  and  probably  Gen.  x.  15,  see  also  2  Sam.  xii.  (Uriah  the  Hittite) 
and  Ez.  xvi.  3  (where  the  prophet  says  that  the  '  mother  '  of  Jeru- 
salem was  a  Hittite),  are  said  to  be  different  from  the  northern 


F 


416 


Notes  on  Chapter  II 


Hittites  of  the  Egyptian  and  Assyrian  monuments.     See  Encyclo- 
vcedia  Biblica  and  Hastings'  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  Art.  HittUes. 

^ (p.  20) 

10.  The  date  of  Sargon  is  based  on  a  statement  on  a  clay  cyhnder 
of  Nabonidus  the  last  King  of  Babylon,  recording  the  fact  that  when 
restorincr  the  temple  of  the  sun  god  he  came  upon  the  foundation- 
stone  of'^Taram-Sin,  which  no  one  had  seen  for  3200  years.  The  date 
of  the  cylinder  is  B.C.  550,  which  would  make  Sargon  the  father  of 
Naram-Sin  reign  about  3800  B.C.  Dr.  Hommel  reduces  this  date  by 
four  centuries.  Hastings'  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  Art.  Babylonia, 
p.  244a.  Paton  {Syria  and  Palestine,  Chronological  Table  I.)  Peaces 
this  Sargon  (Sarganisharali)  2770  B.C.  (P-  20) 


11.  Hommel,  Ancient  Hebrew  Tradition,  p.  34.  Godspeed,  His- 
tory of  the  Babylonians,  p.  60.  Dr.  Godspeed  notes  the  absence  of 
any  royal  titles  in  Gudea's  inscriptions,  and  suggests  that  his  state 
formed  part  of  the  domains  of  a  broad  empire,  like  that  which  Sargon 
founded  and  his  successors  ruled.  See  Mr.  S.  A.  Cook's  article  m  the 
Palestine  Exploration  Fund  Quarterly  Statement,  Jan.  1907,  Ancient 
Palestine,  I.  Earliest  Period.'  (P-  21) 

12.  The  Tel-el- Amama  tablets,  written  in  the  cuneiform  charac- 
ters of  Babylonia  {vide  p.  58)  to  the  Egyptian  court  (B.C.  c.  1400), 
shew  how  deeply  the  foreign  culture  of  Babylonia  had  penetrated 
into  the  heart  of  the  populations  of  the  ancient  Orient.  Sayce, 
HigJier  Criticism,  etc.,  p.  49  For  the  influence  of  Babylonian 
religion  see  Smythe-Palmer,  Jacob  at  Bethel;  Paton,  Syria  and 
Palestine,  p.  63. (P-  ^^' 

13.  Ashteroth-Kamaim  in  the  days  of  the  Maccabees  (1  Mac.  v.  26 
(Kapv€Lv),  2  Mac.  xii.  21)  was  called  Camion  ;  see  also  Amos  vi.  13. 
The  Vatican  LXX.  has  'Ao-rapw^  kul  KapvatV.  Astaroth  was  one 
of  the  cities  of  Og  (Deut.  i.  4).  Dilhnann,  Genesis,  vol.  h.,  p.  40, 
Eng.  Tr.  Judas  Maccabseus  destroyed  the  temple  of  Atargatis  there 
(IMac.  V.   44).  (P-   21) 

14.  The  Elamite  Kudur-Mabug  is  described  (b.c.  2100)  as  '  ^a^^er 
of  the  land  of  the  Amorites,'  Sayce,  Higher  Criticism,  etc.,  p.  164. 
Their  country  was  known  as  the  '  land  of  Martu.'  Hommel,  Ancterit 
Hebrew  Traditions,  p.  58.  (P-  21) 

15.  Generally  speaking  the  term  Amorite  is  applied  to  the  in- 
habitants of  the  land  dispossessed  by  Israel  in  the  E  documents  of 
the  Hexateuch,  whilst  J  adopts  the  term  Canaanite.  But  this  is 
not  of  universal  application.  McCurdy,  History,  Prophecy  and  the 
Monuments,  pp.  406  ff.  Amorites  are  mentioned  on  the  east  of 
Jordan,  Canaanites  never.  The  Tel-el-Amama  tablets  distmguish 
between  the  Amurru  and  the  Kinahhi.  The  former  inhabit  the 
mountains,  the  latter  the  sea  coast.  Encyclopcedia  Biblica,  Art. 
Amorite,  §  10.  ^P-  ^^^ 


Notes  on  Chapter  II 


417 


16.  Vide  supra,  notes  8  and  9. 


(p.  22) 


17.  Melchizedek  is  a  Canaanite  name  reminding  us  of  Adonizedek, 
King  of  Jerusalem  (Josh.  x.  1).  Sayce  {Higher  Criticism,  etc.,  p.  175) 
shews  that  Melchizedek  may  have  been  a  real  Canaanitish  king  like 
Ebed-tob  (or  Abdi-Hiba)  of  the  Tel-el-Amama  tablets,  who  claims  to 
have  become  King  of  Jerusalem  not  by  descent  but  by  the  appoint- 
ment of  '  The  Mighty  King.'  '  He  had  not  inherited  his  dignity  ; 
he  was  the  priest  of  the  god  '  {sc.  of  Jerusalem).  See  Westcott  on 
Heb.  vii.  1,  '  The  Significance  of  Melchizedek,'  Hebrews,  p.  199. 
Dillmann  quotes  Jerome  :  '  Salem  non,  ut  Josephus  et  nostri  omnes 
arbitrantur,  est  Jerusalem,  sed  oppidum  juxta  Scythopolim,  quae 
usque  hodie  appellatur  Salem  et  ostenditur  ibi  palatium  Melchize- 
dech.'  Dillmann  decides,  however,  that  even  though  Salem  is  only 
once  used  of  Jerusalem  in  the  Bible,  and  that  in  a  very  late  Psalm 
(Ixxvi.  2),  Melchizedek  is  here  meant  to  be  King  of  Jerusalem,  in  view 
of  the  words  in  Ps.  ex.  4.  The  other  Salem  where  John  baptized 
(John  iii.  23)  and  the  avXiov  ^aX-rj/jL  of  Judith  iv.  4  would  be  on  the 
natural  Ime  of  Abraham's  march  on  his  return  from  Dan.  Comment, 
in  loco.  (p.  22) 

18.  The  great  tradition  of  Abraham  being  the  son  of  a  maker  of 
idols  and  being  delivered  from  the  furnace  is  found  in  the  Koran 
{Sura  xxi..  The  Prophets).  It  is  derived  directly  from  the  Jews. 
See  also  Stanley,  Jewish  Church,  Lecture  i.,  and  Ewald,  History  of 
Israel,  vol.  i.,  pp.  334ff.  In  Judith  v.  6-9,  Achior  the  Ammonite  tells 
Holophemes  that  the  Jews  left  Chaldaea  because  they  would  not 
worship  the  gods  of  the  country.  (p.  22) 


19.  For  an  interesting  attempt  to  explain  the  sacrifice  of  Isaac,  see 
Smythe-Palmer,  Jacob  at  Bethel,  p.  144  ;  Mozley,  Lectures  on  the  Old 
Testament;  Lecture  11.  Dillmann  remarks  :  '  The  memory  that  in 
the  matter  of  child  sacrifice  the  Hebrews  once  stood  on  a  level  with 
the  other  Semites  and  Canaanites  distinctly  shines  through  the 
narrative.  But  it  is  equally  clear  that  a  higher  faith  must  long  have 
been  common  property  to  the  Israelite  community  before  it  could 
reflect  itself  in  such  a  story  in  the  legends  affecting  Abraham.' 
Genesis,  vol.  iii.,  p.  139,  Eng.  Tr.  The  sacrifice  of  Isaac  is  alluded  to 
in  the  N.T.  as  the  crowning  example  of  Abraham's  faith.  Heb.  xi. 
17-19,  and  James  ii.  21  f.  (p.  24) 

20.  Nothing  seems  to  give  more  pain  to  many  devout  students  of 
Scripture  than  the  suggestion  that  the  patriarchs  are  not  individuals 
but  tribes.  It  appears,  however,  impossible  to  understand  Gen. 
XXV.  1-6  otherwise.  In  Gen.  xv.  3  Abraham  has  no  child  at  all ; 
according  to  Gen.  xvii.  24-25  he  was  77  years  of  age  when  Ishmael 
was  bom  ;  and  {v.  17)  he  declared  himself  too  old  to  imagine  himself 
the  father  of  another  son.  Abraham  was  a  hundred  years  old  when 
Isaac  was  miraculously  bom  (xxi.  5),  and  his  marriage  with  Keturah 
is  certainly  implied  to  have  taken  place  after  this  event,  and  possibly 
after  Sarah's  death.     The  patriarch  is  therefore  credited  with  being 


4i8 


Notes  on  Chapter  II 


the  father  of  five  sons  in  extreme  old  age.  This  does  not  seem  the 
meaning  of  the  narrative.  The  sons  by  Keturah  and  his  descendants 
are  surely  tribes.  Whilst  believing  myself  in  the  personal  existence 
of  the  three  patriarchs,  I  cannot  but  think  that  much  recorded  of 
them  relates  to  the  tribes  believed  to  be  sprung  fronri  them.  The 
word  '  father  '  cannot  always  be  taken  literally.  (See  note  1  to  this 
chapter.)  (p.  25) 

21.  Robertson-Smith  {Prophets  of  Israel,  p.  118)  gives  an  early  date 
to  Joshua  xxiv.  See  also  Driver,  Introduction  to  Lit.  of  Old  Testa- 
ment, in  loco. 

In  the  post-exilic  literature  of  the  Old  Testament  little  is  said  of 
the  patriarch.  In  2  Chr.  xx.  7,  Is.  xli.  8  he  is  spoken  of  as  God's 
'  friend  '  or  '  lover.'  In  Neh.  ix.  7,  his  being  brought  out  of  Ur  is 
alluded  to.  Ezekiel  (xxxiii.  24)  speaks  of  Abraham  being  given  the 
land.  Sarah  is  mentioned,  Is.  li.  2.  The  name  of  Abraham  only 
occurs  in  two  Psalms,  xlvii.  and  cv.  (p.  26) 


22.  '  It  is  true  that  Abraham  hardly  appears  before  us  as  a  prophet 
or  teacher  of  any  new  religion.  As  the  Scripture  represents  him,  it  is 
rather  as  if  he  was  possessed  of  the  truth  itself,  than  eis  if  he  had  any 
call  to  proclaim  it  to  others.  His  life  is  his  creed  ;  his  migration  is 
his  mission.  .  .  .  He  was  in  practice  the  Friend  of  God,  in  the 
noblest  of  all  senses  of  the  word  ;  the  Friend  who  stood  fast  when 
others  fell  away.' — Stanley,  Jewish  Church,  vol.  i.,  p.  13.       (p.  26) 


23.  Yet  though  the  dull  eye  of  the  critic  may  perceive  nothing 
distinctive  in  the  life  of  Isaac,  the  true  historian  recognises  the  in- 
dividuality of  this  patriarch.  In  a  single  sentence  the  late  Dean 
Stanley  throws  a  flood  of  light  on  the  character  of  Isaac.  '  Look  ' 
he  says  '  on  the  story  of  the  other  son,  the  child  of  laughter  and  joy, 
the  gentle  Isaac.'     History  of  the  Jewish  Church,  vol.  i.,  p.  31. 

'  As  Isaac  is  never  mentioned  but  under  one  name  he  appears  to  us 
under  the  same  simple  character  : — a  good  true-hearted  father,  a 
contented,  inoffensive  pious  man,  called  to  no  special  career  of  am- 
bition or  duty,  but  attaining  all  the  more  surely  to  quiet  domestic 
happiness.' — Ewald,  Hist.  Israel,  vol.  i.,  p.  341,  Eng.  Tr.         (p.  27) 


24.  The  names  Jacob,  Isaac,  Joseph,  are  all  forms  of  the  third 
singular  imperfect  (or  future)  of  the  Hebrew  verb.  On  the  analogy 
of  such  names  as  Ishmael,  Israel,  and  Jezreel,  they  would  seem  to 
have  been  originally  compounded  of  the  world  El  =  God  ;  Jacob-el, 
etc.     Hommel,  Ancient  Hebrew  Tradition,  pp.  112,  119. 

Driver,  Genesis,  p.  1 1  :  '  Among  the  names  of  places  in  Palestine 
conquered  by  Thothmes  III.  of  the  eighteenth  dynasty  (15th  or  16th 
century,  B.C.)  which  are  inscribed  on  the  pylons  of  the  great  Temple 
of  Karnak,  there  occur  (Nos.  78  and  102)  the  names  y-'k-b-'a-r-u  and 
y-sh-p-'a-r-u  ;  as  the  Egyptian  r  stands  for  I,  these  would  represent  a 
Canaanitish  or  Hebrew  yakob-el  or  yoseph-el.  '  (p.  27) 


Notes  on  Chapter  II 


4IQ 


25.  It  is  hard  to  distinguish  between  birthright  (b'khorah)  and 
blessing  {bWakhah)  in  the  story  of  Jacob  and  Esau.  The  birthright 
properly  means  the  inheritance  ;  but  Jacob  never  attempted  to 
claim  this.  Here  they  seem  to  be  identical.  The  Jewish  tradition 
is  that  the  birthright  was  the  priestly  office.  So  St.  Jerome.  De- 
litzsch  on  Gen.  xxv.  31-33.  /p  28) 

26.  See  Delitzsch  on  Genesis  xxvii.  35-38.  Josephus  says  of  Edom 
that  it  was  '  a  tumultuous  and  disorderly  nation,  always  prone  to  dis- 
turbance and  delighting  in  revolutions.'  {R.  J.  IV.  iv.  1.)  Speaker's 
Commentary  on  Gen.  xxvii.  40.  Delitzsch's  remarks  on  prophecy 
{op.  cit.,  p.  157)  are  particularly  worth  attention. 

Professor  Noldeke  {Encyclopcedia  Biblica,  Art.  Edom,  §  5)  comments 
on  the  fertility  of  some  of  the  valleys  of  Seir,  and  thinks  that  Jacob 
promised  his  son  a  fertile  territory.  Driver  {Genesis,  p.  260)  quotes 
Palmer  {Desert  of  the  Exodus,  p.  430  f.)  as  to  the  former  fertility  of 
the  Edomite  Arabah.  Still  the  meaning  of  Isaac's  prophecy  must 
be  that  Edom  was  destined  to  live  in  a  desert  land  and  to  live  by 
war  and  plunder  rather  than  by  cultivating  the  soil.  (p.   28) 

27.  Among  the  sons  of  Edom  are  found  Gentile  names  like  Kenaz 
and  Amalek,  which  seems  to  shew  that  the  Edomites  partially  ab- 
sorbed some  of  the  earlier  races  inhabiting  their  territory.  Deuter- 
onomy ii.  22  says  that  the  sons  of  Esau  destroyed  the  Horites  ;  but 
in  Gen.  xxxvi.  22,  a  certain  Hori  is  mentioned,  and  Esau's  wife 
Oholibamah  (xxxvi.  2)  is  perhaps  wrongly  described  as  a  Hivite, 
and  should  be  really  a  Horite.  Hastings'  Dictionary  of  the  Bible 
Art.  Horites.  /p    29) 

28.  Jacob's  vision  is  fully  discussed  by  Dr.  A.  Smythe- Palmer, 
Jacob  at  Bethel.  The  Hebrew  word  sullam,  '  a  ladder,'  he  thinks 
(p.  11)  was  really  more  like  a  Babylonian  temple-tower  or  Ziggurat, 
itself  often  erected  on  some  lofty  artificial  mound  (Heb.  m'sillah, 
see  2  Chr.  ix.  1 1 ).     See  also  Flinders  Petrie,  Researches  in  Sinai,  ch.  v. 

- .  (p.   29) 

29.  The  tribes  are  arranged  according  to  their  mothers,  and  fall 
mto  groups.     (1)  The  sons  of  Leah  :   Reuben,  Simeon,  Levi,  Judah. 

(2)  The  sons  of  the  handmaids  :    Dan,  Naphtali,  Gad  and  Asher. 

(3)  The  two  youngest  sons  of  Leah  :  Issachar  and  Zebulun.  (4)  The 
two  sons  of  Rachel.  Even  the  E  documents,  though  naturally 
mterested  in  the  Rachel  tribes,  make  Leah's  son  Reuben  the  first- 
bom  of  Jacob.  /p    3Q\ 

30.  The  Hebrew  word  translated  Mandrake  is  duda'im,  connected 
with  the  root  dvd^  beloved,  from  whence  David.  Strange  super- 
stitions were  connected  with  the  plant ;  see  Hastings'  Diet,  of  the 
Bible,  Art.  Mandrake.  '/p    ^q\ 

31.  The  names  given  by  Jacob's  wives  to  their  children  are  based, 
according  to  Professor  Driver,upon  '  assonances,  and  must  not* 
therefore,  be  imderstood  as  expressing  the  real  meaning  of  the  names.' 


420 


Notes  on  Chapter  II 


In  the  case  of  several  of  the  names,  a  double  explanation  is  given  or 
alluded  to — an  indication  of  the  composite  character  of  the  narrative. 
(Gen.  XXX.  w.  16  and  18  ;  w.  20a  and  206  ;  v.  23  and  v.  24.)  Hastings' 
Diet,  of  the  Bible,  Art.  Jacob.  (p.   31) 


32.  The  teraphim  were  the  tutelary  gods  of  the  house,  derived  from 
the  root  trjr  to  be  opulent,  to  live  well,  and  so  the  dispensers  of 
prosperity  (Delitzsch,  New  Commentary  on  Oenesis).  They  were  used 
in  Israelite  households  down  to  the  fall  of  Samaria.     (Hos.  iii.  4.) 

(p.   31) 

33.  The  story  of  Jacob's  treaty  with  Laban  is  a  good  illustration  of 
Ewald's  remark  as  to  the  difficulty  of  distinguishing  between  per- 
sonal and  tribal  records.  It  is  assigned  to  J.  and  E.  The  former  (J) 
in  Gen.  xxxi.,  vv.  46,  48-50,  relates  how  Jacob  and  his  brethren  made  a 
treaty  with  Laban  ;  whereas  according  to  E  (vv.  44,  45,  47,  and  51  ff.) 
it  is  rather  a  personal  agreement.  Yet  even  in  E  {v.  52)  the  heap  is 
regarded  as  a  boundary  between  the  Israelites  and  the  Aramaeans. 
See  Ewald,  History  of  Israel,  vol.  i.,  p.  359.  (p.   31) 


34.  The  sinew  that  shrank  (R.V.,  the  sinew  of  the  hip)  is  explained 
by  Delitzsch,  New  Commentary  on  Oenesis,  p.  207.  See  also  Driver, 
Oenesis,  p.  296,  who  describes  it  as  the  '  sciatic  muscle  '  {nervus 
ischidiacus).  (p.   32) 

35.  There  are  two  narratives  of  the  affair  of  Jacob  and  the 
Shechemites.  (Gen.  xxxiv.)  According  to  J,  Shechem  the  son  of 
Hamor  humbles  Dinah,  and  Simeon  and  Levi  avenge  the  injury. 
According  to  P,  Jacob  and  his  sons  make  a  treaty  with  Hamor,  the 
father  of  Shechem,  on  condition  of  the  Shechemites  submitting  to 
circumcision.  But  though  the  second  narrative  bears  traces  of 
emanating  from  the  '  Priestly  '  source,  there  are  signs  of  an  older 
substratum  of  fact  underlying  the  story.  See  Carpenter  and  Harford 
Composition  of  the  Hexateuch,  p.  288  note. 


Shechem  asks  for  Dinah. 
Shechem  only  is  circumcised. 


Hamor  the  father  asks  for  her. 

The  condition  is  insisted  upon 
for  all  the  Shechemites. 

All  the  sons  of  Jacob  attack  the 
city  and  slay  all  the  males,  etc. 


Simeon  and  Levi  slay  Hamor 
and  his  son  Shechem  and  rescue 
Dinah. 

In  J,  it  is  a  personal  matter  ;   in  P,  a  national  affair  between  the 
Israelites  and  Shechemites.     Driver,  Oenesis,  p.  302.  (p.  33) 


36.  For  this  strange  mention  of  Deborah  the  nurse  of  Rebekah,  see 
Ewald,  History  of  Israel,  p.  293  :  '  In  other  nations  an  elevated 
position  was  given  to  the  nurse  of  heroes,  and  the  memory  of  Deborah 
is  lost  by  the  traditions  of  Israel  having  been  greatly  curtailed.  In 
Gen.  xxiv,  59  she  is  meant  though  not  named.  The  fact  that 
Deborah  (who  was  also  a  kind  of  hero -nurse)  is  mentioned  in  Judges 
as  having  had  her  seat  under  the  same  tree  in  Bethel  is  a  proof  of  the 
ancient  tradition  respecting  her.'  (p.  33) 


Notes  on  Chapter  III 


421 


37.  The  identification  of  Ephrath  and  Bethlehem  is  apparently 
due  to  a  gloss  in  the  text  of  Genesis,  an  inference  from  Micah  iv.  8. 
Rachel's  grave,  according  to  1  Sam.  x.  2  and  Jer.  xxxi.  15,  was  in  the 
territory  of  Benjamin,  though  tradition  still  places  it  near  Bethlehem. 

(p.  33) 

38.  This  occurs  here  as  a  continuation  from  P.  Isaac  was  repre- 
sented as  on  his  death -bed^when  he  blessed_his  sons.  (p.   34) 

39.  Joseph's  coat.  Heb.  Kithoneth,  passim,  rendered  '  a  coat  with 
sleeves.'  According  to  2  Sam.  xiii.  18,  the  same  garment  was  worn 
by  the  unmarried  daughters  of  David.  Delitzsch  on  Gen.  xxxvii. 
4-7.  (p.   34) 


Chapter  III. 


L  The  story  of  Joseph  has  its  parallel  in  an  Egyptian  romance 
called  '  The  Two  Brothers,'  written  for  the  benefit  of  Seti  II.  the  son 
of  Menephtah  II.,  whom  some  consider  to  be  the  Pharaoh  of  the 
Exodus.  Brugsch,  Egypt  under  the  Pharaohs,  vol.  i,,  pp.  266-268  ; 
vol.  ii.,  p.  133.  The  whole  is  translated  by  Renouf,  Records  of  the 
Past,  vol.  i.,  p.  137  ;   Petrie,  Egyptian  Tales,  ii.,  p.  36. 

'  The  outline  of  the  story  is  as  follows  : — "  Two  brothers,  Anpu 
and  Bata,  lived  together  in  one  house  ;  the  elder,  Anpu,  sent  Bata 
back  from  the  fields  into  the  house  to  fetch  some  seed.  Anpu's  wife 
there  made  advances  to  him  which  he  repelled;  when  Anpu  re- 
turned home  in  the  evening,  his  wife  accused  Bata  to  him  falsely. 
Anpu,  enraged,  at  first  sought  to  slay  his  brother,  but  in  the  end  he 
was  convinced  that  he  was  innocent,  .  .  .  and  he  thereupon  slew 
his  unfaithful  wife."  ' — Driver,  Oenesis,  p.  336.  (p.   39) 


2.  A  fifth  of  the  produce  was  the  proportion  expected  by  the 
government  of  Egypt  from  the  cultivators  of  the  soil  until  recent 
times.  (p.  40) 

3.  The  word  Abrech  is  one  which  cannot  be  explained.  The  LXX. 
has  Krjpv^  ^Krjpv^^v.  The  Vulgate,  clatnante  precone  ut  omnes  coram 
eo  genu  flecterent ;  the  Targum,  '  father  of  the  King  '  ;  St.  Jerome, 
'  tender  father  '  {Quaest.  in  Oen.).  Luther  says,  '  As  to  the  meaning 
of  Abrech  let  people  wrangle  over  it  till  the  last  day.'  Dr.  Cheyne 
says  it  may  be  neither  Egyptian  nor  Hebrew,  but  a  Babylonian  word 
=  vizier.     (Encycl.  Bibl.,  Art.  Abrech.)     He  has  since  amended  it 

into  Yarhamite  Arabia,  which  apparently  fell  prostrate  before 
Joseph.  {Traditions  and  Beliefs,  p.  467.)  The  English  '  bow  the 
knee  '  is  from  the  Hiphil  of  the  Hebrew  root  brk,  to  kneel  =to  make 
to  kneel  down.  (p.  40) 

4.  Joseph's  name  or  title  in  the  LXX.  is  rendered  xl/ovOofK^av-qx  = 
Coptic,  '  revealer  of  secrets.'  Brugsch  considers  that  Joseph  was 
appointed  governor  (za)  of  the  Sethroite  nome  of  which  Pithom  was 
the  capital.     Pithom  was  also  called  the  habitation  of  ankh  = '  the 

21 


422 


Notes  on  Chapter  III 


god  who  lives.'  The  title  Zaphnath-Paaneach  would  consequently 
mean  '  Governor  of  the  district  of  the  nome  of  the  living  God.' 
'  Father  of  Pharaoh  '  (Heb.  of  Gen.  xlv.  8,  ab-le-pharao)  should  be 
the  Egyptian  'ab-en-parao,'  a  high  officer  of  the  Court.  {UExode  et 
les  Monuments  egyptiens.)  Driver  {Genesis,  p.  344)  remarks  :  'Egyp- 
tologists .  .  .  are  now  generally  agreed  that  this  name  means  God 
(or  the  God)  spake  and  he  (the  bearer  of  the  name)  came  into  life.' 
It  is,  however,  remarkable  that  inscription  names  of  this  kind  do  not 
appear  earlier  than  the  twentieth  dynasty.  (p.  40) 


5.  In  the  J  narratives  Judah,  in  the  E  documents  Reuben,  takes 
the   lead.  .  (p.  41) 

6.  Goshen  is  always  correctly  called  Tecre/x  in  the  LXX.,  and  m 
Gen.  xl^.  10,  cv  yrj  Feo-c/x  *Apa^tas.  Teare/x  has  been  identified  with 
the  Egyptian  Kosem,  the  Phacusa  of  classical  geography.  It  was  in 
the  Arabian  nome,  through  which  the  railway  from  Zagazig  to 
Ismailia  now  passes.  Goshen  was  not  cultivated  till  after  the 
Exodus.  Sayce,  Higher  Criticism  and  the  Monuments,  chapter  v., 
pp.  234-237.  Gen.  xlvii.  11  (P)  calls  Goshen  '  the  land  of  Rameses,' 
see   Ex.    i.    11.     McNeile,   Exodus,   p.    xcii.    ('The   Geography   of 


Exodus').     Cheyne,  Traditions  and  Beliefs,  p.  447. 


(p.  42) 


7.  The  one  portion  is  in  Hebrew  '  One  Shechem' ;  in  LXX.  a-LKifia 
€^aLp€Tov.  The  word  means  '  shoulder  '  or  mountain  ridge.  Perhaps 
Jacob  deliberately  plays  on  the  word.  St.  Jerome  thinks  he  alludes 
to  Shechem  and  remarks  '  pulchre  allusit  ad  nomen.''  Kuenen  pro- 
poses to  add  the  word  '  not '  before  '  sword  '  ;  '  Which  I  took  from 
the  hand  of  the  Amorite  (but)  not  with  my  sword,'  i.e.  I  acquired  not 
by  force  but  by  honourable  purchase.  Delitzsch,  New  Commentary 
on  Genesis,  vol.  ii.,  p.  263,  Eng.  Tr.  Driver  {Genesis,  p.  379,  note) 
refers  to  Jubilees  xxxiv.  1-9,  where  there  is  an  allusion  to  a  tradition 
that  Jacob  was  attacked  by  seven  Amorite  kings.  (p.  42) 

8.  Gen.  xlix.  10  is  one  of  the  most  obscure  verses  in  the  whole 
Bible. 

The  word  rendered  in  the  A. V.  '  lawgiver '  may  mean  '  one  who 
directs,'  or  '  a  staff '  the  sign  of  a  lawgiver. 
The  word  Shiloh  is  very  variously  explained  : 

( 1 )  A  proper  name  of  a  person  : 

(a)  One  sent. 

(6)  The  peaceful  one. 

(2)  A  relative  pronoun  and  a  preposition  : 

(o)  He  whose  it  is. 

(6)  He  who  is  Judah's. 

(3)  The  name  of  a  place  :    Until  Judah  come  to  Shiloh,  i.e.  till 

the  end  of  the  wanderings  during  which  Judah  led  the  tribes. 

There  are  objections  to  all  these  renderings.  Delitzsch  {New 
Commentary  on  Genesis)  simis  up  his  discussion  as  follows  :  '  Thus 
the  prophecy  has  Christ  as  the  goal  of  its  fulfilment  ;  it  is  Messianic 
without  having  to  understand  shiloh  personally.'     (See  note  18  on 


:{ 


a 


Notes  on  Chapter  III 


423 


Chapter  V.)  Driver  {Genesis,  p.  386)  points  out  that  the  rendering 
'  until  Shiloh  come  '  does  not  appear  before  1534.  It  was  introduced 
into  the  '  Great  Bible  '  1539-1541,  and  is  repeated  in  other  English 
versions.  See  also  below.  Chapter  V.  note  18.  For  the  different 
renderings  see  Encycl.  Bibl.,  Art.  Shiloh,  col.  4470.  Dr.  Cheyne  in 
this  article  renders  the  verse,  '  A  champion  shall  not  depart  from 
Judah,  nor  a  marshal  from  between  his  bands,  until  he  tramples  upon 
Laishah,  and  the  Jerahmeelites  are  obedient  unto  him.'  This  was 
in  1903.  In  1907  {Traditions  and  Beliefs,  p.  408)  he  retains  Shiloh 
and  renders  the  last  line  in  the  traditional  way.  (p.  42) 


9.  Here  we  have  an  example  of  a  derivation  due  to  assonance  rather 
than  to  the  meaning  of  the  word.  Abel-Mizraim  = '  the  meadow  of 
Egypt,'  but  as  the  root  'hi  means  to  mourn,  the  narrator  thinks  of 
the  mourning  of  the  funeral  cortege  of  Jacob.  (p.  43) 

10.  The  reforming  king  Amen-hotep  IV.  had  a  minister,  bearing 
the  Semitic  name  of  Dudu,  derived  from  the  same  root  as  David.  In 
the  nineteenth  dynasty  the  Semitic  races  became  once  more  un- 
popular in  Egypt.  Sayce,  Higher  Criticism  and  the  Monuments,  p. 
237.     Driver,  Genesis,  pp.  xlvi.  ff.  and  344.  (p.  45) 


11.  The  identification  of  Rameses  II.  as  the  Pharaoh  of  the  op- 
pression is  largely  due  to  the  statement  of  P  that  the  Israelites  built 
the  treasure  cities  Pithom  and  Raamses  (Ex.  i.  11  [J]).  (p.  46) 


1  '> 


It  is  curious  to  notice  the  double  narrative  of  the  oppression. 
In  the  two  early  sources  throughout,  J  describes  Israel  as  n,  nation 
living  apart  from  the  Egyptians  in  Goshen  (Ex.  viii.  22,  ix.  26)  ; 
according  to  E  they  live  in  a  royal  city  (i.  15),  and  are  not  numerous, 
as  two  midwives  are  sufficient.  (p.  46) 


13.  The  Hebrew  derivation  does  not  really  explain  the  name  of 
Moses.  As  McNeile  remarks,  the  Hebrew  Mosheh,  an  active  par- 
ticiple in  the  masculine  gender,  '  could  not  possibly  give  the  required 
meaning.'  {Exodus,  p.  3.)  The  Greek  McoiJo-^s  is  said  to  be  derived 
from  the  Coptic  '  Saved  from  Water.'  Josephus,  Antiq.  II.  ix.  6. 
If  the  word  is  the  Egyptian  mesu,  it  means  son.    Cf.  Rameses.   (p.  46) 


14.  The  traditional  history  of  Moses  is  given  by  Josephus  and  by 
Artapanus  in  Eusebius's  Praeparatio  Evangelica,  ix.  27.  See  also 
Philo's  Vita  Mosis.  He  was  originally  named  Joachim.  He  refused 
to  be  suckled  by  an  Egyptian  nurse.  He  was  adopted  by  the  prin- 
cess, whose  name  was  Thermuthis.  He  was  so  beautiful  as  a  child 
that  all  turned  aside  to  gaze  on  him.  He  led  an  expedition  against 
the  Ethiopians.  He  invented  boats  and  engines  for  building,  etc. 
He  married  the  daughter  of  the  king  of  the  Ethiopians.  Smith's 
Diet,  of  the  Bible,  Art.  Moses.  Some  of  these  traditions  seem  to  be 
alluded  to  in  Acts  vii.  22.  (p.  46) 


15.  The  situation  of  Midian  must  depend  on  that  of  the  Mountain 
of  the  Lawgiving.     The  Midianites  were  a  roving  tribe,  and  it  is  by 


424 


Notes  on  Chapter  III 


no  means  impossible  that  they  were  in  the  Sinaitic  peninsula.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  territory  of  Midian  is  generally  placed  by  the 
Gulf  of  Akabah  in  N.  Arabia.  See  Mr.  Chapman's  article  Midian  in 
Hastmgs'  Dictionary  of  the  Bible.  McNeile  {Exodus,  pp.  civ  ff  ) 
thmks  that  Horeb  is  east  of  the  Gulf  of  Akabah.  (p    47') 


16.  The  two  accounts  of  the  revelation  of  God  to  Moses  by  this 
name  are  m  chapters  iii.  and  vi.  respectively.  I  AM  THAT  I  AM, 
Greek  iyw  elfiL  6  wv,  should  be  rendered,  I  will  become  what  I  will 
become.  The  Sacred  Name  J  H  V  H  is  formed  of  the  same  root- 
letters  as  the  Hebrew  word  I  AM.  The  form  Jehovah  is  due  to  the 
practice  m  the  Hebrew  text  of  giving  the  tetragrammaton  the  vowels 
of  the  word  Adonliy  or  '  Lord.'  Hence  the  KvpLo<;  of  the  LXX.  and 
the  '  Dommus  '  of  the  Vulgate.  It  should  always  be  remembered 
that  the  word  prmted  Lord  in  our  Bible  is  a  proper  name.  See 
Chap.  I.  note  6.  /      ^gv 

17.  See  Budde,  Religion  of  Israel  before  the  Exile,  p.  30  For  an 
explanation  of  El-Shaddai,  see  McNeile,  Exodus,  p.  40.  (p.  48) 

18.  The  sharp  stone  used  by  Zipporah  was  probably  the  instru- 
ment  originally  used  for  this  purpose.  (Josh.  v.  2,  3.)  To  this  day 
the  children  of  Jews,  who  die  before  the  eighth  day,  are  circumcised 
with  a  flint.  ( Kahsch,  Exodus. )  The  rest  of  the  verse  is  ambiguous. 
It  may  be  rendered    And  she  touched  his  feet,  and  said.  Truly  thou 

^1\a  J'^fe^^T^^"', ""^  ^^^^^  *°  "^^•'     ^Vho  is  meant  ?     Moses  or  the 
child  ?     The  Jews  conmientators  seem  to  think  that  Zipporah  is  ad- 
dressing  her  son.     Ibn  Ezra  says  that  a  child  on  the  day  of  his  cir- 
cumcision is  called  '  A  bridgegroom  of  blood.'     Of  course  Moses  may 
be  meant,  and  m  this  case  Zipporah  means  that  having  saved  her 
husband  s  life  by  her  child's  blood  she  has  entered  into  a  closer  re- 
lationship with  him.     It  may  be  that  Moses  was  punished  for  not 
having  circumcised  his  child  on  the  eighth  day  (Gen.  xvii.)  ;   but  the 
circumcision  of  children  was  not  in  all  probability  a  primitive  custom 
aniong  the  Israelites  (Josh.  v.  2).     It  was  not  lawful  for  women  to 
perform  the  rite  ;    and  Zipporah  was  only  justified  by  necessity. 
McNeile  {Exodus,  p.  29)  says  :    '  In  most  case  the  ceremony  (of  cir- 
cumcision) was  performed  when  a  youth  reached  the  age  of  man- 
hood.    It  brought  him  into  full  possession  of  tribal  privileges,  and 
m  particular  it  gave  him  the  right  to  marry.     At  this  point  the  story 
of  Moses  becomes  clearer.     Moses  had  apparently  not  been  circum- 
cised previously  to  his  marriage  ;   and  his  sudden  illness  is  ascribed 
to  Yahveh  s  anger  at  the  omission.     By  circumcising  the  infant 
instead  of  Moses,   and  touching  Moses  with  the  blood,   Zipporah 
symbolically  brought  her  husband  into  the  state  which  Yahveh  was 
supposed  to  require  ;   '  he  became  a  bridegroom  of  blood. '     In  a  note 
Dr    McNeile  calls   attention   to  the  unique   plural,   circumcisions, 
Heb.    muloth, j,hich  may   imply   that   the   child  was   circumcised 
actually  and  Moses  symbolically.     Dr.  Cheyne  in  his  Traditions  and 
Beliefs,  p.  3d2   gives  some  interesting  theories  of  Baentsch,  Geiger, 
and  ^Tot.  H.  P.  Smith  ;    but  as  he  justly  remarks,  if  such  super- 


Notes  on  Chapter  III 


425 


stitions  had  existed  in  Israel  they  would  not  adequately  account  for 
the  appearance  of  the  story.  He  believes  it  refers  to  a  victory  over 
the  Arabians  and  an  act  of  heroism  by  Zipporah.  (p.  49) 


19.  *  Stubble  instead  of  straw.'  Straw,  especially  when  chopped, 
is  food  for  cattle  in  Egypt.  It  was  only  therefore  by  indulgence 
that  the  Hebrews  were  allowed  to  use  it.  Professor  Flinders  Petrie 
says  :  '  To  restrict  the  use  of  straw  for  brick-making  and  to  require 
waste  material,  such  as  stubble,  to  be  found,  was  quite  customary  ; 
and  many  more  bricks  are  to  be  seen  made  from  waste  than  those 
containing  good  food.'  McNeile  refers  to  the  words  of  the  Israelites, 
Numb.  xi.  5,  to  shew  that  their  slavery  was  not  altogether  intolerable. 
He  also  gives  a  description  of  brick-making  in  Egypt,  Exodus,  p.  31. 

(p.  50) 

20.  The  great  moral  difficulty  in  regard  to  the  plagues  is  the 
'  hardening  of  Pharaoh's  heart.'  Did  God  lead  the  king  into  sin  in 
order  that  He  might  punish  him  ?  The  solution  may  be  found  in  a 
careful  examination  of  the  words  translated  by  '  harden.'  There  are 
three  :  (1)  Ex.  vii.  3,  '  to  make  stubborn'  ;  (2)  '  to  make  heavy' — 
used  of  Jehovah  hardening  Pharaoh's  heart,  x.  1,  and  of  Pharaoh 
hardening  his  own  heart,  viii.  15  ;  (3)  '  to  make  stubborn  or  firm,' 
iv.  21.  It  is  noticeable  that  God  twice  predicted  that  He  would 
harden  Pharaoh's  heart,  using  in  one  case  No.  1  and  in  the  other 
No.  3.  The  latter  is  a  neutral  word  used  sometimes  in  a  good  sense. 
God  did  not  harden  Pharaoh's  heart  till  after  the  sixth  plague  ;  even 
then  He  did  not  make  it  callous,  but  strengthened  it  in  opposition. 
Pharaoh  is  never  treated  other  than  as  a  free  agent.  (p.  52) 


21.  Recent  theories  concerning  Israel  in  Egypt.  The  extreme 
importance  the  Israelites  attached  to  the  fact  that  they  had  been 
delivered  from  Egypt  renders  it  somewhat  startling  to  the  ordinary 
reader  that  it  should  be  possible  for  men  of  learning  to  maintain  that 
the  Israelites  never  were  in  that  country  at  all.  Yet  this  theory 
has  been  from  time  to  time  advanced  by  students  of  Old  Testament 
history.  Stade,  for  example,  is  of  opinion  that  the  Hebrew  tribes 
had  sought  a  pasture  for  their  flocks  to  the  south  of  the  Wady 
Tumilat  and  that  therefore  part  of  them  had  come  under  the  power 
of  the  Egyptian  kings,  who  may  well  have  exacted  forced  labour. 
The  free  Hebrews  probably  wandered  to  the  east  of  the  Elamitic 
Gulf,  the  eastern  branch  of  the  Red  Sea,  and  were  joined  by  their 
fugitive  brethren  at  Kadesh.  Winckler  is  much  bolder,  he  says  that 
Egypt  (Mizraim)  is  a  mistaken  rendering  for  Musur,  a  N.  Arabian 
tribe,  among  whom  the  Israelites  sojourned,  and  consequently  they 
were  never  in  Egypt  at  all.  Cheyne  seems  to  think  that  only  the 
Rachel-tribes  were  in  Egypt.  {Encycl.  Biblica,  Art.  Exodus,  col. 
1434.)  The  advocates  of  these  extreme  views  seem  to  be  in  the  con- 
dition which  Budde  describes  as  the  '  second  stage  '  in  regard  to 
tradition  :  '  In  all  fields  of  historical  tradition  three  stages  have  suc- 
ceeded one  another  in  regular  order.  In  the  first,  tradition  is  re- 
garded as  equivalent  to  history.  ...  In  the  second,  this  test  (of 
possibility)  is  applied  ;  and  having  convinced  themselves  that  things 
cannot  really  have  happened  as  they  are  reported,  men  reject 


426 


Notes  on  Chapter  III 


tradition  as  pure  fiction.  ...  In  the  third  stage  only  do  they  take 
the  pains  to  bring  out  by  skilful  questioning  the  secrets  of  tradition 
.  .  .  and  thus  to  recover  from  it  its  historical  nucleus.'  {Religion  of 
Israel  before  the  Exile,  Eng.  Tr.,  p.  2,  note.)  (p.  53) 


22.  The  place  where  the  Israelites  crossed  the  Red  Sea  is  a  matter 
of  dispute.  The  present  form  of  the  narrative  in  Exodus  gives  the 
following  stations,  Rameses  to  Succoth  (Ex.  xii.  37),  Etheun  (xiii.  20), 
before  Pi-hahiroth  between  Migdol  and  the  sea,  before  Baal-Zephon 
(Ex.  xiv.  2).  Here  they  were  in  such  a  position  as  to  be  at  Pharaoh's 
mercy,  so  that  he  could  say  *  They  are  entangled  in  the  land,  the 
wilderness  hath  shut  them  in.'  At  this  point  they  marched  forward 
into  the  Red  Sea.  It  is  not  however  quite  certain  what  is  meant  by 
the  Red  Sea  ;  the  Hebrew  is  Yam-suphf  '  the  sea  of  reeds.'  There 
are  three  main  views  of  the  passage  : 

( 1 )  That  the  Israelites  crossed  the  Gulf  of  Suez  opposite  Moses 
Wells,  and  that  they  were  shut  in  by  the  Jebel  Ataka,  the 
mountain  south-west  of  Suez. 

That  they  went  by  the  Wady-et-Tumilat  and  crossed  the 
Bitter  Lakes  through  which  the  canal  now  passes. 
That  Baal-Zephon  is  Mount  Casius  on  the  Mediterranean 
and  that  the  Israelites  made  their  way  thither  and  that 
Pharaoh's  army  was  swallowed  up  in  the  Reedy  Sea 
( Yam-suph)  east  of  Mt.  Casius.     (Brugsch,  L'Exode  et  les 
Monuments. ) 
McNeile  points  out  that  the  word  '  sea  '  does  not  exclude  the  possi- 
bility of  a  lake,  and  that  Yam-suph  seems  to  point  to  a  marshy  spot 
covered  with  reeds  or  flags. 

If  Goshen  is,  as  has  been  suggested  above,  in  the  Arabian  nome, 
route  No.  2  would  naturally  be  chosen  by  the  Israelites.  For  the 
explanation  of  the  southward  movement  (Ex.  xiv.  2)  see  McNeile, 
Exodus,  p.   xcvii.  (p.  54) 


(2) 
(3) 


23.  The  isthmus  of  Suez  is  intersected  by  a  line  of  lakes,  and  in  the 
days  of  the  Exodus  all  the  exits  from  Egypt  were  protected  by  for- 
tresses. Migdol — a  Semitic  name  (Ex.  xiv.  2) — and  Etham  (Khetam) 
(Ex.  xiii.  20)  mean  '  tower  '  and  '  entrenchment  '  respectively  ;  see 
also  Numb,  xxxiii.  7.  All  the  regular  roads  out  of  the  country  were 
consequently  barred.  To  take  the  caravan  route  to  Syria  was  to 
court  a  battle  between  the  disciplined  Egyptian  troops  and  the  ill- 
armed  and  ill-disciplined  fugitives.  Consequently,  as  we  are  told, 
God  led  them  not  through  the  way  of  the  land  of  the  Philistines, 
though  that  was  near.  (Ex.  xiii.  17.)  The  obvious  route  therefore 
from  Goshen  was  by  the  Wady  Tumil&t  along  the  Fresh -water  Canal 
and  the  railway  from  Zakazik  to  Ism'ailiya.  Here  however  they 
were  barred  by  Lake  Timsah  and  the  Old  Bitter  Lakes,  either  of 
which  they  might  have  crossed.  Or,  as  Josephus  suggests  {Antiq. 
II.  XV.  1),  they  may  have  gone  as  far  south  as  Cairo  and  journeyed  to 
Suez  by  the  Derb  el  Hajj  the  pilgrim  road  to  Mecca,  or  by  the  old 
overland  route  of  the  Anglo-Indian  Mails.  This  leads  to  the 
traditional  scene  of  the  passage  and  satisfies  the  description  of  the 
desperate  situation  of  the  Israelites  *  entangled  in  the  land '  and 


Notes  on  Chapter  IV 


427 


'  shut  in  by  the  wilderness  '  (Ex.  xiv.  3).  The  pursuing  armies  of 
Egypt  blocked  all  retreat  by  the  road  and  the  mountain  of  Ataka  cut 
off  all  hope  of  retreat.  Nothing  remained  but  for  the  fugitives  to 
trust  themselves  to  the  sands,  which  are  dry  at  low  tide  for  some  two 
miles  south  of  the  present  town  of  Suez.  The  difficulty  is  that  the 
east  wind  (xiv.  21)  would  not  have  driven  back  the  tide  so  as  to  help 
the  Israelites  ;  but  on  this  see  McNeile,  Exodus  pp.  xcvii-xcviii.  The 
Israelites  always  dreaded  chariots  and  did  all  they  could  to  lure  their 
enemies  into  marshy  places  where  they  could  not  be  used  effectively. 
Cf.  the  defeat  of  Sisera,  where  the  flood  of  the  Kishon  impeded  his 
chariots,  Judg.  v.  21-22,  with  Ex.  xiv.  25,  '  And  he  boimd  their 
chariot  wheels  and  made  them  to  drive  heavily.'  See  the  maps  in 
Baedeker's  Guide  to  Lower  Egypt,  pp.  196,  210.  (p.  56) 


Chapter  IV. 

1.  An  interesting  illustration  of  '  meekness  '  being  the  greatest 
qualification  for  a  leader  is  found  in  Lord  Rosebery's  Life  of  Pitt 
'  A  truer  light  is  thrown  by  the  conversation  which  is  recorded  to 
have  taken  place  as  to  the  quality  most  required  in  a  Prime  Minister 
While  one  said  Eloquence,  another  Knowledge,  and  another  Toil 
Pitt  said  Patience.' 

The  word  anav,  used  in  Numb.  xii.  3  of  Moses,  is  frequently  em 
ployed  in  the  Psalms  to  designate  the  '  humble  '  or  '  afflicted  '  in 
Israel.  (P-  70) 


2.  The  Sinaitic  peninsula  was  occupied  by  the  Egyptian  kings  of 
the  4th  dynasty,  circa  B.C.  4000,  and  almost  all  the  kings  of  this  and 
the  5th  and  6th  dynasties  have  left  memorials  of  themselves  there, 
especially  in  the  Wady  Maghara.  Flinders  Petrie,  Hist,  of  Egypt, 
vol.  i.,  pp.  35,  43,  71,  78  and  passim.  The  Egyptians  also  seem  to 
have  worked  the  mines  at  most  every  alternate  year,  and  much  less 
frequently  at  the  time  of  the  Exodus,  so  that  it  is  not  impossible 
that  the  Israelites  should  have  gone  there  unmolested  if  their  sanc- 
tuary were  not  there.  McNeile,  Exodus,  p.  cii.  After  Rameses  IV. 
little  trace  of  Egyptian  occupation  appears  in  the  peninsula.  Sayce, 
Higher  Criticism  etc.,  p.  266. 

The  name  Sinai  is  from  Sin,  the  moon-god  of  Babylonia,  and  the 
sanctity  of  the  mountain  (wherever  it  was)  was  probably  very  ancient 
'  Not  only  '  says  Mr.  Rendel  Harris  '  are  there  within  the  limits  of  the 
so-called  Sinaitic  Peninsula  the  marks  of  an  astonishingly  early  stage 
of  civilisation,  but  there  is  also  the  indication  of  the  existence  of  early 
forms  of  religion,  far  removed  from  the  semi -fetishism  of  wandering 
Arab  tribes.'  Hastings' Diet,  of  Bible,  Art.  Sinai.  See  also  Flinders 
Petrie,  Researches  in  Sinai,  ch.  xvii.  (p.  71) 


3.  There  appears  however  to  be  some  reason  to  suppose  that  in 
Biblical  times  Sinai  was  placed  in  Edom.  This  is  implied  in  Judg.  v. 
4,  5,  Deut.  xxxiii.  2,  Hab.  iii.  3  ;   see  also  Galatians  iv.  25,  '  Mount 


428 


Notes  on  Chapter  IV 


Sinai  in  Arabia.'  The  land  of  Midian,  whither  Moses  fled  from 
Pharaoh,  is  generally  said  to  lie  to  the  west  of  the  Gulf  of  Akabah  ; 
and  Jethro  visited  the  Israelites  at  Sinai.  Horeb,  where  Moses  saw 
the  vision  in  the  Bush,  is  the  same  as  Sinai  ;  Horeb  being  used  by 
E  and  D,  whilst  J  and  P  always  speak  of  Sinai  as  the  scene  of  the 
Lawgiving.  In  the  4th  century  a.d.  the  traditional  Jebel  Musa 
was  identified  as  the  mountain  of  the  Law,  as  appears  in  the  Pil- 
grimage of  Silvia  (now  known  as  Etheria),  385-388.  The  natural 
road  for  a  people  fleeing  from  Egypt  would  not  have  been  to  the 
Sinaitic  peninsula,  though,  if  a  late  date  for  the  Exodus  be  assumed, 
this  territory  may  have  been  abandoned  by  the  Egyptians.  See 
Rendel  Harris  in"^  Hastings'  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  Art.  Exodus, 
where  he  accepts  the  traditional  view  :  and  Sinai,  where  he  does 
justice  to  the  theory  of  the  scene  of  lawgiving  being  in  Midian  ; 
Sayce,  Higher  Criticism  and  the  Monuments,  p.  263  (in  favour  of 
abandoning  the  traditional  Sinai  for  a  more  eastern  mountain)  ; 
Stanley,  Sinai  and  Palestine,  p.  42,  and  Palmer,  Desert  of  the  Exodus, 
give  descriptions  of  the  Jebel  Musa.  The  map  facing  p.  72  will,  it  is 
hoped,  illustrate  the  different  views  of  the  wanderings.  Amalek 
(Ex.  xvii.)  and  Midian  (Ex.  xviii.)  can  hardly  be  expected  to  be  in 
the  Sinaitic  peninsula.  (P-  '^1) 

4.  The  passages  relating  to  the  gift  of  the  manna  are  Ex.  xvi.  and 
Numb.  xi.  6-9.  See  also  Deut.  viii.  3,  16.  The  latter  is  undoubtedly 
pre-exilic.  The  chapter  in  Exodus  belongs  mainly  to  P,  but  it  is 
extremely  hard  to  analyse  ;  nw.  1-3,  6-24,  31-36,  are  mainly  from  P, 
the  rest  is  J  E.  (Bennett.)  Driver  agrees  with  this,  but  considers 
that  w.  6-8  ought  to  follow  v.  12.  Cook  (Encycl.  Bibl.,  Art.  Manna, 
§  3)  suggests  that  the  question  in  v.  15,  '  What  is  it  ?  '  (R.V.),  belongs 
to  some  ancient  tradition.     See  McNeile,  Exodus,  p.  xxi. 

In  the  peninsula  of  Sinai  the  tamarisk  yields  a  sort  of  gum  in  the 
nights  of  June  and  July  owing  to  the  twigs  being  punctured  by  an 
insect,  and  this  is  now  called  manna.  There  is  also  a  species  of  lichen, 
used  for  food  in  years  of  famine,  which  is  found  in  the  deserts  of 
Arabia.  As,  however,  Professor  MacaUster  shews  in  his  article  on 
this  subject  in  Hastings'  Diet,  oj  the  Bible,  the  Biblical  narrative 
clearly  implies  that  the  gift  of  manna  was  miraculous.  The  name  is 
probably  Egyptian  :  the  derivation  in  p.  71,  man  hu.  What  is  this  ? 
or.  It  is  a  gi^t  (from  an  Aramaean  word),  is  one  of  the  many  attempts 
to  account  for  strange  names  in  Scripture.  (p.  72) 


5.  Jethro  or  Jether,  Reuel  and  Hobab  are  all  styled  Moses'  father- 
in-law.  In  Ex.  ii.  18  the  priest  of  Midian  is  called  Reuel  ;  iii.  1, 
Jethro,  also  in  iv.  18  and  xviii.  passim.  In  Numb.  x.  29  we  read  of 
'  Hobab  the  son  of  Reuel  the  Midianite,  Moses'  father-in-law.'  In- 
Judges  i.  16,  the  brother-  (or  father-)  in-law  of  Moses  is  called  a 
Kenite.  In  the  J  documents  (Ex.  ii.  18  and  Numb.  x.  29)  we  have 
Reuel  ;  in  the  E,  Jethro.  The  question  is,  was  Reuel  Zipporah's 
grandfather  and  Hobab  and  Jethro  brothers  ?  All  difficulty  is 
removed  if  we  regard  Reuel  of  Ex.  ii.  18  as  a  gloss,  due  to  a  miscon- 
ception of  Numb.  x.  29.  Driver,  Lit.  of  Old  Test.,  6th  ed.,  pp.  22  f. 
See  Mr.  Selbie's  Art.  in  Hastings'  Diet,  of  the  Bible.  (p.  73) 


Notes  on  Chapter  IV 


429 


6.  See  1  Peter  ii.  9  ;   Heb.  xii.  20. 


(p.  73) 


7.  The  Ten  Commandments  are  also  given  in  Deuteronomy  v. 
The  fourth  commandment  varies  considerably  from  that  in  Exodus! 
The  motive  for  the  Sabbath  rest  is  '  that  thy  manservant  and  thy  maid- 
servant  may  rest  as  well  as  thou.  And  thou  shall  remember  that  thou 
wast  a  servant,'  etc.  Dr.  Driver  considers  that  the  Commandments 
were  '  derived  by  E  from  a  pre-existing  source,  the  substance  at  least 
being  engraven  on  the  tables  in  the  Ark.'  He  thinks  the  hortatory 
parts  in  the  4th  and  5th  are  of  later  date,  and  that  the  original  com- 
mandments were  bare  prohibitions  or  laws. 

'  Thou  shalt  not  make  to  thyself  any  graven  image. 
Remember  the  Sabbath  day  to  keep  it  holy,'  etc. 
Introduction  to  Old  Testament,  p.  30.     See  also  Carpenter  and  Harford, 
Composition  of  the  Hexateuch,  p.  233. 

The  Commandments  are  differently  divided. 

(1)  The  Jews  make  the  preface  '  I  am  the  Lord',  etc.,  the  first 
commandment,  and  make  the  second  and  first  into  a  single 
command. 

(2)  The  Roman  Catholics  and  Lutherans  make  the  first  and 
second  as  we  have  them  into  a  single  commandment,  and  our 
tenth  into  two. 

(3)  Our  arrangement  is  that  of  Philo,  Josephus,  and  Origen,  and 
of  the  venerable  Greek  Church. 

There  are  two  separate  Ten  Commandments  :  those  which  God 
deUvered  on  Mount  Sinai  (Ex.  xx.),  which  are  preserved  in  E,  and 
those  in  Ex.  xxxiv.  14-26,  written  by  Moses  on  the  tables  of  stone. 
The  latter  are  in  J,  and  are  summarised  as  follows  : — (1)  Thou  shalt 
worship  no  other  divinity  {el).  (2)  Thou  shalt  make  for  thyself  no 
molten  gods.  (3)  Every  first-born  is  mine.  (4)  Six  days  shalt  thou 
work,  and  on  the  seventh  thou  shalt  rest.  (5)  In  ploughing  time  and 
in  harvest  shalt  thou  rest.  (6)  Thou  shalt  observe  the  Feast  of  Weeks 
and  the  Feast  of  Ingatherings.  (7)  Thou  shalt  not  offer  the  blood  of 
my  sacrifice  with  leaven.  (8)  The  fat  of  my  feast  shall  not  remain 
till  the  morning.  (9)  The  best  of  thy  first-fruits  shalt  thou  bring  to 
the  house  of  Jehovah.  (10)  Thou  shalt  not  seethe  a  kid  in  its 
mother's  milk.     (Also  Ex.  xxiii.  14-19.) 

It  requires,  however,  a  little  ingenuity  to  make  the  passage  contain 
ten  words.  I  have  combined  Wellhausen's  and  Cheyne's  arrangement 
As  to  5  I  am  at  loss.  Wellhausen  makes  6  two  commands.  Cheyne 
thinks  5  must  be  amended  into  a  command  to  observe  the  Passover  ; 
10  he  alters  into  '  thou  shalt  not  put  on  the  garment  of  a  Yerahme'- 
elite  woman  '  (see  Deut.  xxii.  5  :  the  Hebrew  bshl  —  to  seethe  ; 
Ishb  =to  put  on).     Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Kingdom  of  Judah,  p.  102. 

(p.  73) 

8.  The  original  altar  was  a  natural  rock,  Judg.  vi.  11  ff.  Single 
stones  also  served  as  altars,  1  Sam.  xiv.  32-35.  Encycl.  Bibl.,  Art. 
Altar.  It  is  here  evidently  contemplated  that  altars  are  common, 
and  that  there  is  no  idea  of  only  one  altar  being  legal  in  accordance 
with  the  law  of  Deut.  xii.  13-14,  cf.  Josh.  xxii.  11-34.  Altars  were 
built  by  Gideon  (Judg.  vi.  26),  Manoah  (Judg.  xiii.  16-20,  a  rock  was 
used  as  one),  Saul  (1  Sam.  xiv.  35),  David  (2  Sam.  xxiv.  18,  25), 


430 


Notes  on  Chapter  IV 


Elijah  {1  Kings  xviii.  32).  Ezekiel's  altar  (xUii.  13-17)  was  reached 
by  three  steps,  and  was  evidently  made  of  prepared  stones.  Solomon's 
altar  ( 1  Kings  viii.  64)  was  of  brass,  and  the  Tabernacle  altar  (Ex. 
xxvii.  1-8)  of  acacia  wood  overlaid  witth  brass.  Evidently  the  pro- 
hibition to  employ  tools  in  making  altars  was  disregarded.  McNeile, 
Exodus,  p.  125.  (P-  '7*) 

9.  The  Laws  of  Slavery,  etc.,  are  illustrated  by  the  newly  dis- 
covered code  of  Khammurabi,  King  of  Babylon,  circa  B.C.  2285. 
Some  of  the  laws  are  almost  identical  with  those  of  the  '  Book  of  the 
Covenant',  as  a  few  instances  may  shew. 

(a)  Ex.  XX.  24.     '  Eye  for  eye,  tooth  for  tooth.'     Code,  Laws 

196,  200. 
(6)  Ex.  xxi.  28-36.     Laws  concerning  injuries  done  by  oxen. 
Code,  Laws  250-252. 

(c)  Ex.    xxii.    1-4.     Multiple    restitution    for    injuries.     Code, 

Laws  5,  8,  106,  107,  112. 

(d)  Ex.  xxi.  21.     Slave  regarded  as  a  chattel.     Code,  Laws  219, 

231. 

The  cases  of  Sarah  and  Hagar,  and  Rachel  and  her  maid  Bilhah, 
are  exactly  provided  for  by  the  laws  of  the  Code,  141,  145. 

Johns,  The  Oldest  Code  of  Law,  and  Journal  oj  Theological  Studies 
for  Jan.  1903.  McNeile,  Exodus,  Litroduction,  pp.  xxxix  ff.  Kent, 
Israel's  Laws  and  Legal  Precedents,  pp.  61-65.  (p-  76) 


10.  Elohim  may  be  God,  the  judges,  or  the  local  sanctuary.  The 
Code  of  Khammurabi  recognises  the  Ordeal,  as  do  the  laws  m 
Numbers  v.  11  to  end.  Code,  Laws  2,  132.  For  other  explanations 
see  McNeile,  Exodus,  p.  127.  (P-  ^6) 


11.  On  the  Bull-worship,  see  pp.  223-224.  It  is  remarkable  that 
both  in  the  Wilderness  and  in  the  days  of  Jeroboam  the  Levites  are 
represented  as  hostile  to  the  cultus.  (2  Chr.  xi.  13.)  Mr.  S.  A.  Cook 
however  thinks  that  Jehovah  was  not  the  god  who  was  worshipped 
in  the  golden  calf  : — '  When  the  Levites  took  up  their  stand  on  the 
side  of  Yahveh  (Ex.  xxxii.  26),  the  original  conflict  was  hardly 
between  higher  and  lower  forms  of  Yahveh-worship,  but  between 
Yahveh  and  a  rival  deity.' — American  Journal  of  Theology,    (p.  77) 


12.  The  mention  of  this  '  Tent '  before  the  Tabernacle  was  made,  is 
a  striking  example  of  the  composite  nature  of  the  Hexateuch, 
a  striking  example  of  the  composite  nature  of  the  H. 
Ex.  xxxiii.  7-11  belongs  to  E.  The  '  Tent '  was  pitched  outside  the 
camp,  and  Moses  and  Joshua  had  charge  of  it.  As  the  home  of  the 
Ark  in  later  days  was  in  Ephraim,  it  appears  that  that  tribe,  whose 
representative  (Numb.  xiii.  8)  was  Joshua,  had  the  custody  of  Israel's 
sacra.  (P*  "^^^ 


13.  The  Name  of  Jehovah  is  used  as  a  succinct  expression  of  the 
revealed  character  of  God.     Wherever  Jehovah  '  records  His  Name,' 


Notes  on  Chapter  IV 


431 


according  to  the  early  law  book,  there  men  are  to  build  an  altar  to 
Him.  (Ex.  XX.  24.)  What  is  meant  by  this  'recording  of  His 
Name  '  may  be  seen  by  examining  the  various  narratives  of  the 
building  of  altars.  Gen.  xii.  7,  xxii.  9  ;  Judges  vi.  24,  etc.  Hast- 
ings' Diet,  of  the  Bible,  Art.  Natne.  Tertullian  explains  the  passage 
m  Ex.  xxxiii.  13-23  by  saymg  that  Moses  seeing  God's  '  back  parts  ' 
means  the  Glory  of  God  as  revealed  in  the  latter  days  Cposterioribus 
temporibus  ),  Adv.  Marcionem,  iv.  22.  (p    79) 


14.  The  history  of  the  Tabernacle  is  somewhat  obscure.  It  is 
mentioned  m  Deut.  xxxi.  14,  15,  but  here  it  is  apparently  not  the 
structure  of  the  Priestly  Code,  but  the  Tent  which  Moses  and  Joshua 
had  set  up  without  the  camp.  (See  note  12.)  In  Josh,  xviii.  1  the 
Israelites  are  said  to  have  set  it  up  in  Shiloh.  In  Josh.  xix.  5l[  the 
lots  for  the  tribes  are  said  to  have  been  cast  there.  (Both  these 
passages  are  from  P.)  It  is  never  mentioned  in  Judges.  This 
sanctuary  was  very  unlike  the  Tabernacle  as  described  in  Exodus. 
(See  Chapter  VI.)  In  the  account  of  the  capture  of  the  Ark  and  its 
restoration  by  David,  nothing  is  said  of  the  Tabernacle  ;  and  it  is  rot 
till  we  come  to  the  late  book  of  Chronicles  (2  Chr.  i.  3)  that  there  is  an 
allusion  to  the  Tabernacle  at  Gibeon  in  Solomon's  days.  We  know 
the  story  of  the  Ark,  and  hints  are  not  wanting  concerning  the  tent 
sanctuary  of  Moses  and  Joshua,  but  of  the  more  elaborate  Taber- 
nacle nothing  is  known.     Flinders  Petrie,  Researches  in  Sinai,  p.  106. 

(p.  80) 

15.  The  Kenites  are  said  to  have  been  the  tribesmen  of  Moses' 
father-m-law.     (Judges  i.  16.)     For  the  permanency  of  the  alliance 
see  Judges  iv.  17,  1  Sam.  xv.  6.     The  Kenites  of  the  Rechabite  sect 
were  most  zealous  for  the  honour  of  Jehovah.     (2  Kings  x.  15  ff. 
Jer.  XXXV.)     See  my  article  in  the  Interpreter  (Oct.  1906),  '  Israel 
and  the  Surrounding  Nations.'  /p    gn 


16.  It  is  remarkable  that  Taberah  is  not  mentioned  in  the  itinerary 
of  Numb,  xxxiii.  /p    gj\ 

17.  The  late  Professor  Palmer,  in  his  DeseH  of  the  Wanderings,  says 
that  the  Arabs  have  a  tradition  of  a  number  of  pilgrims  being 
destroyed  in  the  peninsula  of  Sinai.  As  this  is  out  of  the  pilgrim 
route  to  Mecca,  it  may  be  a  survival  of  the  story  of  the  destruction 
of  the  Israelites  at  Kibroth-Hattaavah.  (p.  82) 


18.  There  are  two  distinct  narratives  of  the  mission  of  the  spies 
In  the  earlier  (E)  (Numb.  xiii.  176-20,  22-24,  266-31,  326-33)  the  spies 
are  sent  to  the  southern  district  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Hebron, 
and  bring  a  cluster  of  grapes  from  the  valley  of  Eshcol.  They  bring 
a  good  report  of  the  land,  but  say  that  its  inhabitants  are  too  for- 
midable to  attack. 

The  remaining  verses  of  chapter  xiii.,  viz.,  l-17a,  21,  25-26a,  and 
32o,  make  the  spies  search  out  the  whole  Land  of  Promise  as  far  as 
Hamath  in  the  far  north.     Not  being  able  to  see  the  land  with  eyes 


« 


432 


Notes  on  Chapter  IV 


of  faith,  they  bring  *  an  evil  report '  of  it  {v.  31 ).  In  the  next  chapter, 
xiv.,  the  P  narrative  says  there  were  two  faithful  spies,  Joshua  and 
Caleb  ;  whereas  in  that  of  JE,  there  was  only  one,  Caleb  the  son  of 
Jephunneh,  who  actually  inherited  the  district  he  spied  out.  (Josh, 
xiv.  6-15.)  (P-  83) 

19.  Meribah,  according  to  Exodus  xvii.  7,  was  the  scene  of  a  gift 
of  water  from  a  rock  at  a  very  early  stage  of  the  wanderings.  Here 
and  in  Ps.  xcv.  8  it  is  mentioned  together  with  Massah.  In  Numb. 
XX.  13,  Meribah  is  connected  with  Kadesh,  as  it  is  elsewhere.  See 
also  Numb,  xxvii.  14,  Deut.  xxxiii.  2  (the  reading  Meribath -Kadesh  for 
'  ten  thousand  of  His  holy  ones  '),  Ez.  xlviii.  28  and  xlvii.  19.  In 
Deut.  vi.  16,  ix.  22,  Massah  and  Meribah  are  distinct  places. 

Many  difficulties  are  involved  in  the  present  confusion — (1)  Where 
did  the  fetching  water  from  the  rock  occur  ?  Probably  early  in  the 
wanderings,  though  the  passage  in  Ex.  xvii.  may  be  a  conflation. 
(2)  Are  Massah  and  Meribah  distinct  from  one  another  ?  (3)  Where- 
in did  the  sin  of  Moses  and  Aaron,  for  which  they  were  forbidden  to 
enter  the  Land,  consist  ?  The  accoimt  in  Numbers  (P)  suggests  that 
they  shewed  presumption  in  striking  the  rock  :  '  Shall  we  fetch  you 
water  ?  '  In  Deuteronomy  there  is  no  allusion  to  the  cause  of 
Jehovah's  anger  with  Moses  (nothing  is  said  of  Aaron),  Deut.  i.  37. 
It  has  been  suggested  that  Meribah,  not  the  golden  calf,  was  the 
occasion  of  the  separation  of  the  Levites  alluded  to,  Deut.  xxxiii.  8. 
See  Hastings'  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  Arts.  Meribah  and  Moses.  Encycl. 
Bibl.,  Art.  Massah  and  Meribah.  (p.  84) 


20.  Numbers  xvi.,  the  account  of  Korah,  Dathan  and  Abiram, 
seems  to  contain  three  narratives  :— 

(1)  Dathan  and  Abiram,  sons  of  Reuben,  rebel  against  the 
civil  authority  of  Moses,  who  wishes  (as  they  allege)  to 
make  himself  a  prince.  For  this  they  and  their  house- 
holds are  swallowed  up.     (JE.) 

(2)  Korah  and  two  hundred  and  fifty  princes  rebel  against 
Moses  and  Aaron  in  the  interests  of  the  people  at  large  as 
opposed  to  the  monopoly  of  the  tribe  of  Levi.     (P.) 

(3)  An  independent  Priestly  accoimt  relates  how  two  hundred 
and  fifty  Levites  rebelled  against  Aaron's  priestly  *iu- 
thority. 

In  Numb.  xxvi.  11,  alluding  to  the  death  of  Dathan  and  Abiraxn  in 
company  with  Korah,  there  is  the  statement  '  Notwithstanding  the 
sons  of  Korah  died  not.'  They  became  in  fact  an  influential  guild  of 
musicians  in  the  second  Temple.  (p-  86) 


21.  According  to  Judges  i.  17,  Judah  and  Simeon  together  des- 
troyed Zephath  and  called  it  Hormah.  Possibly  the  Israelites  did 
not  attack  Arad  during  the  wanderings,  but  vowed  to  devote  the 
land  to  destruction  if  they  should  conquer  it  later.  (p.  87) 


22.  See  Bishop  Westcott's  note  on  St.  John  iii.  14.     The  Brazen 
Serpent  was  preserved  as  an  object  of  veneration  till  the  time  of 


Notes  on  Chapter  V 


433 


Hezekiah,  2  Kmgs  xvni.  4.  Dr.  G.  B.  Gray  {Numbers,  Intemat. 
Cnt.  Comm.)  gives  three  suggestions  as  to  the  origin  of  the  'Serpent' 
Nehushtan  m  Hezekiah's  time.  (1)  W.  R.  Smith's  :  that  it  was  a 
totem  symbol;  (2)  Cheyne's  :  connected  with  the  Babylonian 
dragon  myth  ;  (3)  Frazer's  :  pests  destroyed  by  having  images  made 
of  them.  See  Cheyne,  Traditions  and  Beliefs  of  Ancient  Israel,  and 
Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Kingdom  of  Judah,  p.  85.  (p.  87) 

23.  The  fragments  in  Numb.  xxi.  are  thought  to  be  of  early  date, 
especially  the  book  of  the  Wars  of  Jehovah,  which,  like  the  book  of 
Jashar,  is  attributed  to  the  early  days  of  the  monarchy,  or  to  the 
ninth  century,  b.c.     Dr.  Sayce,  in  the  Academy  of  October  22,  1902 
proposed  to  render  Numb.  xxi.  14,  '  Wherefore  it  is  said  in  a  book 

the  Wars  of  Jehovah  were  at  Wahab  in  Suph,"  etc'  Carpenter 
apd  Harford,  Composition  of  the  Hexateuch,  pp.  30  and  2 1 8.  Hastings' 
Diet,  of  the  Bible,  Art.  Wars  of  the  Lord,  Book  of.  (p.  87) 

24.  The  conquest  of  Og  was  evidently  regarded  as  a  famous  ex- 
ploit of  Moses.  The  Gibeonites  allude  to  it  in  Josh.  ix.  10.  But 
the  exploits  of  Jair  seem  to  belong  to  a  post-Mosaic  period  and  to 
have  been  an  invasion  of  Gilead  from  the  west.  Accordmg  to  the 
book  of  Judges,  Jair  lived  long  after  Moses.  See  Driver  on  Deuter- 
onomy iii.    14.  (p    88) 

25.  There  is  a  double  narrative  of  Balaam.  Nimib.  xxii.  1-12  and 
36-41  IS  from  E  :  Balaam  is  first  told  by  God  not  to  go,  and  then  is 
ordered  to  go  but  only  to  speak  what  has  been  put  into  his  mouth  ; 
he  goes  with  the  princes  of  Moab.  Numb.  xxii.  22-35  is  from  J  : 
Balaam  on  his  way  alone  is  stopped  on  the  road  by  Jehovah,  who 
disapproves  of  his  going.  Chapter  xxiii.  is  apparently  from  E,  but 
the  first  blessing  in  xxiv.  is  J.  Driver,  Introduction  to  Old  Testament 
p.  62.  Hastings'  Diet,  of  Bible,  Art.  Balaam,  by  Mr.  Woods.  See 
The  Soothsayer  Balaam,  by  the  Rev.  Seraphim,  Bishop  of  Ostrojsk  ; 
but  above  all  Butler's  great  sermon  on  Balaam,  the  value  of  which,' 
as  Mr.  Woods  shews  in  Hastings,  is  not  really  impaired  by  new  views 
of  criticism. 

For  the  importance  of  a  curse  pronounced  by  a  duly  qualified 
person  see  Gray,  Numbers  (Internat.  Crit.  Commentary),  p.  328. 

Tv/r-^^'  -^^^^^^  ^°^  completely  different  is  the  representation  of  the 
Midianites  from  that  found  in  the  early  chapters  of  Exodus.  I  he 
massacre  of  the  Midianites  was  no  part  of  the  early  Hebrew  tradition. 
The  account  of  Balaam  and  the  sin  of  Baal-Peor  is  manifestly  a 
composite  one.  /p    92) 

Chapter  V. 

1.  The  Hebrew  here  gives  the  name  in  the  form  Jehoshua.  The 
more  familiar  Joshua  is  found  in  Neh.  viii.  1 7.  Professor  Margoliouth 
thinks  that  the  longer  form  of  Jehoshua,  which  he  says  must  mean 
'  Jehovah  is  a  rock,'  was  inserted  by  the  Jews  for  polemical  purposes 
'  because  Christian  controversialists  based  an  argimient  on  Moses 


434 


Notes  on  Chapter  V 


having  altered  his  follower's  name  from  Hoshea  to  Jeshua  or  Jesus.' 
But  whatever  be  the  meaning  of  Jehoshua,  it  is  clear  that  the  writer 
of  Numbers,  or  the  scribe  who  inserted  the  form,  connected  it  with 
Hoshea  (  =  deliverance).     Jehoshua  and  Joshua  were  imderstood  in 
practically  the  same  sense.     Professor  Margoliouth  also  adduces  a 
comment "^ from  the  wisdom  of  Ben-Sira  which  is  worth  quoting  : — 
'  A  mighty  hero  was  Jesus,  son  of  N\m,  .   .   .  who  became,  in  accord- 
ance with  his  name,    powerful   for  the  salvation   of  his  elect.' — 
Ecclus.  xlvi.   1.     See  Margoliouth,  Lines  of  Defence  of  the  Biblical 
Revelation,  p.  235.     The  facts  of  Joshua's  life  before  the  entry  into 
Canaan   are   as  follows  :—(l)   Ex.   xvii.   8-14,   fighting   Amalek  at 
Rephidim  ;    curse  against  Amalek  '  recited  '  to  him  (E).     (2)  Ex. 
xxxiii.   11,  in  the  sacred  Tent  of  Moses  '  a  young  man  '  (E).     (3) 
Numb.   xi.    28,   jealous  for  Moses'   sake  when   Eldad  and  Medad 
prophesy  (E).     (4)  Numb.  xiii.  8,  xiv.  6,  30,  faithful  with  Caleb  as 
one  of  the  spies  (P).     (5)  Numb.  xiii.  16,  Oshea  the  son  of  Nun  called 
Jehoshua  by  Moses  (P)  ;   according  to  P  the  Name  JHVH  had  not 
been  revealed  till  after  Joshua's  birth,  so  that  he  could  not  have  been 
called  Jehoshua  from  the  first  (Gray,  International  Critical  Com- 
mentary in  loco).     (6)  Numb,  xxvii.  18-23,  appointed  successor  of 
Moses  by  Divine  command,  consecrated  by  Eleazar  the  Priest  (P). 
In  Deuteronomy  Joshua  appears  i.   37-38  (Moses'  successor  :    ap- 
pointed after  the  return  of  the  spies,  not  as  in  Numb,  xxvii.  at  the 
end  of  Moses'  life)  ;    iii.  28  (Moses  when  told  to  ascend  Pisgah  is 
ordered  to  encourage  Joshua)  ;  xxxi.  7,  14  (encouraged  by  Moses  and 
summoned  for  consecration  to  the  Tent)  ;    xxxii.   44  (Moses  and 
Hoshea  the  son  of  Nun  recite  the  Song).     It  will  be  noticed  that 
Joshua's  name  is  absent  from  J  in  all  these  early  notices.     His  ap- 
pearance in  E  shews  that  he  was  an  Ephraimite  leader  and  the 
representative  of  the  long  supremacy  of  the  tribe.     But  in  Joshua 
xvii.  14-18  he  appears  in  J  as  the  arbiter  of  all  Israel.     G.  A.  Smith 
in  Hastings'  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  Art.  Joshtia.  (p.  95) 


2.  The  narrative  embodies  two  accounts  of  the  passage  of  the 
Jordan.  In  the  one,  the  twelve  stones  are  set  up  in  the  midst  of 
Jordan  (Josh.  iv.  9),  and  in  the  other  the  monument  is  erected  at 
Gilgal,  '  the  place  where  they  passed  the  night '  (iy.  8  and  20). 
Similarly  the  priests  pass  over  twice  (c/.  iv.  11  with  iv.  18).  Prof. 
W.  H.  Bennett,  Joshua.  (P-  95) 

3.  All  the  campaigns  described  in  Joshua  are  wars  of  extermina- 
tion. The  Canaanites  and  their  cities  were  placed  under  the  herem 
or  ban,  i.e.  were  devoted  to  the  Lord.  The  word  herem  is  connected 
with  a  verb  that  means  '  to  shut  up  from  common  use.'  Tims,  the 
haram  is  the  portion  of  an  Eastern  dwelling  set  apart  for  women. 
Anything  placed  under  the  ban  and  set  apart  in  this  way  could  not 
be  bought  or  sold,  and  any  person  so  devoted  must  be  put  to  death. 
(Levit.  xxvii.  28,  29.)  The  sin  of  Achan  consisted  in  preserving  to 
his  own  use  something  that  had  been  devoted  to  Jehovah.  The  sin 
of  Saul  in  keeping  Agag  alive  was  similar  in  character.  An  interest- 
ing instance  of  the  complete  destruction  of  a  town  in  fulfilment  of  a 
vow  devoting  it  to  the  national  deity  may  be  adduced  from  the 


Notes  on  Chapter  V 


435 


Moabite  stone  Kmg  Mesha  made  the  following  inscription  :  '  And 
Chemosh  said  to  me.  Take  Nebo  against  Israel,"  and  I  went  by 
night  and  fought  agamst  it  from  break  of  dawn  till  noon,  and  I  took 
it  and  put  them  a  1  to  death,  7,000  men  and  boys  and  women  and 
girls  and  female  slaves,  for  I  had  made  it  herem  to  Chemosh  '  A 
similar  custom  prevailed  among  the  Gauls:  'When  they  have 
resolved  to  fight  they  usually  devote  to  Mars  all  the  spoils  of  war  • 
of  the  surviving  booty,  the  living  things  are  sacrificed,  while  the  rest 
of  the  property  IS  brought  into  one  place.  In  many  districts  you 
may  see  mounds  built  up  of  these  things  in  consecrated  spots. 
Karely  did  it  happen  that  any  one  disregarded  the  sacred  vow  and 
dared  either  to  hide  m  his  house  the  things  he  had  taken  or  to  take 
away  from  the  heap  the  things  that  had  been  placed  there.  To  this 
cnme  a  very  heavy  penalty  involving  the  torture  of  crucifixion  was 
affixed.      Caesar,  De  Bell.  Gall.,  vi.   17.  (p.  96) 

*u\^^  Jewish  historian  Josephus  suggests  the  reading  '  Rahab 
the  hostess,  or  innkeeper,'  instead  of  '  Rahab  the  harlot.'  This  sug- 
gestion naturally  explains  the  reasons  why  the  spies  went  to  Rahab's 
house  and  why  her  premises  should  first  be  searched.  But  there 
does  not  seem  sufficient  ground  for  altering  the  rendering  of  the 
Hebrew  word,  which  is  uniformly  translated  '  harlot  '  elsewhere. 
Nor  should  we  save  the  character  of  Rahab  by  adopting  this  inter- 
pretation :  7ray8oK€vTpLa  in  Aristophanes,  Ranae  144  ff.,  is  used  in  a 
bad  sense,  and  we  must  remember  that  even  among  the  peoples  of 
Canaan  harlots  were  recognised  as  religious  votaries.  Recent  ex- 
cavations at  Jericho  have  been  carried  out  by  Dr.  Sellin  (1907)  and 
perhaps  even  the  house  of  Rahab  has  been  discovered.  (p.  97) 

'  *  ^*  ^'rhe  names  Achan  and  Achor  are  connected  with  a  root  meaning 
to  trouble.      Achan  appears  in  the  form  Achar  (' troubler ')  in 
I  Chr.  11.  7.     The  meaning  of  Achor  is  doubtful.     It  may  be  '  desola- 
tion,   or     causing  trouble.'     The  valley  was  on  the  northern  boun- 
dary of  Judah,  but  cannot  with  certainty  be  identified.     Hosea  and 
Isaiah  prophesy  the  close  of  its  desolation  (Hosea  ii.  15,  Is.  Ixv.  10) 
of     J  ?a  ?®^^®**'  Joshua.     The  reading  of  the  LXX.  in  Josh,  vii.' 
25  and  26  deserves  notice  :    '  And  Joshua  said  to  Achor,  Why  hast 
thou  destroyed  us  ?     The  Lord  shall  destroy  thee  this  day.     Ajid  all 
Israel  stoned  him  with  stones,  and  they  set  up  over  him  a  great  heap 
of  stones  ;   and  the  Lord  ceased  from  the  anger  of  his  wrath.'     The 
LXX.  gives  us  the  form  Achar  (as  in  1  Chr.  ii.  7)  and  omits  the 
stoning  of  the  family  of  Achan,  which  to  us  seems  an  inexplicable 
severity.     But  we  must  remember  that  this  visiting  the  sins  of  the 
father  on  the  children  is  characteristic  of  the  stage  of  moral  develop- 
ment at  which  Israel  had  arrived  at  the  time  of  the  conquest.     The 
children  of  Israel  were  just  beginning  to  understand  sin  and  God's 
horror  of  it.     They  had  not  yet  learnt  to  distinguish  between  the 
smner  and  the  sin,  nor  to  separate  the  individual  sinner  from  the 
family  to  which  he  belonged.     The  whole  family  was  responsible 
for  the  sm  of  its  individual  members  ;   the  whole  family  had  to  bear 
the  guilt  and  share  the  punishment.     It  is  not  till   the  time  of 
B^zekiel  that  the  Jews  began  to  see  that  the  individual  must  take  the 


436 


Notes  on  Chapter  V 


whole  responsibility  of  his  sins.  '  The  soul  that  sinneth,  it  {i.e.  and 
no  one  else)  shall  die  :  the  son  shall  not  bear  the  iniquity  of  the 
father,  neither  shall  the  father  bear  the  iniquity  of  the  son.'  (Ezek. 
xviii.  20.)  This  lesson  had  yet  to  be  grasped.  In  the  story  of  Achan 
we  see  Israel  learning  the  exceeding  sinfulness  of  sin,  thus  preparing 
the  way  for  the  teaching  of  the  Prophets  and  the  still  fuller  revelation 
of  the  New  Testament.  (P-  9*7) 


6.  As  in  the  narrative  of  the  crossing  of  the  Jordan,  so  in  describing 
the  capture  of  Ai,  our  author  seems  to  have  combined  two  accounts. 
In  the  one,  the  ambush  consists  of  30,  000  men  (Josh.  viii.  v.  3),  the 
flight  is  feigned  {w.  5-7),  the  ambush  fire  the  city  {w.  8,  20,  21). 
In  the  other,  the  number  of  men  in  ambush  is  5,000  {v.  12),  the  flight 
is  real  (v.  15),  Joshua  bums  Ai  (v.  28).  See  further,  W.  H.  Bennett, 
Joshua.  (P-  98) 


7.  Hanging  among  the  Hebrews  was  a  form  of  punishment  rather 
than  execution.  It  was  the  dead  body  that  was  hung  upon  a  tree  till 
eventide.  This  punishment  was  viewed  with  peculiar  abhorrence 
because  any  indignity  to  the  body  was  supposed  to  affect  the  soul  in 
Sheol.  The  Philistines  treated  Saul  as  Joshua  treated  the  King  of  Ai, 
and  hung  up  his  body  on  the  wall  of  Bethshan.  Study  in  this  con- 
nection Deut.  xxi.  22,  23  ;  1  Sam.  xxxi.  8-13  ;  2  Sam.  xxi.  12  ; 
Is.  xiv.  18-20.     (R.  H.  Kennett.)  (p.  98) 


8.  In  writing  the  Law,  Joshua  did  not  use  the  unhewn  stones  of  the. 
altar,  but  other  stones  prepared  in  the  manner  referred  to  in  Deut. 
xxvii.  1-4  :  the  surface  of  the  stone  was  coated  with  lime  or  gypsum, 
and  thus  rendered  capable  of  receiving  and  retaining  inscriptions 
made  with  some  suitable  pigment.  The  practice  was  Egyptian. 
See  Driver,  DetUeronomy,  in  loc.  (P«  98) 


9.  The  book  of  Jashar,  or  the  book  of  the  upright,  was  a  collection 
of  songs  and  ballads  about  national  heroes.  It  included  David's 
lament  over  Saul  and  Jonathan.  Possibly  the  song  of  Deborah  and 
Barak  belongs  to  this  collection.  Solomon,  according  to  the  LXX. 
of  1  Kings  viii.  53,  contributed  to  a  '  book  of  Song  '  which  may  be 
'  Jashar  '  (Heb.  Hashshir).  The  poetical  account  of  Joshua's  defeat 
of  the  five  kings  has  been  taken  literally  by  the  narrator.  But  we 
have  no  need  to  suppose  that  the  day  was  miraculously  lengthened. 
The  poetic  imagery  may  be  paralleled  from  the  Song  of  Deborah, 
which  tells  us  that'  the  stars  in  their  courses  fought  against  Sisera  ' 
(Judg.  V.  20),  or  from  Agamemnon's  prayer  to  Zeus,  '  O  Zeus,  all- 
glorious  and  all-powerful,  thou  that  dwellest  in  heaven  aniid  black 
clouds,  let  not  the  sun  go  down,  let  not  the  night  come  on,  till  I  have 
brought  Priam's  glittering  hall  in  headlong  ruin  to  the  ground.' 
{Iliad  ii.  214.)     W.  H.  Bennett,  Joshua.  (p.   100) 


10.  The  history  of  the  conquest  and  of  Joshua's  part  in  it  is  beset 
with  great  difficulties.  Indeed,  Stade  is  led  to  deny  the  historical 
character  of  the  book  of  Joshua  altogether.     He  thinks  Israel  crossed 


Notes  on  Chapter  V 


437 


the  Jordan  at  Jabbok,  not  Jericho,  clan  following  clan,  and  securing 
territory  by  the  peaceful  methods  of  purchase  or  treaty.  Joshua  he 
regards  as  a  legendary  personage,  an  Ephraimite  hero.  The  base- 
lessness of  this  theory  has  been  exposed  by  Dr.  G.  A.  Smith  {His- 
torical Geography  of  the  Holy  Land,  Appendix  II.).  There  is  abso- 
lutely no  reason  for  setting  aside  the  Biblical  tradition  which  tells  us 
the  nation  crossed  over  the  river  as  a  wholo,  under  one  leader. 
Jericho  is  the  natural  crossing-point,  for  the  place  was  easily  taken — 
it  never  stood  a  siege — and  an  invader,  starting  from  Jericho,  could 
strike  either  north  or  south  at  will.  Joshua's  first  campaign  probably 
took  place  in  the  north,  and  led  to  the  conquest  of  the  hill -coim try  of 
Ephraim.  His  second  campaign,  summarised  in  Josh.  x.  28-43,  gave 
Judah  a  secure  footing  in  the  south.  A  comparison  of  Judges,  ch.  i., 
with  the  account  of  the  conquest  in  Joshua,  clearly  proves  that  the 
success  of  Joshua's  campaigns  has  been  much  exaggerated.  It  will 
suffice  here  to  point  out  that  after  Joshua's  death,  according  to 
Judges  i..  King  Adonibezek  has  again  to  be  fought  and  conquered 
(Josh.  X.  ;  Judges  i.)  ;  Debir  has  once  more  to  be  taken  (Josh.  x. 
39  ;  Judges  i.  11-15)  ;  Bethel  needs  to  be  sacked  a  second  time 
(Josh.  xii.  16  ;  Judges  i.  22-26).  Taanach,  Dor,  Megiddo,  and  Gezer 
are  among  the  cities  which  Joshua  subdued,  hut  which  were  still 
unconquered  after  his  death.  (Josh.  xii.  12,  21-23  ;  Judges  i.  27- 
29.)  It  is  not  unlikely  that  Joshua's  real  conquests  in  the  main  em- 
braced the  hill-country  of  Ephraim  and  Judah.  The  fact  that  his 
own  inheritance  lay  in  the  former,  points  in  this  direction.  (Josh. 
xix.  49-50.)  (p.   101) 

11.  Caleb  belonged  to  an  Edomite  tribe,  the  Kenezites  or  Keniz- 
zites,  who  reckoned  their  descent  from  Kenaz,  the  grandson  of  Esau. 
This  tribe  seems  to  have  been  incorporated  in  Judah.  See  Gen. 
xxxvi.  15.  In  J,  Caleb  the  son  of  Jephunneh  is  a  Kenezite  (Numb, 
xxxii.  12,  Josh  xiv.  6)  ;  in  P,  he  is  a  member  of  the  tribe  of  Judah 
(Nimib.  xiii.  6),  the  son  of  Jephunneh.  In  Josh.  xv.  13,  however,  P 
may  suggest  that  Caleb  was  a  Judahite  by  incorporation.  In 
1  Chronicles  ii.  Caleb  is  a  son  of  Hezron,  and  brother  of  Jerahmeel, 
and  among  his  descendants  are  Ephrath,  Kirjath-jearim  and 
Bethlehem  !  In  1  Sam.  xxv.  3,  xxx.  14,  the  Calebites  are  a  people 
bordering  on  the  tribe  of  Judah.  The  '  adoption  '  of  these  alien 
clans  by  Judah  and  the  importance  of  the  Negeb  in  early  Hebrew 
tradition  are  among  the  chief  factors  in  Dr.  Cheyne's  important 
'  Jerahmeel '  theory  which  connects  the  entire  history  of  Israel  with 
the  tribes  of  N.  Arabia.  (p.   102) 

12.  The  LXX.  gives  Shiloh  instead  of  Shechem  as  the  scene  of  this 
assembly,  the  alteration  being  perhaps  intended  to  bring  ch.  xxiv. 
into  line  with  ch.  xviii.  The  -fact  that  in  the  days  of  Abimelech, 
Shechem  is  still  largely  inhabited  by  Canaanites,  if  not  under 
Canaanitish  rule,  lends  support  to  the  LXX.  reading.  At  any  rate, 
Shiloh  was  a  more  important  national  centre  than  Shechem  until  the 
time  of  Samuel.  We  must  notice,  however,  that  Shechem  is  men- 
tioned in  E,  the  Ephraimite  source  of  Joshua,  while  references  to 
Shiloh  are  most  frequent  in  the  later  P.  (p.   103) 

2k 


438 


Notes  on  Chapter  V 


13.  For  a  fuller  discussion  of  idolatry  in  Israel,  see  pp.  239-242. 
We  may  here  briefly  distinguish  the  two  kinds  of  Baal -worship  which 
at  one  time  or  another  influenced  the  Jewish  people.     '  Baal  '  is  a 
general  title  for  a  supernatural  being  who  is  supposed  to  own  a  par- 
ticular district  and  fertilises  it  by  springs  and  other  natural  irrigation. 
The  Baal  is  entitled  to  receive  certain  dues,  first-fruits,  and  rites  of 
worship,  from  his  human  tenants.     The  Israelites,  when  they  were 
settled  in  Canaan,  seem  to  have  identified  Jehovah  with  the  Baal  of 
the  land.     At  any  rate,  they  supposed  that  the  sacrifices  and  festivals 
that  pleased  the  local  Baals  would  likewise  please  Jehovah.     These 
local   practices,   many   of   them   innocent   enough,    they   therefore 
adopted.     They  came  to  speak  of  Jehovah  as  Baal,  and  to  worship 
Him  as  such  (Hosea  ii.  16).     The  result  was  that  the  idea  and  the 
worship  of  Jehovah  were  alike  degraded.     There  was  great  danger 
of  Jehovah  being  regarded  as  a  mere  agricultural  deity,  representing 
the  productive  powers  of  nature.     At  first  this  danger  was  probably 
not  understood.     Names  like  Ish-baal  (  =  Baal's  man  ;   cf.  Hannibal 
=  favour  of  Baal)  shew  that  the  people  saw  no  harm  in  this  local 
Baal -worship.     But  the  substitution  of  the  word  '  bosheth  '  (  =the 
shameful  thing)  for  '  baal  '  in  these  names,  e.g.  Ish-bosheth,  Mephi- 
bosheth,  shews  at  once  the  strength  and  the  necessity  of  the  reaction. 
Very  different  from  this  identification  of  Jehovah  with  an  agri- 
cultural deity  was  the  Baal-worship  instituted  by  Ahab.     Here  we 
have  a  foreign  cult  introduced  for  political  reasons.     Another  god, 
the  god  of  the  Phoenicians,  is  to  be  worshipped  alongside  or  instead  of 
Jehovah.     The  idolatries  of  Solomon,  dictated  by  his  wives,  are 
similar  in  character.     This  second  kind  of  Baal -worship  much  more 
directly  contravenes  the  command  '  Thou  shalt  have  no  other  gods 
beside  Me,'  than  does  the  first.     For  the  whole  subject,  see  the  article 
Baal,  in  the  Jewish  Encyclopcedia,  and  W.  R.  Smith,  Religion  of  the 
Semites,  pp.  93-113.  (p_   io5) 

14.  The  name  of  the  altar  is  not  found  either  in  the  Hebrew  text  or 
in  the  LXX.  It  is  supplied  in  the  Syriac  Bible.  W.  H.  Bennett  says 
that  '  probably  here,  as  in  Gen.  xxxi.  47  f.,  we  have  an  etymology  of 
Gilead,  omitted  by  some  editor  to  avoid  a  clear  contradiction  of  v. 
10.'     See   Bennett,   in  loc.  (p,   106) 


15.  The  attempt  to  explain  away  the  sacrifice  of  Jephthah's 
daughter  by  supposing  she  was  condenmed  to  perpetual  virginity  is 
a  failure.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  we  are  intended  by  the  narra- 
tive to  understand  that  Jephthah  vowed  a  human  sacrifice  to  Je- 
hovah and  carried  out  his  vow.     See  G.  F.  Moore,  Judges,    (p.   108) 


16.  The  phrase  translated  '  unstable  as  water  '  may  be  more 
accurately  rendered  '  bubbling  up  as  water. '  Two  meanings  are  then 
possible  :  ( 1 )  the  phrase  may  refer  to  the  wanton  boastf ulness  of 
Reuben,  a  meaning  supported  by  the  LXX.  ;  (2)  it  may  have  refer- 
ence to  the  ardent  activity  of  the  tribe  in  war,  an  interpretation 
favoured  by  so  great  an  authority  as  W.  Robertson -Smith.  '  Though 
Reuben  is  the  first -bom,  though  he  is  an  ardent  warrior,  yet  Israel 


Notes  on  Chapter  V 


439 


will  have  none  of  him.'  (R.  H.  Kennett.)  The  general  idea  is  that 
of  recklessness.  The  term  is  used  to  describe  the  worthless  fellows 
hired  by  Abimelech  to  slay  the  sons  of  Gideon  (Judges  ix.  4). 

(p.   108) 

17.  The  Levites  mentioned  in  Judges  are  all  closely  connected 
with  Judah.  Judah  seems  to  have  been  the  head  and  representative 
of  the  great  Leah  tribes.  Simeon  is  merged  in  Judah  ;  and  Levi,  ap- 
parently losing  its  separate  tribal  existence,  becomes  a  priestly  caste. 
Micah's  priest  is  at  once  a  Levite  and  a  member  of  the  clan  of  Judah. 
The  adoption  of  the  Levites  as  a  sacred  order  may  have  been  due  to 
the  fact  that  Moses  belonged  to  the  tribe  of  Levi.  See  further,  G.  F. 
Moore,  Judges,  note  on  xvii.  7.  There  are,  however,  traces  of  a 
tradition  that  Levi  was  once  a  bold  adventurous  secular  tribe  closely 
connected  with  Simeon.     (Gen.  xxxiv.,  xlix.  5-7.)  (p.   110) 


18.  The  meaning  of  this  passage  in  the  blessing  of  Judah  cannot  be 
at  present  determined.  The  English  versions  render  '  Until  Shiloh 
comes,'  Shiloh  being  interpreted  as  a  Messianic  title  =peEice-bringer. 
This  use  of  the  word  '  Shiloh  '  cannot  be  paralleled  from  the  Old 
Testament,  and  it  is  very  doubtful  whether  the  word  can  mean 
*  peace -bringer.'  This  interpretation  is  not  supported  by  antiquity, 
and  must  be  abandoned.  If  Shiloh  be  a  proper  name,  it  must  refer 
to  the  place,  and  we  must  translate  '  until  he  come  to  Shiloh,'  or 
'  so  long  as  people  come  to  Shiloh.'  Judah's  supremacy  will  last,  in 
the  first  case,  till  Shiloh  is  won,  and  in  the  second,  so  long  as  there  is  a 
sanctuary  in  Shiloh.  This  is  not  satisfactory,  as  '  the  sceptre  ' 
implies  royalty,  and  the  kingship  of  Judah  was  not  historically 
determined  by  the  conquest  of  Shiloh,  or  the  continuance  of  its 
sanctuary.  We  have  fallen  back  on  the  rendering  of  the  LXX.  and 
Old  Latin  versions,  '  Till  He  come,  whose  it  is,'  i.e.  '  imtil  the 
Messiah  appear.'  For  a  further  discussion,  see  Driver's  article  in 
Cambridge  Journal  of  Philology,  xiv.  {vide  supra.  Note  8,  Ch.  III.), 
and  his  Genesis,  Excursus  ii.  Ezek.  xxi.  27  (32  Heb.)  perhaps  refers 
to  this  passage,  '  until  he  come  whose  right  it  is.'  Redpath, 
Ezekiel,  in  loc.  (P-   HO) 

19.  The  name  Cushan-rishathaim  means  '  Cushan  (?  the  Nubian) 
of  double-dyed  villainy.'  The  historicity  of  the  narrative  has  been 
called  in  question,  because  it  seems  improbable  that  Syria  interfered 
in  the  affairs  of  Israel  in  these  early  times.  The  incident  may  have 
been  introduced  to  give  a  Judge  to  Judah.  Moore,  Judges.  The 
'  tents  of  Cushan  '  are  mentioned  by  Habakkuk  (iii.  7).  This  looks 
as  if  some  Arabian  oppressor  of  Southern  Palestine  was  originally 
meant.  (P-   HI) 

20.  The  prose  narrative  of  ch.  iv.  and  the  poem  in  ch.  v.  give  some- 
what different  accounts  of  Jael's  deed.  From  ch.  iv.  we  learn  that 
Sisera  went  into  the  tent,  and  that  Jael  slew  him  as  he  lay  asleep  by 
driving  a  tent-pin  through  his  temple.  From  the  '  Song  '  it  appears 
that  she  smote  him  a  crushing  blow  on  the  head  with  some  heavy 


440 


Notes  on  Chapter  V 


instniment  as  he  stood  at  the  door  of  the  tent  with  his  face  buried  in 
a  mighty  bowl  of  curds.  The  difference  is  interesting  and  imma- 
terial.    (p.    114) 

21 .  We  may  follow  Wellhausen  in  taking  the  narrative  as  it  stands, 
and  in  regarding  it  as  descriptive  of  primitive  sacrifice.  From  the 
narrative,  it  is  clear  that  the  sacrifice  consisted  of  the  eatables  that 
made  a  simple  meal  ;  the  meat  was  boiled — the  sons  of  Eli  made  the 
revolutionary  demand  that  the  portion  of  the  sacrifice  given  to  the 
priests  should  be  given  raw  and  not  boiled  (1  Sam.  ii.  15).  The 
sacrifice  could  be  offered  on  any  natural  rock,  and  the  specially -built 
altar  was  not  essential  in  primitive  times.  G.  F.  Moore  is  inclined 
to  think  that  Gideon  did  not  intend  to  make  a  sacrifice,  but  hos- 
pitably prepared  a  meal  which  the  Angel  of  Jehovah  turned  into  a 
sacrifice,  thus  revealing  His  identity.  (p.   116) 


22.  Jerub-baal,  '  Let  Baal  plead.'  This  etymology  is  now  regar- 
ded as  fanciful,  and  some  scholars  think  the  whole  story  of  Gideon's 
second  sacrifice,  and  the  preceding  destruction  of  Baal's  altar,  has 
been  introduced  to  explain  the  name.  But  Jerubbaal  may  easily  be 
written  Jerubaal  (cf.  Jeruel,  2  Chron.  xx.  16),  and  then  it  would 
mean  '  Baal  founds  or  establishes,'  and  as  names  compounded  with 
Baal  (c/.  Ishbaal,  Meribbaal)  are  not  uncommon  in  Israel,  we  need 
no  elaborate  explanation  of  the  way  in  which  Gideon  came  to  possess 
this  title. (p.    116) 

23.  Wellhausen  thinks  that  in  viii.  4-28  we  have  part  of  an  entirely 
different  narrative  of  Gideon's  exploits.  The  princes  of  Midian  have 
yet  to  be  taken  ;  '  Gideon's  aim  is  to  get  hold  of  the  two  kings,  and 
the  reason  is  that  they  have  slain  his  brothers  at  Tabor.'  Gideon  is 
acting  not  in  obedience  to  the  divine  call,  but  in  accordance  with  the 
duty  of  blood-revenge.  His  300  men  are  the  members  of  his  small 
clan  of  Abiezer.  The  fighting  takes  place  on  the  east,  and  not  on 
the  west  side  of  Jordan.  '  The  motive,  the  actors,  the  scene  of  the 
action,  are  different.  But  the  discrepancies  have  been  needlessly 
wcaggerated.  Men  are  not  compelled  to  act  from  single  motives, 
and  it  is  possible  to  respond  at  one  and  the  same  time  to  the  call  of 
patriotism  and  the  promptings  of  personal  resentment.  Moreover, 
in  chap.  viii.  it  is  clear  that  Gideon  sets  out  in  pursuit  of  the  Midian - 
ites,  while  still  ignorant  of  his  brothers'  fate.  Wellhausen's  hypo- 
thesis is  unnecessary.  See  further  G.  F.  Moore,  Judges^  p.  176 
(Intemat.  Grit.  Comm.).  (p.   118) 


24.  The  story  of  Gaal,  and  Zebul,  and  the  Shechemite  revolt  is 
somewhat  obscure.  Was  Gaal  the  leader  of  the  Israelitish  section 
of  the  inhabitants,  or  did  he  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  Canaani- 
tish  element  ?  What  was  Zebul's  position  ?  Was  he  Abimelech's 
lieutenant,  attempting  to  ruin  the  revolt  by  pretending  to  support 
it  ?  This  seems  to  be  his  policy,  and,  as  Kittel  suggests,  the 
Shechemites  probably  killed  him,  when  they  discovered  his  duplicity. 
We  are  inclined  to  follow  Mr.   Moore  inj^regarding  Gaal   as  the 


i 


I 


Notes  on  Chapter  V 


441 


Canaanite  leader.  Abimelech  seems  to  have  become  king  as  a  result 
of  a  coalition  of  Canaanites  and  Israelites.  The  dissension  of  these 
two  factions  led  to  Gaal's  revolt,  and  at  the  same  time  enabled 
Abimelech  to  crush  the  rising  without  difficulty.  See  further,  Moore, 
Judges,  in  loc.  G.  F.  Moore  distinguishes  two  narratives,  and  his 
treatment  of  tha  chapter  removes  many  of  its  difficulties.  He 
assigns  Judges  ix.  22-25,  42-45,  56  f.  to  E  and  26-41  to  J.  Selbie  in 
Hastings'  Diet,  ot  the  Bible,  Art.  Abimelech  ;  see  also  Kittel,  Hist. 
Heb.,  Eng.  Tr.,  vol.  ii. 

The  real  interest  in  the  history  of  Abimelech  lies  in  the  revelation 
which  it  gives  of  the  relations  between  the  Israelites  and  the  Canaan- 
ites after  the  death  of  Gideon.  Abimelech,  half  Canaanite  and  half 
Israelite,  endeavoured  to  unite  the  two  races  probably  under  an 
Israelite  supremacy.  Hence  the  revolt  and  destruction  of  Shechem 
by  him.     See  H.  P.  Smith,  Old  Testament  Hist.,  p.  99.  (p.    119) 


25.  Dan  and  Asher  are  classed  together  in  Judges  v.  17  as  maritime 
tribes,  and  the  exploits  of  Samson,  the  Danite,  take  place  on  the 
frontiers  of  Judah  and  the  Philistines.  Josephus  [Antiq.  i.  22)  gives 
Southern  Dan  a  very  extensive  territory  from  Dan  to  Ashdod  ;  but 
it  receives  but  little  attention  in  the  Biblical  traditions.  In  Joshua 
(xix.  40  ff.)  it  is  the  last  tribe  to  have  an  inheritance,  and  the  Dan 
fragment  is  the  last  of  those  collected  in  Judges,  (i.  34  ff.)  It 
stands  also  last  on  the  list  in  I  Chron.  xxvii.  16-22.  Encyclopaedia 
Biblica,  Art.  Dan.  (p.   119) 

26.  The  Philistines  according  to  Amos  ix.  7  came  from  Caphtor 
(Deut.  ii.  23).  Rameses  III.  (b.c.  1200)  records  his  triumphs  over 
a  people  called  the  Purusati,  who  invaded  Palestine.  It  is  thought 
that  they  came  from  Asia  Minor.  See  Maspero,  Struggle  of  the 
Nations  ;  Paton,  Syria  and  Palestine  ;  and  the  article  in  the  En- 
cyclopcedia  Biblica.  For  a  very  novel  view  of  the  obscure  origin  of 
this  people,  see  Cheyne,  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Kingdom  of  Judah, 
p.  xxi.  (p.   120) 

27.  It  is  difficult  to  find  a  good  English  translation  for  this  simple 
couplet.     Mr.  Moore  renders  as  follows  : — 

'  If  with  my  heifer  ye  did  not  plough, 
Ye  had  not  found  out  my  riddle,  I  trow.' 
This  brings  out  the  rhyme  of  the  words  '  eglathi,''  my  heifer,  and 
'  chidMhi,''  my  riddle,  but  the  English  is  not  above  reproach,  as  we 
require  '  ye  had  not  ploughed,'  instead  of  '  ye  did  not  plough.' 

(p.   122) 

28.  Mr.  Moore  thinks  the  name  En-Hakkore  originally  meant 
Partridge -spring,  that  bird  being  known  as  '  the  caller  '  in  Hebrew. 
See  Cheyne,  Traditions  and  Beliefs  of  Ancient  Israel.  (p.   122) 


29.  By  the  insertion  of  an  '  n  '  the  Jews  made  this  priest  trace  his 
lineage  from  Manasses  instead  of  Moses.  But  it  is  clear  that  the 
priests  of  Dan  boasted  descent  from  Moses.  See  Moore,  Judges, 
in  loc.  (p.   124) 


442 


Notes  on  Chapter  VI 


30.  The  word  *  Zidonians '  is  used  in  two  senses  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment. It  may  refer  (1)  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  Zidon,  or  (2) 
to  the  Phoenician  race,  as  here,  in  all  probability.  The  men  of  Laish 
were  an  iin warlike  trading  people,  and  in  this  they  resembled  the 
Phcenicians.  They  were  also  politically  isolated,  and  their  subju- 
gation was  thus  quite  easy.     See  Moore,  Judges,  in  loc.  (p.   124) 


Chapter   VI 


1.  Shiloh,  the  modem  Seilun  (LXX.  cod.  B.  St/A-wv,  lies,  according 
to  Judges  xxi.  19,  'on  the  north  of  Bethel,  on  the  east  side  of  the 
highway  that  goeth  up  to  from  Bethel  to  Shechem,  and  on  the  south 
of  Lebonah.'  It  stood  on  a  secluded  hill  about  a  mile  from  the  main 
road,  about  2300  ft.  above  the  sea  level. 

It  was  a  sanctuary  from  early  times.  The  Ark  and  Tabernacle 
were  placed  thereafter  the  Israelites  had  left  Gilgal.  There  Joshua  is 
said  to  have  divided  the  land  by  lot  between  the  tribes.  (Josh, 
xviii.  8-10,  JE^,  and  xviii.,  xix.,  etc..  P.)  The  Danite  sanctuary, 
according  to  E^,  continued  to  exist '  all  the  time  that  the  house  of  God 
was  in  Shiloh.'  (Judges  xviii.  31.)  A  festival  to  Jehovah  was  held 
there  annually.     (Judges  xxi.   19.) 

If  any  part  of  the  ancient  Tabernacle  survived  at  Shiloh,  it  must 
have  been  not  the  '  Priestly  '  Tabernacle  of  Ex.  xxv.  ff.,  but  the 
Mosaic  Tabernacle  of  Ex.  xxxiii.  7,  also  mentioned  Num.  xi.  24-26 
and  xii.  5.  This  Tabernacle  was  placed  outside  the  camp,  and  was 
kept  by  Joshua,  who  departed  not  out  of  it.  (Ex.  xxxiii.  11.) 
Joshua,  like  Samuel,  was  an  Ephraimite  (1  Sam.  i.  1),  though  1  Chr. 
vi.  22-28  makes  the  latter  a  Levite  of  the  house  of  Kohath,  and 
Josh.  xxi.  20  says  that  the  Kohathites  had  settlements  in  Ephraim. 
It  is,  however,  clear  that  Eli's  sanctuary  was  not  the  Tabernacle 
described  in  the  P  portions  of  the  Hexateuch.  The  mention  of 
women  ministering  at  the  door  of  the  Tabernacle  (1  Sam.  ii.  23), 
which  Budde  considers  a  late  addition,  c/.  also  Ex.  xxxviii.  8  (P), 
is  remarkable.  The  only  other  allusions  to  this  are  found  in  2  Kings 
xxiii.  7,  Jer.  vii.  18,  Ez.  viii.  14,  in  connection  with  idolatrous  wor- 
ship. The  boiling  of  the  sacrificial  meat  (1  Sam.  ii.  13)  is  a  proof  of 
the  antiquity  of  Judges  vi.  19,  Gideon's  sacrifice,  which  Wellhausen 
considers  very  primitive.  That  Eli  was  a  descendant  of  Ithamar  is 
inferred  from  1  Chr.  xxiv.  3  :  Ahimelech,  Eli's  great-grandson,  is 
said  to  be  '  of  the  sons  of  Ithamar.'  Josephus  and  the  rabbis  try  to 
account  for  the  fact  that  the  House  of  Eleazar  were  temporarily 
excluded  from  the  high -priesthood.  Josephus,  Antiq.  viii.  193. 
Dr.  Cheyne  says  that  1  Sam.  ii.  28  implies  that  Eli  belonged  to  the 
original  priestly  family.     Encycl.  Bibl.,  Art.  Eli.  (p.    129) 


2.   It  is  scarcely  possible  that  Hannah  can  have  uttered  this  Song. 
It  assumes,  for  example,  that  there  was  a  king  in  Israel,  v.  10.     A 
translation  of  the  Targum  version  of  the  Song  is  given  by  Kirk 
patrick  Samuel  (Cambridge  Bible  for  Schools),  in  which  Hannah  is 


Notes  on  Chapter  VI 


443 


made  to  speak  in  a  spirit  of  prophecy,  and  to  foretell  the  destruction 
of  Sennacherib,  Javan  (Greece),  Haman,  and  other  enemies  of  the 
Jews.  (p.   131) 

3.  The  '  coat '  worn  by  Samuel  was  the  same  garment  as  that 
which  the  High  Priest  wore  (Ex.  xxviii.  4  [P]).  The  same  word  is 
used  of  the  robe  of  Jonathan  (1  Sam.  xviii.  4),  and  Saul  (1  Sam.  xxiv. 
4),  and  the  garment  worn  by  the  daughters  of  David  (2  Sam.  xiii.  18). 
The  Ephod  (the  word  is  elsewhere  used  in  a  different  sense)  was  the 
regular  priestly  garment,  e.g.  at  Nob  (1  Sam.  xxii.  18)  all  the  priests 
are  described  as  wearing  it.  Samuel's  exercise  of  the  priestly  office 
is  described  in  the  Speaker's  Commentary  as  '  extraordinary  and 
irregular. ' 

It  may  be  noticed  that  there  are  two  independent  accounts  of 
Samuel.  In  the  earlier,  the  choice  of  Saul,  he  is  represented  as  a  seer 
(roeh)  living  at  Ramah  ;  in  the  latter  as  a  priestly -prophet.  Hast- 
ings' Diet,  of  the  Bible,  Art.  Samuel.  (p.   132) 


4.  This  is  a  very  obscure  passage,  and  indeed  the  whole  story  of  the 
adventures  of  the  Ark  in  Philistine  territory  is  difficult  to  under- 
stand. The  LXX.  of  ch.  v.  6  says  that  mice  were  multiplied  in 
Philistia  at  the  time  of  the  plague,  and  in  this  way  accounts  for  the 
somewhat  abrupt  mention  of  the  mice  in  vi.  5.  In  vi.  19,  the  LXX. 
reads,  '  And  the  sons  of  Jechoniah  rejoiced  not  among  the  men  of 
Bethshemesh,  when  they  looked  upon  the  ark,'  in  place  of  the  words, 
'  And  he  smote  of  the  men  of  Bethshemesh.'  The  number  of  those 
smitten,  50,070,  is  incredible,  and  in  the  Hebrew  the  numeral  is  given 
in  a  most  unusual  way,  '  seventy  men  and  fifty  thousand  men,'  so 
the  reading  is  probably  corrupt.  The  words  '  looked  on  '  the  Ark 
cannot  be  rendered  with  the  A.V.  '  looked  into.'  The  Hebrew 
means  '  to  gaze  upon.'  '  If  the  expression  be  used  here  in  a  bad 
sense,  it  will  signify  to  gaze  at,  i.e.  with  unbecoming  interest.' 
Driver  {in  loc),  following  Weir,  Kirkpatrick  and  Stade.  Possibly, 
however,  the  words  are  an  addition  of  a  later  editor.  H.  P.  Smith  on 
1  Sam.  xi.  19  (Intemat.  Crit.  Comm.).  (p.  134) 


4o.  The  Israelite  conception  of  a  king  was  that  of  a  hereditary 
monarch,  as  is  seen  from  Judges  viii.  22  when  the  crown  was  offered 
to  Gideon  by  the  elders  of  Israel  with  the  words  '  Rule  thou  over  us, 
thou  and  thy  son  and  thy  son's  son.'  The  theocratic  idea  which 
underlay  the  national  consciousness  regarded  the  king  as  the  vice- 
gerent of  Jehovah.  The  idea  of  kingship  was,  says  Davidson  (The 
Theology  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  9),  '  that  of  a  representative  of  God 
sitting  on  the  throne.  .  .  .  Such  an  idea  of  the  kingship  led  to  the 
most  brilliant  idealising  of  the  king  and  his  office.  Being  king  for 
God  and  in  God's  kingdom,  he  had  attribute  after  attribute  assigned 
to  him,  till  at  length  he  was  even  styled  the  "mighty  God,"  in  whom 
God  Himself  would  be  wholly  present.  In  fact  the  Messianic  idea 
was  inherent  in  the  Israelitish  conception  of  the  kingly  office,  and, 
as  no  human  being  could  adequately  fulfil  all  its  demands,  it  led  up 
to  the  explanation  of  a  superhuman  Messiah.     It  seemed  therefore  an 


444 


Notes  on  Chapter  VI 


act  of  presumption  on  the  part  of  the  people  to  ask  for  a  king  instead 
of  awaiting  God's  good  pleasure  to  raise  up  such  a  leader  for  His 
people.' 

It  is  well  to  compare  the  Deuteronomic  law  of  the  kingdom 
(Deut.  xvii.  14-20)  with  Seunuel's  prediction  of  royal  tyranny 
(1  Sam.  viii.  11-17).         (p.   139) 

5.  The  earliest  narrative  of  Saul's  election  is  found  in  1  Sam.  ix.  1 
— X.  8,  X.  9-16,  xi.  1-11,  xiii.  1-7.  Saul  is  described  as  a  man  in  the 
prime  of  life  who  is  seeking  his  father's  asses,  and  '  is  anointed  by 
Samuel,  a  local  seer.  Signs  are  given  him  and  come  to  pass  in  due 
course.  About  a  month  later  (LXX.  of  xi.  1)  Jabesh-Gilead  is 
threatened  by  the  Ammonites  and  delivered  by  Saul,  who  then  takes 
the  field  against  the  Philistines.  Some  of  the  contradictory  state- 
ments occur  in  this  narrative.  How  could  Saul  be  ignorant  of 
Samuel,  the  great  Judge  who  had  delivered  Israel  at  Ebenezer  ? 
Dr.  Kirkpatrick  suggests  that  Samuel  was  old  and  living  in  retire- 
ment, and,  '  up  to  this  point,  Saul  had  only  been  the  shy  and  retiring 
youth  of  the  family,  .  .  .  knowing  little  of  the  political  or  religious 
movements  of  the  time.'  But  Ramah  is  only  a  few  miles  from 
Gibeah,  and  a  man  like  Saul,  who  belonged  to  a  distinguished  family, 
must  have  heard  about  Samuel's  exploits.  The  explanation  seems 
to  be  that  the  early  chapters  which  tell  of  Samuel's  greatness  are 
parts  of  another  tradition.  (p.   140) 


6.  In  the  Priestly  Code  the  '  right  shoulder  '  was  reserved  for  the 
priests  (Lev.  vii.  32),  and  it  is  evident  that  1  Sam.  ix.  24  means  that 
Saul  was  treated  as  the  most  honoured  guest.  It  is  suggested  that 
the  correct  rendering  of  this  verse  is  '  And  the  cook  lifted  up  (a 
sacrificial  term)  the  shoulder  and  the  fat  tail.'  (See  Ex.  xxix.  22.) 
The  last  named,  the  tail  of  the  so-called  '  Cape  sheep,'  is  esteemed 
a  great  delicacy  in  the  East.  Driver,  Samuel ;  Budde,  Polychr. 
Bible,  in  loc.     H.  P.  Smith  on  1  Sam.  ix.  24,  in  Intemat.  Crit.  Conmi. 

(p.    141) 

7.  Saul'sjoumeyhomewards  presents  several  difficulties.  'Rachel's 
Sepulchre,  in  the  border  of  Benjamin  at  Zelzah  '  (1  Sam.  x.  2),  is 
contradicted  by  G^n.  xxxv.  19,  where  it  is  said  that  Rachel  was 
buried  near  '  Ephratah,  which  is  Bethlehem,'  the  traditional  tomb 
being  a  little  to  the  north  of  that  town.  That  Samuel  should  have 
purposely  directed  Saul  to  go  home  by  a  circuitous  route  (Kirk- 
patrick) seems  improbable  ;  and  the  view  that  Rachel's  tomb  was 
in  Benjamin  and  not  in  Judah  seems  to  be  confirmed  by  Jeremiah 
xxxi.  15  (see  also  xl.  1).  Zelzah  is  not  mentioned  elsewhere,  and 
neither  LXX.  nor  Vulgate  regard  it  as  a  proper  name.  It  has  been 
suggested  that  the  'oak  of  Tabor'  {v.  3)  should  be  the  oak  of  Deborah, 
Rachel's  nurse  who  was  buried  near  I3ethel  (Gen.  xxxv.  8).  Ewald 
points  out  that  the  '  signs  '  are  obviously  arranged  with  exquisite 
skill.  '  At  the  sepulchre  of  Rachel  he  is  met  by  two  men  in  great 
haste,  bringing  the  joyful  intelligence  that  the  asses  are  found.  .  .  . 
Thus  happily  vanishes  the  burthen  of  cares  belonging  to  his  former 
humble  life.'     The  second  sign  is  the  offering  of  gifts  designed  for  the 

sanctua  ry  to  the  actual  though  yet  unrecognised  king.     Lastly,  the 


Notes  on  Chapter  VI 


445 


spiritual  transformation  which  had  begun  within  him  at  his  parting 
from  Sainuel  was  manifested  openly,  when  Saul,  who  was  before  a 
simple  citizen,  became  the  equal  of  the  prophets  in  spiritual  strength 
and  greatness.     Hist,  of  Israel,  vol.  ii.,  p.  21,  Eng.  Tr.  (p.   142) 


8.  The  passage  is  hopelessly  corrupt  and  all  that  can  be  made  of  it 
is  that  the  Philistines  would  not'allow  the  Israelites  the  use  of  arms, 
and  compelled  the  farmers  to  go  to  their  country  to  get  their  agri- 
cultural implements  sharpened.  LXX.  has  :  '  And  when  the  vin- 
tage was  ready  to  he  gathered  in,  tools  cost  three  shekels  apiece  to 
sharpen,  and  for  the  axe  and  the  sickle  there  was  the  same  rate  of 
payment.'  The  file  mentioned  in  the  A.V.  of  1  Sam.  xiii.  21  comes 
from  the  Targum.  (p.   144) 

8a.  H.  P.  Smith  {Old  Test.  History,  p.  110)  says  of  the  War  of 
Michmash  :  '  The  vividness  with  which  the  narrative  brings  before 
us  the  conditions  of  ancient  Palestinian  warfare  must  be  my  excuse 
for  reproducing  it  at  such  a  length.  No  other  of  the  battles  of  Israel 
is  so  fully  described  for  us.'  (p.   146) 

9.  The  account  of  the  victory  of  David  over  Goliath  as  it  stands  in 
the  Hebrew  Bible  is  most  perplexing.  In  1  Sam.  xvi.  11,  12  David 
is  a  mere  lad,  who  keeps  his  father's  sheep.  In  xvi.  18-23  he  is  a 
mighty  man,  prudent  in  speech  and  a  skilled  musician  ;  he  becomes 
Saul's  armour-bearer.  In  xvii.  28  David's  brother  Eliab  calls  him 
a  mere  boy  come  to  see  the  battle  in  the  naughtiness  of  his  heart. 
In  xvii,  51,  David,  though  he  is  represented  as  going  unarmed 
against  Goliath,  has  a  sword — '  his  sword  '  is  not  Goliath's  sword  but 
David's  ;  and  in  xvii.  54  David  has  also  his  own  tent.*  xvii.  55,  56 
implies  that  Saul  has  never  heard  of  David,  nor  has  Abner.  In 
2  Sam.  xxi.  19  we  have  the  remarkable  statement  that  Goliath  was 
slain  by  Elhanan  :  in  1  Chr.  xx.  5,  the  discrepancy  is  avoided  by 
making  the  giant  slain  by  Elhanan,  Goliath's  brother.  Professor 
Barnes  {in  loc. )  suggests  that  Goliath  the  Gittite  '  may  not  be  a 
personal  name  but  a  descriptive  title  of  some  kind,'  i.e.  '  The  Gittite 
Champion. ' 

The  Vatican  MS.  of  the  LXX.  omits  xvii.  12-16,  41,  48  (partly), 
50,  55-58,  and  thus  we  have  a  consistent  narrative  of  how  David, 
Saul's  armour-bearer,  slew  Goliath. 

Dr.  Cheyne  {Encycl.  Bibl.,  Art.  Goliath)  explains  v.  48  as  follows  : — 
'  Whenever  Goliath  tried  to  come  to  close  quarters  with  David, 
David  would  run  quickly  to  the  front  rank  of  the  Israelites  to  meet 
the  foe  under  this  friendly  cover,  and  when  the  giant  halted  for  a 
moment  David  would  run  upon  him  from  another  side  in  order  to 
aim  at  him  before  he  could  be  protected  by  the  great  shield.  At  last 
David's  opportunity  came  ;  Goliath's  face  was  exposed.  Then 
David,'  etc. 

It  seems  useless  to  try  to  harmonise  the  accounts.  From  2  Sam. 
xxi.  18-22  it  is  seen  that  there  were  many  stories  of  encounters 
between   Israelite   warriors   and   descendants   of   the   Rephaim   in 

*  Dr.  Cheyne  thinks  the  '  tent '  was  the  '  Tent  of  Yahveh.' 


446 


Notes  on  Chapter  VI 


Notes  on  Chapter  VII 


447 


Philistia.  One  of  the  most  popular  of  these  tales  ascribed  to  David 
the  victory  over  Goliath,  a  famous  champion,  though  according  to 
others,  as  we  have  seen,  Elhanan  slew  him.  (p.   149) 


10.  The  story  of  Agag's  death  is  early  ;  and  most  critics  (Budde, 
etc.)  assign  1  Sam.  xv.  to  the  most  ancient  Ephraimite  document  E. 
Ewald  says  it  is  not  Deuteronomic  but  earlier.  Some,  however, 
consider  that  Samuel's  noble  declaration  that  Jehovah  prefers 
obedience  to  sacrifice  belongs  to  a  late  age.  They  are,  I  think, 
influenced  in  their  judgment  by  the  difficulty  of  reconciling  such  a 
sentiment  of  pure  religion  with  the  extraordinary  barbarism  of  the 
'  hewing  Agag  in  pieces  before  the  Lord,'  i.e.  as  a  human  sacrifice. 
It  was  the  custom  of  the  Arabs  to  tear  a  victim  in  pieces  after  a 
successful  foray.     Encycl.  Bihlicay  Art.  Agag. 

The  existence  of  elevated  ideas  of  duty  and  savage  cruelty 
prompted  by  superstition  are  not  unnatural.  Samuel  may  well 
have  believed  it  to  be  his  duty  to  exterminate  the  Amalekites  and  to 
hew  Agag  in  pieces,  and  yet  have  had  a  true  notion  of  God's  desire 
for  obedience  rather  than  sacofice.  He  may  have  hated  the  super- 
stition of  his  age,  though  even  David  was  not  above  having  teraphitn 
in  his  house  (1  Sam.  xix.  13). 

The  meaning  of  Agag  coming  '  delicately  '  to  Saul  is  obscure.  The 
LXX.  says  he  came  '  trembling,'  the  Vulgate  has  the  delightful 
rendering  '  pinguissimus  et  tremens.'  Probably  Agag  came  'joy- 
fully.' For  a  victim  to  go  to  the  altar  of  sacrifice  with  joy  was  con- 
sidered a  good  omen.  (Ewald,  Hist.  Israel,  vol.  iii.,  p.  30,  Eng.  Tr.) 
According  to  Levit.  xxvii.  28,  29,  no  herein  (devoted  thing),  whether 
man  or  beast,  could  be  redeemed,  but  must  be  put  to  death,  (p.  153) 


11.  The  Psalms  attributed  by  their  headings  to  David  when  in 
peril  of  Saul  are  Pss.  vii.,  Iii.,  liv.,  Ivi.,  Ivii.,  lix.,  Ixiii.  They  are, 
perhaps,  none  of  them  Davidic,  and  some  are  hardly  appropriate  to 
the  occasion  ;  but  the  headings  are  evidences  of  the  impression  made 
by  this  period  of  David's  life  on  Jewish  imagination.  (p.   154) 


12.  In  the  LXX.  (B)  the  following  passages  are  omitted  :  xviii.  8 
(last  clause),  10,  11,  12  (last  clause),  17-19,  the  promise  of  Merab  to 
David,  28  (part),  29,  30.  Robertson-Smith,  Old  Testament  and  the 
Jewish  Churchy  ch.  v.  (p.   154) 


13.  In  the  reign  of  the  Roman  Emperor  Valens,  about  a.d.  371,  an 
attempt  was  made  to  discover  the  name  of  the  Emperor's  successor 
by  magic.  Several  prominent  men  were  put  to  death.  (Ammianus 
xxix.  1.)  Hodgkin,  Italy  and  her  Invaders,  vol.  i.,  p.  238.)  Saul 
may  have  feared  the  power  of  those  who  dealt  in  magic.  Of  course 
witchcraft  was  forbidden  by  the  later  law  of  Israel,  Ex.  xxii.  18, 
Deut.  xviii.  9-14.  Josephus  {ArU.  VI.  xiv.  4)  delivers  almost  a 
panegyric  on  the  kindness  which  the  witch  of  Endor  shewed  to  Saul. 
This  is,  if  I  mistake  not,  alluded  to  in  one  of  Card.  Newman's 
Sermons.  (p.   161) 


13a,  The  order  of  events  in  the  reign  of  Saul  is  discussed  by  Mr. 
S.  A.  Cook,  Notes  on  the  Old  Testament,  sec.  ii.  He  connects  Jephthah. 
(Judges  x.,  xi.)  with  Saul,  and  thinks  that  the  attack  of  the  Am- 
monites on  Jabesh-Gilead  was  in  revenge  for  Jephthah's  victories. 

(p.   162) 

14.  It  is  very  difficult  to  give  a  just  estimate  of  Saul's  character. 
He  unquestionably  did  great  service  to  Israel  and  consolidated  the 
nation.  It  is  true  that  the  Hebrews  looked  upon  the  failure  of  a  man 
to  leave  heirs  to  continue  the  glory  of  his  house  as  a  proof  of  Divine 
displeasure,  and  for  this  reason  may  have  done  less  than  justice  to 
Saul's  good  qualities.  It  is  possible  that  the  condemnation  of  Saul 
may  be  that  of  a  later  age,  who  judged  him  by  the  calamities  which 
fell  upon  his  family.  Still,  the  Biblical  narrative  does  condemn  Saul, 
and  it  is  permissible  to  look  below  the  surface  and  try  to  discern  the 
cause  of  his  failure.  Ewald  {Hist.,  vol.  iii.,  Eng.  Tr.)  gives  a  very 
impartial  verdict  regarding  the  merits  of  Saul  and  the  reasons  for 
the  failure  of  his  life. 

The  real  difficulty  about  Saul  is  that  the  writers  or  editors  of 
I.  Samuel  are  so  interested  in  Samuel  as  the  prototype  of  the  pro- 
phetic office  and  David  as  the  ideal  king,  that  there  is  little  room  left 
for  the  first  king  of  Israel  to  play  his  part.  Cook,  Notes  on  Old  Testa- 
inent  History,  p.  31.  (p.   163) 

15.  This  is  Budde's  version  as  the  text  is  emended  in  the  Poly- 
chrome Bible.  It  is  open  to  criticism.  Professor  R.  H.  Kennett  has 
allowed  me  to  use  his  version.  It  differs  from  the  R.V.  in  the 
following   particulars  : — 

V.  20,  "  exult  "  for  "  triumph." 

V.  21,  "  Let  there  be  no  rain  on  you  ye  highland  fields  "  and 
"  the  shield  of  Saul  was  spurned." 
vitals  of  the  heroes  "  for  "  fat  of  the  mighty." 
Saul  and  Jonathan — the  lovable  and  gracious,  In  their 
life  and  in  their  death  they  were  not  divided."     "  Vul- 
tures "  for  "  eagles." 

in  addition  to  your  jewels  "  for  "  delicately." 
V.  25,  "  Jonathan  how  lieth  he  slain  on  the  height  !  " 
The  other  corrections  are  merely  verbal,  i.e.  "  heroes  "  for  "mighty," 
etc.  (p.   164) 


V.  22, 
V.  23, 


V,  24, 


Chapter  VII 


1.  Ishbosheth  is  called  (1  Chr.  viii.  33,  ix.  39)  Eshbaal.  Bosheth, 
shame,  was  the  name  in  later  days  applied  to  Baal.  So  Gideon's 
other  name  is  Jerubbaal  or  Jerubbesheth  (2  Sam.  xi.  21).  To  have 
called  his  son  Esh-baal  does  not  necessarily  imply  that  Saul  had  been 
unfaithful  to  Jehovah  ;  for  the  God  of  Israel  was  in  early  days  called 
the  Baal  of  the  nation.  The  word  in  fact  had  originally  the  meaning 
of  oumer.     The  baal  of  an  ox  =  the  owner  of  the  beast. 

Abner  is  said  by  Ewald  (Hist.  Israel,  vol.  iii.,  p.  112)  to  have  been 
a  great  conqueror,  and  indeed  there  is  apparent  warrant  for  this  in 
the  passage  before  us.     Kamphausen,  however,  shews  in  the  German 


i 


448 


Notes  on  Chapter  VII 


Notes  on  Chapter  VII 


Journal  of  Old  Testament  Knowledge  that  both  David  and  Ishbosheth 
were  vassals  of  the  Philistines,  who  hoped  to  maintain  their  ascen- 
dancy by  keeping  Israel  and  Judah  divided,  if  not  hostile  to  one 
another.  (p.   165) 

2.  The  Hebrew  of  2  Sam.  iv.  6  is  very  ambiguous.  The  Revised 
Version  is,  '  And  they  came  thither  into  the  midst  of  the  house,  as 
though  they  would  have  fetched  wheat  the  margin  has,  There 
came  .  .  .  men  fetching  wheat)  ;  and  they  smote  him  in  the  belly  : 
and  Rechab  and  Baanah  his  brother  escaped.  Now  when  they  came 
into  the  house  (v.  7),  as  he  lay  on  his  bed  in  his  bedchamber  they 
smote  him.'  The  LXX.  is  much  simpler.  The  porteress  had  gone 
to  sleep  as  she  sifted  the  wheat  (a  task  common  in  Palestine),  and 
Rechab  and  Baanah  were  able  to  slip  in  unnoticed  {htiXaOov).  For 
portresses  in  the  N.T.  cf.  John  xviii.  16,  and  Acts  xii.  13.        (p.   170) 


3.  Jerusalem  was  a  very  ancient  city.  It  is  mentioned  in  the 
Tel-el-Amama  tablets  as  Uru-salim,  and  it  appears  to  have  been  a 
sabred  city.  In  2  Sam.  v.,  however,  it  is  not  said  that  David  cap- 
tured a  cityy  but  (r.  7)  a  stronghold  (the  word  being  generally  used  of  a 
hill-fort).  According  to  2  Stun.  xxiv.  the  Jebusites  lived  with  the 
Israelites  after  the  capture  of  the  city  by  the  latter.  Whether  it 
was  ever  called  Jebus  is  very  doubtful.  The  authority  for  this 
having  been  the  old  name  rests  on  1  Chr.  xi.  4,  Judges  xix.,  and  the 
*  Priestly  '  parts  of  Joshua.  The  evidence  therefore  is  somewhat 
late,  and  conflicts  with  the  statement  in  the  Tel-el-Amarna  tablets. 
The  whereabouts  of  '  the  city  of  David  '  is  much  disputed.  In 
Josephus'  day  it  was  considered  to  be  on  the  Western  Hill,  where 
the  royal  palaces  of  the  Hasmoneans  and  of  Herod  were.  Encycl. 
Bibl.y  Art.  Jerusalem,  §§  16-20  ;  see  also  the  additional  note  in 
Kickpatrick,  //.  Samuel. 

David's  words  exhorting  the  Israelites  to  capture  Jerusalem  are  so 
obscure  that  the  text  must  be  corrupt.  Dr.  Driver  suggests  two 
renderings  :  (a)  '  Let  him  get  up  to  the  water-course,'  and  (/?)  '  let 
-him  hurl  down  the  wat«r-course,'  and  shews  how  impossible  both  are. 
(On  2  Sam.  v.  8.)  The  LXX.  has  quite  a  different  reading.  The 
Chronicler,  who  puts  into  David's  mouth  a  promise  of  the  command 
of  the  army  to  the  man  who  should  first  scale  the  cliff,  has  forgotten 
that  Joab  already  held  that  post.     (1  Chron.  xi.  6.)  (p.   172) 


4.  The  facts  concerning  David's  Philistine  wars  are  briefly  these. 
The  Philistines  seem  to  have  left  David  in  peace  as  long  as  Ish- 
bosheth reigned.  But  as  he  was  their  vassal,  and  his  acceptance  of 
the  throne  of  all  Israel  was  regarded  as  an  act  of  rebellion,  the 
Philistines  suddenly  invaded  the  land.  Instead  of,  as  was  their 
wont,  attacking  Israel  by  way  of  the  Maritime  Plain,  they  penetrated 
into  the  heart  of  the  hills  of  Judah  to  the  valley  of  Rephaim  south  of 
Jerusalem.  Apparently  David  was  nearly  captured,  and  retreated 
to  '  the  hold  '  (2  Sam.  v.  17),  probably  not  to  Zion  (Cheyne),  for  no 
one  could  be  described  as  '  going  down  '  thither  ;  but  to  some  place 
in  the  wUdemess  of  Judah  (Driver).     When  the  Philistines  were 


|l 


449 

encamped  in  the  valley  of  Rephaim  David  attacked  them  there 
and  utterly  routed  them,  perhaps  on  two  occasions,  2  Sam.  v.  17-21 
and  22-25.  The  battle  of  Baal-perazim  was  evidently  a  decisive 
victory,  and  may  be  considered  the  turning-point  of  David's  crreer 
see  Isa.  xxviii.  21.  Baal  in  this  connection  'does  not  denote  the 
Phoenician  god  of  that  name  but  is  a  title  of  Jehovah,  such  as  we 
know  to  have  been  in  use  in  the  families  of  Saul  and  David  '  (Driver 
on  2  Sam.  v.  20.)  The  Philistine  war  probably  lasted  a  long  time 
Budde  prints  2  Sam.  xxi.  15-22  and  xxiii.  8-39  between  v.  25  (the 
victory  of  Perazim)  and  the  capture  of  Jerusalem,  v.  6,  which  he 
places  after  the  Philistine  war.  /-p    173) 

5.  Uzzah  (2  Sam.  vi.  6)  apparently  did  not  protect  the  Ark  from 
falling,  for  the  word  translated  '  shook  it  '  means  rather  let  it  down 
and  IS  used  in  the  account  of  Jezebel  being  '  thrown  out  '  of  the 
window  (2  Kings  ix.  33)  ;  it  also  means  '  to  leave  alone,'  '  to  release 
from  a  debt.'  The  substantive  is  applied  to  the  '  seventh  year  '  of 
release.  It  is  inferred  that  here  it  means  that  the  oxen  slipped 
(H.  P.  Smith,  Samiiel,  in  loc). 

We  are  informed  in  1  Chronicles  xv.  18  that  Obed-Edom  was  a 
Levite    of   the   house    of   Merari.     The    accounts   in    Samuel    and 
Chronicles  should  be  compared.     The  former  states  what  happened 
the  latter  what  would  have  happened  had  the  Priestly  Code  been  in 
force. 

It  has  been  suggested  to  me  by  Prof.  R.  H.  Kennett  that  one 
reason  for  the  hesitation  on  David's  part  to  bring  the  Ark  to  Jerusa- 
lem is  that  it  was  originally  in  the  custody  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim 
whose  jealousy  David  feared  to  provoke.  (p.   174J 


6.  When  we  remember  that  David  through  Ruth  had  Moabite 
blood  in  his  veins,  and  that  he  had  committed  his  parents  to  the  care 
of  the  King  of  Moab  (1  Sam.  xxii.  3,  4),  his  severity  to  that  country 
seems  hard  to  account  for.  Ewald  suggests  that  Ishbosheth  may, 
during  his  reign  at  Mahanaim,  have  made  terms  with  the  Moabites 
which  David  could  not  accept.  The  Moabites  were  treated  with 
great  severity  (2  Sam.  viii.  2)  :  two-thirds  of  the  prisoners  being  put 
to  death.  Stanley  {Jewish  Church,  vol.  ii.,  p.  83)  says  there  is  a 
Jewish  tradition  that  the  King  of  Moab  had  put  David's  parents  to 
death.  (p    175) 

7.  The  Hebrew  of  2  Sam.  viii.  13  reads  Syria  ;  but  the  words  for 
Syria  and  Edom  are  very  like  in  Hebrew,  and  it  is  best  to  read  with 
the  LXX.  'I8ov/xaia.  In  1  Chronicles  xviii.  12,  the  victory  over  the 
Edomites  is  ascribed  to  Abishai,  in  the  heading  of  Psalm  Ix.  to  Joab. 
In  1  Kings  xi.  15  the  subjugation  of  Edom  is  said  to  have  been  carried 
out  by  Joab  with  great  ferocity.  Neither  Moab  nor  Edom  were 
subdued  sufficiently  to  prevent  rebellions.  Moab,  for  instance,  had 
to  be  reconquered  by  Omri,  and  revolted  under  his  son,  as  the 
Moabite  Stone  informs  us.  But  they  never  really  threatened  the 
supremacy  of  Israel.  (p.   175) 


450 


Notes  on  Chapter  VII 


8.  II.  Sam.  xii.  31  is  far  too  obscure  to  found  a  charge  of  brutal 
cruelty  against  David.  *  He  made  them  pass  through  the  brick- 
kiln '  is  most  doubtful.  (1)  The  Hebrew  has  an  alternative  reading. 
(2)  None  of  the  Versions  support  this  rendering.  LXX.  Trcpir/yaycv 
avTov9  8ta  Tov  TrXtv^tW  :  Vulgate,  traduxit  in  typo  laterum- 
Targimi,  '  He  dragged  them  through  the  streets.'  (3)  The  change 
of  a  single  letter  would  make  David  only  reduce  the  Ammonites  to 
slavery  :  '  He  made  them  work  in  the  brick-kiln,'  but  malben  {Qrt 
reading)  does  not  mean  a  kiln  but  the  wooden  form  for  shaping  the 
clay  into  bricks.  H.  P.  Smith,  Samuel,  in  loc.  Encycl.  BibL,  Art. 
David,  §  1 1  (c).  Budde,  Polychrome  Bible.  Driver,  m  loc.  Other- 
critics,  orthodox  and  advanced,  apologise  for  or  exult  over  David's 
cruelty.  For  the  employment  of  prisoners  in  public  works  of  utility 
see  the  Moabite  Stone,  line  25,  '  And  I  cut  out  the  cutting  for  qrhh 
with  the  help  of  prisoners.'  (P-    1^^) 

9.  One  cause  of  David's  feebleness  at  this  time  may  have  been 
that  the  tribes  remained  at  peace  only  so  long  as  they  had  enemies 
to  contend  with.  There  are  repeated  instances  of  fierce  tribal 
jealousies  throughout  the  early  history  of  Israel. 

On  the  order  of  events  in  the  reign  of  David  see  S.  A.  Cook,  Notes 
on  Old  Testament  History,  pp.  3-17,  who  suggests  that  the  revolt  of 
Absalom  and  the  victory  at  Mahanaim  over  Northern  Israel  may 
have  taken  place  before  David's  great  wars  made  him  a  powerful 
monarch.  (P-    ^'^^) 

10.  In  2  Samuel  xxiii.  34  Eliam  is  said  to  be  the  son  of  Ahitophel  : 
in  xi.  3  Bathsheba  is  described  as  the  daughter  of  Eliam.  Blunt, 
Scripture  Coincidences,  p.    145.  (P-   l'^^) 

11.  Whether  there  are  any  psalms  of  David  in  the  Psalter  is  a 
question  which  can  never  be  satisfactorily  decided.  The  general 
opinion  of  advanced  modem  scholars  is  that  the  Book  of  Psalms 
contains  only  post-exilic  compositions.  Wellhausen's  dictum  is 
'often  quoted  :  "  The  question  is  not  whether  the  Psalter  contams 
any  post-exilic,  but  whether  it  contains  any  prae-exilic  psahns.'* 
But  with  the  complete  absence  of  any  evidence  on  the  subject  except 
occasional  Aramaisms  and  similar  indications  of  a  late  date  it  is 
impossible  to  prove  anything  with  regard  to  the  date  of  a  psalm. 
The  facts  in  favour  of  there  being  genuine  Davidic  psahns  in  the 

(1)  According  to  I.  Samuel,  David  was  recognised  as  a  poet,  and 
the  lament  over  Saul  and  Jonathan  justifies  this  claim.  2  Sam.  xxii. 
(Ps.  xviii.)  and  2  Sam.  xxiii.  2-7  (the  "  last  words  of  David  ")  may 
be  later  additions,  but  they  testify  to  the  tradition  that  David  was 

a  poet.  . ,     ,      r        J         if 

(2)  The  Chronicler  (b.c.  300-200)  makes  David  the  founder  of 
psahnody.     (l^Chron.  xv.    16-25,  xvi.   4-7;    cf.  Ezra  iii.   10,  Neh. 

xii.  36.)    Hi    ;  e  -,  i^r.  i  J. 

(3)  The  headings  of  nearly  half  the  Psalms,  73  out  of  150,  are    to 

David.' 


Notes  on  Chapter  VIII 


451 


(4)  Ecclus.  xlvii.  8  celebrates  David  as  a  psalmist. 

(5)  Hebrews  iv.  7  quotes  the  Psalter  as  '  In  David,'  and  psalms 
e.g.  ex.,  are  repeatedly  ascribed  to  him  in  the  N.T. 

On  the  other  hand,  many  psalms  ascribed  to  David  in  the  headings 
cannot  possibly  be  his.  It  seems  we  must  be  satisfied  with  Dr. 
Driver's  judgment  :  "  On  the  whole  a  non  liquet  must  be  our  verdict  • 
it  IS  possible  that  Ewald's  list  of  Davidic  psalms  is  too  large,  but  it  is 
not  clear  that  none  of  the  psalms  contained  in  it  are  David's  com- 
positions." {Introd.,  p.   358.)  (p    192) 


Chapter   VIII 

1.  Even  if  Solomon  was  not  the  legitimate  heir — though  in  an 
Oriental  monarchy  a  younger  son  is  often  nominated  as  his  father's 
successor — it  is  hardly  fair  to  impute  nothing  but  evil  motives  to 
Nathan  and  Bathsheba,  who  secured  his  succession.  Adonijah 
certainly  claimed  the  throne  without  his  father's  knowledge,  and 
perhaps  may  have  intended  to  force  David  to  resign.  His  whole 
conduct  when  Solomon  was  proclaimed  shews  consciousness  of  guilt 
Many  competent  critics  {e.g.  Kittel  and  Stade)  take  a  harsh  view  of 
the  conduct  of  Nathan  and  Bathsheba,  but  the  patent  unfairness  of 
reading  motives  into  the  actors  of  the  Biblical  story,  of  whom  we 
know  so  little,  is  shewn  when  the  subject  is  handled  by  Mr.  Moncure 
Conway  : — 

"  When  David  was  in  his  dotage  and  near  his  end  this  eldest  son, 
Adonijah,  began  to  consult  the  leading  men  about  his  accession,  but 
unfortunately  for  himself  did  not  summon  Nathan.  The  slighted 
'  prophet  '  proposed  to  Bathsheba  and  told  her  the  falsehood  that 
he  (David)  had  once  sworn  before  Jahveh  that  her  son  Solomon 
should  reign  ;  and  '  while  you  are  talking,'  says  Nathan,  '  I  will 
enter  and  fulfil  (that  was  his  significant  word)  your  declaration.' 
The  royal  dotard  could  not  gainsay  two  seemingly  independent 
witnesses,  and  helplessly  kept  his  alleged  oath."  Solomon,  p.  7. 
It  is,  as  Mr.  Addis  remarks  {Encycl.  BibL,  Art.  Bathsheba),  interest 

ing  to  observe  that  Nathan,  if  he  took  the  part  assigned  to  him  in 

2  Sam.  xii.  1-15,  afterwards  became  the  chief  supporter  of  Bathsheba. 

(p.   193) 

2.  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  religious  standpoint  of  the 
book  of  Kings  is  that  of  Deuteronomy.  The  moral  aim  of  the  editor 
is  manifest  throughout,  and  he,  doubtless,  arranged  his  material 
in  such  a  way  as  to  emphasise  it.  It  is  consequently  permissible  to 
rearrange  the  records.  Hastings'  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  Art.  Kings, 
vol.  ii.,  p.  857.  (p.   194) 

3.  In  2  Kings  xiv.  28  Jeroboam  II.  is  said  to  have  "  recovered 
Hamath,  which  had  belonged  to  Judah."  Amos  (vi.  2)  calls  it 
'*  Hamath  the  Great,"  and  the  city  on  the  Orontes  is  perhaps  to  be 
distinguished  from  the  Hamath -Zobah  conquered  by  Solomon. 

(p.   196) 


Notes  on  Chapter  VIII 


452  

4  Gezer  was  an  important  place,  commanding  as  it  did  the  descent 
to  thrPhilistine  plaSx  and  the  road  to  Joppa.  The  B^tew«^  dis- 
covered by  M.  Cle^ont  Ganneau  in  1873  and  .s  known  as  Tell  Jezer. 
TW  are  four  if  not  five  buried  cities  which  have  recently  been 
^ca^ated  by  the  Palestine  Exploration  Fund.  The  Jud^n  town  is 
erected  on  the  ruins  of  a  more  magnificent  one  burnt  by  fire  Egyp- 
tiTn^mains  as  early  as  the  twelfth  dynasty  have  been  found  m  the 

Tt  may  be  here  noted  that  according  to  Winckler's  theory,  strongly 
supported  by  Dr.  Cheyne,  it  was  not  the  Egyptians  (Mizrim),  but 
the  M^rt  an  Arabian  tribe,  with  which  Solomon  and  the  Isra^lit^ 
of  his  age  had  intercourse.     The  excavations  at  Gezer  do  not  confirm 

'^Gelirwas  aii  important  strategic  position  In  MaccabsBan  times 
it  was  considered  valuable  as  commandmg  the  road  to  the  port  of 
Joppa  "  Judas  Maccabeus  was  strategist  enough  to  gird  himselt 
earTto  the  capture  of  Gezer,  and  Simon  fortified  it  to  cover  the  way 
Tthe  harbour'^of  Joppa."  G.  Adam  Smith,  Histor^cal  OeographyoJ 
the  Holy  Land,  p.  216  ;    1  Mace.  xin.  43,  xv.  28.  (P-   ^^^) 

5.  Josephus  Wars  v.  4  implies  that  the  '  city  of  David  '  was  on  the 
Wekem  Hill  of  Jerusalem,  the  Temple  being  on  the  Kast^^'  7^^" 
hanginT  the  valley  of  the  Kidron.     On  the  Western  Hill  the  palaces 
of  the  H^mon^ans  and  the  Herods  stood.     To  this  was  given  the 
name  of  Zion.     But  in  the  Old  Testament  the  Temple  is  generally 
Scribed  as  being  on  Zion.     Stade  in  his  plan  of  Solomon  s  buildings 
makes  the  Temple  a  part  of  an  extensive  series  of  edifices  extending 
do^  to  Ophel  on  the  eastern  side  ;  see  his  History  oj  Israel  {German). 
??e  nZe  Zion  is  in  itself  a  great  difficulty      The  popular  render- 
ing is  '  dry  place,'  but  it  probably  means  '  citadel.'      "The  antiquity 
S  Jerusalem,"  says  Colonel  Conder,  "  seems  to  be  indicated  by  the 
Lt  that  certain  names  connected  with  the  city  cannot  be  explained 
as  ordinary  Hebrew  words-Jebus,  Zion,  Hinnom,  and  Topheth  are 
terms  not  traced  to  any  Hebrew  roots,  and  have  always  puzzled 
scholars  as  much  as  the  name  Jerusalem  itself.   .   .  .        ( ^^f  J;*;^  ^ 
-Jerusalem  (1909),  p.  27.)     The  elevations  on  a  plan  of  the  c  ty  are  as 
follows  —The  Western  Hill  has  a  flat  plateau  of  considerable  extent, 
over  2,500  feet  above  sea  level.     The  Temple  Hill  overhangmg  the 
Kedron  valley  is  100  feet  lower.     The  district  of  Ophel  was  on  the 
southern  spur  of  the  Temple  Hill  and  about  200  feet  below  the  Upper 
City  on  the  Western  Hill.     From  the  mention  oi  bringuig  up  the 
Ark  out  of  the  city  of  David,  which  is  Zion,  to  the  Temple  (1  Kmgs 
vUi.  1),  Dr.  G.  A.  Smith  infers  that  the  '  Fort     David  captured  was 
i^t  above  Gihon  on  the  eastern  ridge.     (Jerusalem  from  the  Earliest 
Times,  vol.  i.,  p.  147.)     Conder,  however  notices  that  t^e  Ophel  spur 
is  not  suitable  for  a  fortress.     {Jerusalem    p.  39  )     From  the  8th 
century  B.C.  onwards  Zion  became  a  poetical  name  for  the  whole  city, 
especially  the  Temple  Hill  :    so  the  common  phrase     the  daughters 
of  Zion,'  is  equivalent  to  '  the  daughters  of  Jerusalem.  (p.   ^04) 


6    1  Kings  vii.  13  ;   2  Chr.  ii.  13.     In  the  latter  passage  Hiram  is 
called  '  Huram,  my  father.'     -^-  —  '-  — ^^  "'---    ""^^"^-  ^^^ 


11.    la.       -1.11  viic  i£»v»/v>i   Y-^^ p,- 

The  name  is  spelt  Hiram,  Huram,  and 


Notes  on  Chapter  VIII 


453 


Hirom.  Some  suppose  that  the  Chronicler  gives  his  real  name 
Hiram-abi  or  Hiram-abiw.  Encycl.  Bihlica,  Arts.  Hiram  and  Hirom. 
See  Robertson-Smith's  remarks  on  the  two  pillars  Jachin  and  Boaz, 
which  he  considers  to  have  been  a  sort  of  altar  candlesticks  such  as  ar  e 
figured  on  Assyrian  engraved  stones.  {Religion  oJ  the  Semites,  add. 
note  '  The  Altar  of  Jerusalem.') 

G.  A.  Smith  {Jerusalem,  p.  63)  says  :  "  At  the  entrance,  either 
within  or  before  the  Porch,  stood  two  bronze  columns  .  .  .  probably 
representations  of  the  Masaeboth  or  sacred  pillars  usual  in  Semitic 
sanctuaries,  and  once  legal,  but  afterwards  condemned  in  the  worship 
of  Israel."  The  article  '  Temple  '  in  the  Encyclopoedia  Bihlica  refers 
to  Herodotus  11.  44,  where  it  is  said  that  the  Temple  of  Melkarth  at 
Tyre  had  two  costly  pillars  on  which  Melkarth  was  worshipped.  As 
Solomon's  Temple  was  built  by  Tyrians  this  is  significant. 

The  first  of  the  royal  buildings  which  would  be  entered  from  the 
south  was  '  the  house  of  the  forest  of  Lebanon,'  a  large  hall  sup- 
ported by  cedar  pillars,  used  as  the  royal  armoury  (1  Kings  x.  17  ; 
Is.  xxii.  8).  Then  came  '  the  hall  of  pillars  '  or  (if  we  read  'omedhim 
for  'ammudhim)  standers,  so  called  because  the  royal  guards  were 
posted  there  or  because  those  desiring  an  audience  waited  there,  a 
sort  of  salle  des  pas  perdus.  After  this  was  the  judgment  hall,  where 
Solomon  seated  on  his  throne,  heard  the  complaints  and  decided 
the  causes  of  his  subjects  ;  and  through  this  was  access  to  the  King's 
house  and  the  harem,  part  of  which  was  for  Pharaoh's  daughter. 
Above  the  palace  was  the  court  of  the  Temple,  and  the  vaos  itself 
entered  from  the  east,  the  Holy  of  Holies  being  at  the  western  end. 

Encyclop.  Bibl.,  Arts.  Jerusalem,  Temple  and  Palace  ;  Hastings' 
Diet.  Bible,  Art.  Temple  ;  Murray's  Illus.  Bible  Diet.,  Art.  Temple 
(Sir  Charles  Warren)  ;  Conder,  City  0/  Jerusalem,  pp.  53  ff.  ;  G.  A. 
Smith,  Jerusalem  from  the  Earliest  Times  to  a.d.  70,  vol.  11.,  ch.  iii.  ; 
Josephus,  Antiq.  viii.,  ch.  iii..  Wars  v.,  ch.  v.  (p.  206) 


6a.  Solomon's  buildings,  besides  the  Temple,  are  enumerated  in 
I.  Kings  as  (1)  the  house  of  the  forest  of  Lebanon  (vii.  1-5)  ;  (2)  the 
house  or  porch  of  pillars  (vii.  6)  ;  (3)  the  hall  of  judgment  (vii.  7)  ; 
(4)  the  palace,  and  (5)  the  harem,  '  an  house  for  Pharaoh's  daughter  ' 
(vii.  8). 

There  is  no  dispute  whatever  that  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem  stood 
on  the  Eastern  Hill,  but  three  views  are  held  as  to  its  exact  position. 
(1)  Robertson-Smith  {Encycl.  Bibl.  §  19)  considers  that  it  was  built 
not  on  the  high  plateau  now  called  the  Haram,  but  to  the  south-west 
of  the  present  enclosure.  (2)  The  general  opinion,  however,  is  that 
it  was  built  over  or  near  the  '  Dome  of  the  Rock,'  now,  outside  Mecca, 
the  most  sacred  spot  in  Islam.  But  the  question  arises,  (a)  was  the 
Dome  of  the  Rock  included  in  the  Temple  proper  ?  or  (6)  did  it 
serve  as  the  altar  ?  On  the  whole  it  is  most  probable,  considering 
its  size  and  the  fact  that  there  is  a  channel  beneath  as  though  to 
carry  off  blood  and  refuse,  that  the  Dome  of  the  Rock  was  the 
threshing-floor  of  Araunah,  the  scene  of  the  vision  of  the  angel 
standing  between  earth  and  heaven  (1  Chr.  xxi.  16),  where  David 
was  commanded  to  build  an  altar,  and  that  on  it  stood  the  altar  of 
burnt  sacrifice,  and  westward   of    this  was  the  site  of  the  actual 

2l 


454 


Notes  on  Chapter  IX 


Notes  on  Chapter  IX 


455 


Temple.  The  Temple  evidently  stood  above  the  other  buildings  of 
Solomon  (see  2  Kings  xi.  19,  Jer.  xxii.  1,  down  to  the  palace  from  the 
Temple  ;  1  Kings  viii.  1,  ix.  24,  Jer.  xxvi.  10,  up  from  the  palace)  ; 
and  Stade,  whose  arrangement  is  generally  followed,  places  the  royal 
buildings  south  of  the  Temple  towards  Ophel.  Al'  are  connected 
and  surrounded  by  a  wall  forming  what  was  known  as  the  '  great 
court  '  (1  Kings  vii.  9-12),  perhaps  a  '  second  court  '  or  '  inner  court  * 
(1  Kings  vii.  12)  enclosing  the  palace,  and  the  third  the  Temple. 
It  must  never  be  forgotten  that,  like  all  ancient  temples,  that  of 
Solomon  consisted  of  a  large  open  court  for  the  worshippers  in  which 
stood  the  altar,  and  a  small  shrine  (vad?)  designed  for  the  presence 
of  the  God  worshipped.  The  actual  Temple  of  Solomon,  even  with 
the  rooms  around  it,  was  a  very  small  building,  though  the  courts 
etc.  may  have  been  extremely  magnificent.  Ezekiel's  description  of 
the  ideal  Temple  (chs.  xl.— xliii.)  should  be  read  in  connection  with 
I.  Kings,  as  the  prophet  was  a  priest  who  may  well  have  ministered 
in  Solomon's  courts.  (P*   209) 

7.  The  subject  of  Solomon's  alleged  apostasy  is  most  perplexing. 
Ewald  thinks  that  the  erection  of  the  sanctuaries  to  the  gods  of  Moab 
etc.  at  Jerusalem  was  due  to  an  enlightened  policy  of  toleration  alien 
to  the  narrower  views  of  the  prophets.  "  Under  the  wise  Solomon 
a  legal  toleration  of  different  religions  had  a  tendency  to  spring  up." 
Professor  Flint  in  Hastings'  Dictionary  of  the  Bible  considers  Solomon 
to  have  advanced  on  the  religious  views  of  David.  It  is  important 
to  remember  that  in  the  book  of  Kings  the  estimate  of  Solomon  is 
that  of  a  much  later  age.  G.  A.  Smith  {Jerusalem,  vol.  ii.,  p.  77) 
considers  that  the  erection  of  the  shrines  was  inevitable  with 
Solomon's  trade  and  matrimonial  alliances,  but  acquits  him  of  all 
responsibility  for  the  foul  rites  which  the  prophets  denounce  as 
being  practised  in  Jerusalem  and  even  in  the  Temple  in  their  time. 
See  also  T.  F.  Smith,  Old  Test.  Hist.,  p.  169.  (p.  213) 


8.  For  the  character  of  Solomon's  '  wisdom,'  see  Hastings'  Diet,  of 
the  Bible,  p.  566a  ;   Cheyne,  Job  and  Solomon.  (p.   215) 


Chapter  IX 


1.  In  the  LXX.  (cod.  B)  the  order  of  events  in  Jeroboam's  life  is 
as  follows  :  A  long  section  is  added  after  1  Kings  xii.  24.  Solomon 
dies  and  Rehoboam  succeeds  him.  An  explanation  is  given,  like 
the  one  in  ch.  xi.,  of  Jeroboam  being  set  over  the  forced  labour  of  the 
Ephraimites.  Jeroboam  is  said  to  have  built  Sarira  in  Mount 
Ephraim  and  to  have  had  three  hundred  chariots.  Solomon  strives 
to  slay  him,  and  he  escapes  to  Shishak.  At  Solomon's  death 
Jeroboam  returns  to  Sarira,  and  entrenches  himself  {a.KoS6fJir](T€v  cVci 
vapaKa).  Jeroboam's  child  falls  ill,  and  he  sends  Ano  his  wife  to 
Ahijah.  The  child's  death  is  foretold;  and  Jeroboam  goes  to 
Shechem  and  assembles  the  tribes,  and  Rehoboam  arrives.  Shemaiah 


then  rends  a  new  garment  and  gives  ten  portions  to  Jeroboam. 
Then  the  people  ask  Rehoboam  to  lighten  the  yoke  of  Solomon. 
Rehoboam  refuses  and  the  rebellion  begins.  (p.   219) 


2.  Jeroboam  did  no  more  than  Gideon,  or  Samuel,  or  Saul,  or  even 
Solomon  had  done  in  setting  up  sanctuaries  and  sacrificing  in  person. 
As  an  Ephraimite  he  had  a  sort  of  right  to  protest  against  Jerusalem 
being  made  the  national  sanctuary,  and  his  prophet  Ahijah  belonged 
to  the  old  holy  place  of  Shiloh.  The  Moabite  Stone  may  be  read  as 
implying  that  there  was  a  sanctuary  of  Jehovah  at  Nebo  east  of  the 
Jordan.  Ren  an.  Hist.  People  of  Israel,  u.,  p.  158,  note.  The 
'  calves  '  or  bulls  were  probably  not  considered  offensive  by  the  men 
of  the  tenth  century  B.C.,  but  suitable  emblems  of  Jehovah.  The 
verdict  of  Jeroboam  is  that  of  a  later  age  (viz.  long  after  the  fall  of 
Samaria).  But  it  is  not  right  on  this  account  to  disparage  it.  As 
Mr.  G.  A.  Cooke  in  Hastings'  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  Art.  Jeroboam, 
admirably  remarks  :  "  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  sacred  writer, 
who,  whatever  his  merits  as  an  historian  may  be,  possessed  a  keen 
religious  insight  into  the  events  of  the  past,  was  fully  j  ustified  in  his 
unsparing  verdict  upon  Jeroboam  as  the  man  '  who  made  Israel  to 
sin.'"  (p.   223) 


3.  The  Levites  seem  to  have  disapproved  of  the  '  bull -worship.' 
It  was  they  who  at  Moses'  command  punished  the  Israelites  for  their 
sin  in  the  matter  of  the  Golden  Calf  (Ex.  xxxii.  26  ff.),  which  curiously 
enough  is  assigned  to  E.  Kennett,  '  Aaronite  Priesthood,'  Journal 
Theol.  Studies  (Jan.  1905)  ;    Cambridge  Biblical  Essays,  p.  102. 

(p.  223) 

4.  Shishak,  or  Sheshonk,  belonged  to  the  twenty-second  dynasty. 
His  expedition  into  Palestine  was  a  notable  event  in  Egyptian 
history,  but  not  to  be  compared  with  the  great  one  undertaken  some 
five  centuries  or  more  earlier  by  Thothmes  III.  Rawlinson  {History 
of  Ancient  Egypt,  p.  423)  thinks  that  Shishak  helped  Jeroboam  by 
conquering  the  Levitical  cities,  which,  according  to  the  Chronicles, 
refused  to  acknowledge  his  authority.     (2  Chron.  xi.  14.) 

But  Sheshonk's  inscriptions  in  Karnak  shew  that  he  invaded 
Israel,  though  he  took  several  Judaaen  towns  also  ;  and  it  seems  im- 
probable that  he  was  an  ally  of  Jeroboam.  Chejaie  {Decline  and 
Fall  of  the  Kingdom  of  Judah,  p.  87)  declines  to  identify  Shishak 
with  the  Egyptian  king  and  makes  Rehoboam's  enemy  come  from 
N.  Arabia.  He  thinks  that  the  redactor  of  the  book  of  Kings  may 
have  heard  of  Sheshonk's  invasion  and  identified  him  with  the  N. 
Arabian  Shishak  (a  corruption  for  Ashhur).  (p.   227) 


5.  Our  authority  for  Zerah  or  Zerach  (Heb.)  is  the  late  book  of  the 
Chronicles  ;  and  both  Wellhausen  and  Stade  reject  the  account  as 
unhistorical.  This  is,  however,  an  extreme  measure.  There  were 
two  kings  of  Egypt  in  the  twenty-second  dynasty  called  Osorkon, 
which  name  may  appear  in  Hebrew  tradition  as  Zerach.  But  why 
is  he  called  an  Ethiopian  ?  Rawlinson  {History  of  Ancient  Egypt, 
vol.   ii.,   p.    424)   conjectures  that  his  mother  was  an  Ethiopian 


456 


Notes  on  Chapter  X 


princess  ;  Sayce  {Higher  Criticism  and  the  Monuments),  that  the 
Chronicler  is  thinking  rather  of  the  age  of  Hezekiah  than  of  that  of 
Asa,  when  Egypt  was  under  Ethiopian  kings.  It  has  been  suggested 
that  Zerah  was  king  of  an  Arabian  tribe.  Hastings'  Dictionary  of 
the  Bible,  Art.  Zerah.  The  LXX.  of  2  Chron.  xiv.  15  calls  Zerah's 
followers  'A/ia^ovct?.  (p.  228) 

6.  Profe-ssor  Naime  remarks  in  a  letter  to  me  :  "I  am  not  con- 
vinced about  human  sacrifice.  '  Before  the  Lord  '  seems  to  me  a 
general  expression.  The  slaying  ot  Agag,  like  the  hanging  of  Saul's 
descendants,  seems  to  be  described  as  an  act  of  awful  justice — 
allowable,  like  capital  punishment  in  our  own  times,  only  as  being 
done  '  before  the  Lord,'  the  opposite  of  which  is  lynching.  Still, 
Jeremiah  does  seem  to  me  to  imply  that  children  were  offered 
sacrificially  to  Jehovah  (Jer.  vii.  SI)."  (p.   231) 


7.  Renan  (History  of  the  People  of  Israel,  vol.  ii.,  p.  198)  says  that 
Asa's  and  Jehoshaphat's  reforms  were  a  complete  reversal  of  the 
policy  of  Solomon,  and  that  they  had  a  far-reaching  effect  :  "  The 
Temple  assumed  a  significance  which  had  never  belonged  to  it 
originally.  From  the  private  chapel  of  the  palace  it  rose  to  be  the 
one  '  holy  place  '.  .  .  .  The  prophets  and  puritans  who  once  re- 
garded it  unfav^ourably,  now  become  reconciled  to  it.  Time  brought 
respect,  each  day  added  to  the  prestige  which  the  Temple  of  Solomon 
now  acquired,  and  which  had  been  unheard  of  before."  (p.   231) 


8.  According  to  1  Kings  xvi.,  Zimri  reigned  in  the  twenty-seventh 
year  of  Asa  ;  Omri  began  to  reign  in  the  thirty -first  year,  and  reigned 
twelve  years  ;  Ahab  succeeded  his  father  in  the  thirty-eighth  year  of 
Asa,  and  reigned  twenty-two  years.  The  Moabite  Stone  says  that 
Omri  conquered  Moab,  and  after  forty  years,  '  in  the  days  of  his  son,' 
i.e.  Ahab,  Mesha,  recovered  the  cities  he  had  lost.  Omri's  and 
Ahab's  joint  reigns  only  lasted  thirty -four  years,  whereas  Mesha  says 
that  the  supremacy  of  Israel  lasted  during  Omri's  reign,  and  half 
the  years  of  his  son.  Schrader  {Cuneiform  Inscr.  and  Old  Testament) 
thinks  Omri  reigned  twenty-five  years,  B.C.  900-875.  (p.   233) 


9.  For  the  Jewish,  Christian,  and  Mahommedan  traditions  of 
Elijah,  see  Stanley,  Jewish  Church,  vol.  ii.,  p.  272,  and  Smith's  Bible 
Dictionary,  Art.  Elijah.  (p.   236) 

10.  II.  Kings  i.  2-17  is  out  of  a  different  source  from  the  preceding 
Elijah  narratives.  This  fact  is  marked  by  the  form  of  the  name  of 
the  prophet  in  Hebrew  peculiar  to  this  section,  and  generally  by  the 
inferior  literary  merit  of  the  composition.  Hastings'  Dictionary 
of  the  Bible,  Art.  Kings,  p.  868a.  (p.  242) 


Chapter  X 


1.  Dean  Stanley  {Jewish  Church,  vol.  ii.,  p.  330)  gives  a  fine 
description  of  this  Moabite  war  :  "  We  see  the  arid  country  through 
which  the  allied  forces  have  to  pass  .  .  .  the  merciless  devastation 
of  the  conquered  territory,  apparently  at  the  instigation  of  the  rival 


Notes  on  Chapter  X 


457 


Edomite  chief — the  deadly  hatred  between  him  and  the  King  of 
Moab — the  terrible  siege  of  the  royal  fortress  of  Kir-harasheth, 
closing  with  the  sacrifice  of  the  heir  to  the  throne,  and  the  shudder 
of  indignation  which  it  caused.  We  see  in  the  triumphant  thanks- 
giving of  Mesha,  preserved,  through  all  vicissitudes,  for  more  than 
two  thousand  years,  the  gratitude  for  a  retreat  which,  however 
caused,  was  to  him  a  deliverance  and  a  victory,  and  which  he  cele- 
brated by  public  works,  alike  stately  and  beneficent."  In  2  Chron- 
icles XX.,  Jehoshaphat  is  said  to  have  been  attacked  by  the  Moabites, 
Edomites,  and  Ammonites  ;  but  this  is  considered  by  some  to  be  a 
later  version  of  the  war  against  Moab,  in  which  he  actually  took  part. 
Hastings'  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  Art.  Moab.  (p.  245) 


2.  The  inscription  of  Mesha  is  written  in  a  language  so  like  Hebrew 
that  it  is  practically  the  same  as  that  of  the  book  of  Kings,  except 
in  a  few  unimportant  particulars.  It  abounds  in  Biblical  phrases, e.g.: 

1.     4.  He  made  me  see  my  desire  upon  all  that  hated  me. 
5.  for  Chemosh  was  angry  with  his  land. 

7.  Israel  perished  with  everlasting  destruction. 

8.  His  days  and  half  the  days  of  his  son — forty  years. 
11.  And  I  fought  against  the  city  and  took  it. 
14.  And  Chemosh  said  to  me,  Go  up,  take  Nebo. 

17.  And  handmaidens  (Judges  v.  30),  for  to  Astar  Chemosh  had 
I  devoted  them. 

18.  And  the  King  of  Israel  built  {i.e.  fortified)  Jahaz. 

Most  of  the  names  mentioned  occur  in  the  Bible  :   Dibon,  Medebah, 
Baal-meon,  Kiriathaim,  Ataroth,  Nebo,  Jahaz,  etc. 

Professor  Driver  enumerates  seven  points  of  historical  interest  in 
this  inscription  :  (1)  Reconquest  of  Moab  by  Omri.  (2)  Mesha's 
revolt  in  Ahab's  lifetime.  (3)  Particulars  of  the  war.  (4)  Extent 
of  country  occupied  by  Mesha.  (5)  Chemosh  recognised  as  the 
national  deity.  (6)  Sanctuary  of  Jehovah  in  Nebo.  (7)  Civilisation 
of  Moab.  (p.  246) 

3.  Asa's  conduct  is  severely  blamed  in  the  Chronicles,  though 
mentioned  without  censure  in  the  book  of  Kings.  Hanani  the  seer 
was  sent  to  rebuke  him.     (2  Chr.  xvi.  7-9.)  (p.  247) 


>j 


4.  Renan  {History  of  the  People  of  Israel,  vol.  ii.,  p.  246,  Eng.  Tr.) 
says  that  this  section  (1  Kings  xx.  35-43)  is  very  ancient.  It 
certainly  savours  of  the  fierce  morality  of  antiquity  and  reminds  us  of 
Samuel  and  Agag,  1  Sam.  xv.  The  sparing  of  Ben-hadad  was  a 
violation  of  the  herein.  Kittel  suggests  that  Ahab's  object  in  sparing 
Ben-hadad  was  to  enlist  his  help  against  Assyria.  Encyclopcedia 
Biblica,  Art.  Ahab,  by  Dr.  Cheyne.  (p.  248) 

5.  We  are  able  to  date  the  events  of  Assyrian  history  with  ac- 
curacy because  of  the  chronological  system  adopted.  The  Assyrians 
called  the  year  after  a  certain  officer,  like  the  consul  of  Rome  or  the 
eponymous  archon  at  Athens.  A  list  of  these  officers  is  preserved 
for  the  ninth,  eighth  and  seventh  centuries  B.C.  The  year  of  one  can 
be  accurately  determined  by  the  fact  of  an  eclipse  having  taken 


458 


Notes  on  Chapter  X 


place  at  Nineveh,  and  from  this  all  the  dates  are  derivable.  The 
Assyrian  system  is  naturally  more  reliable  than  that  of  the  Israelites, 
who  reckoned  by  generations,  or  by  periods  of  forty  years.  The 
obelisk  of  Shalmaneser  II.  in  the  British  Museum  records  the  cam- 
paign. Ahab  is  called  Akhabbu  of  'Sir'ala.  He  had  more  chariots 
than  any  of  his  allies — 2000.  The  Bible  hardly  gives  us  an  adequate 
idea  of  his  power.  (p.  248) 

6.  This  vision  of  Micaiah  may  be  compared  with  the  Prologue  of 
Job  (i.  6 — ii.  6)  and  to  the  vision  in  Zechariah  iii.  of  a  heavenly 
assembly.  We  must  enter  into  the  theological  conceptions  of  the 
age  to  understand  it.  Jehovah  is  regarded  as  doing  what  He  pleases, 
good  or  evil.  How  later  Jewish  opinion  modified  this  is  seen  by 
comparing  2  Sam.  xxiv.  1  with  1  Chr.  xxi.  1.  In  the  former  God  in 
the  latter  Satan,  tempts  David.  Hastings,  Dictionary  of  the  Bible^ 
Art.  Micaiah  ;  see  also  Stanley's  Jevnsh  Churchy  ii.,  p.  270.   (p.   249) 


7.  I.  Kings  xxii.  38.  A.V.,  "  And  they  washed  his  armour"  ; 
Vulgate,  "  et  habenas  laverunt"  ;  LXX.  koX  at  iropvai  (XovcravTO 
Iv  TO)  oLfjLaTL.  The  latter  is  probably  right,  the  Hebrew  words  for 
'  a  harlot  '  and  '  reins  '  or  '  fastenings  '  are  similar.  (p.   249) 


8.  In  the  LXX.  1  Kings  xxii.  follows  on  xx.  and  both  chapters  are 
derived  from  a  separate  source,  in  which  Elijah  is  not  mentioned, 
but  which  has  several  mentions  of  unnamed  prophets.  Hastings' 
Diet,  of  the  BiblCy  Art.  Micaiah  ;  Kittel,  Hist.  Heb.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  275, 
Eng.  Tr.  (p.   249) 

9.  The  LXX.  of  2  Kings  ix.  30-32  has  "  And  Jehu  came  to  Jezreel, 
and  Jezebel  heard  of  it,  and  she  painted  her  eyebrows  with  antimony 
and  tired  her  head,  and  looked  out  of  a  window.  And  Jehu  entered 
into  the  city,  and  she  said  '  Is  it  peace,  Zambri,  the  slayer  of  his 
master  ?  '  And  he  lifted  up  his  eyes  to  the  window,  and  he  saw  her, 
and  he  said,  '  Who  art  thou  ?     Come  down  to  me,'  etc." 

Stanley  {Jewish  Church,  vol.  ii.,  p.  283)  quotes  Racine's  Athalie, 
wh^re  Jezebel  is  made  to  defy  Jehu.  The  idea  that  she  tried  to 
captivate  him  by  her  elderly  charms  (Ewald)  is  absurd.  The  poet 
is  a  better  judge  than  the  critic.  There  is  nothing  ignoble  in 
Jezebel  ;  she  is  at  least  a  queenly  criminal,  the  Clytemnestra  of 
Israel. (p.  254) 

10.  Jer.  XXXV.  gives  a  description  of  the  Kenite  sect  of  the 
Rechabites.  They  evidently  preserved  the  most  ancient  traditions 
of  the  Jehovah-worship,  living  as  shepherds  and  condemning  the 
practice  of  agriculture  and  the  growth  of  the  vine.  According  to 
1  Chron.  ii.  55  they  belonged  to  the  family  of  Caleb.  See  my  article 
in  the  Interpreter  for  October  1906.  (p.  255) 

11.  The  i^  is  a  transparent  aposiopesis,  for  the  picture  of  she 
terrible  Assyrian  is  constantly  before  the  prophet's  eyes.  Robertson- 
Smith,  Prophets  of  Israel,  Lecture  III.  For  an  estimate  of  Amos 
see  Gautier,  Introduction ,  vol.  i.,  p.  597.  (p.  258) 


Notes  on  Chapter  X 


459 


12.  Robertson -Smith  {The  Prophets  of  Israel,  Lecture  v.,  and 
notes)  decides  against  the  Biblical  chronology  of  the  later  kings  of 
Israel  and  comes  to  this  conclusion  :  "  The  practical  result  of  this 
inquiry  is  that  the  decline  of  Israel  after  the  death  of  Jeroboam  was 
much  more  rapid  than  appears  from  the  usual  chronology,  and 
instead  of  occupying  sixty  years  to  the  fall  of  Samaria  was  really 
complete  in  half  that  time.  The  rapid  descent  from  the  prosperity 
of  the  days  of  Jeroboam  throws  a  fresh  light  on  the  prophecies  of  a 
speedy  destruction  given  by  Amos  and  Hosea."  (p.  260) 

13.  It  has  from  early  days  been  a  matter  of  dispute  whether  the 
story  of  the  marriage  of  Hosea  with  Gomer  was  a  fact  or  merely  an 
allegory  to  illustrate  Jehovah's  relations  to  Israel.  The  words  in 
i.  2,  "  The  Lord  said  to  Hosea,  Go,  take  unto  thee  a  wife  of  whore- 
dom," need  not  necessarily  mean  that  Gomer  was  a  woman  of  bad 
character  before  marriage.  (p.  262) 

14.  Hosea  viii.  12.  The  text  is  very  obscure  and  can  hardly  be 
regarded  as  proving  the  existence  of  a  written  law.  (p.  262) 


15.  The  whole  context  seems  to  demand  this  rendering.  There  is 
no  expression  of  hope  in  what  follows.  The  Versions,  however,  like 
St.  Paul,  see  in  Hosea  xiii.  14  the  promise  of  a  future  life  :  1  Cor. 
XV.  54. (p.  263) 

16.  This  rearrangement  of  the  passages  in  Isaiah  v.,  ix.,  and  x. 
was  suggested  by  Ewald  and  is  now  generally  adopted.  (p.  265) 

17.  The  chronology  of  the  kings  of  Judah  is  perplexing,  because 
the  total  length  of  their  reigns  so  far  exceeds  that  of  the  contempor- 
ary kings  of  Israel.  Jotham  may  have  only  survived  his  father  a 
very  short  time  and  yet  have  been  credited  with  a  sixteen  years 
reign. (P-   266) 

18.  Tiglath-pileser  IV.  first  advanced  into  Syria  in  738  B.C.  At 
this  time  Menahem  (Minikhimmi  of  Samirina)  and  other  kings  came 
to  do  him  homage.  He  attacked  Hanno,  King  of  Gaza,  in  734  B.C. 
Damascus  was  besieged  and  taken  in  733-2.  (p.  269) 

19.  Hoshea  is  called  Ausi'i  on  the  monuments.  He  was  apparently 
prompted  to  murder  Pekah  by  the  Assyrians,  who  confirmed  him  in 
his  kingdom  B.C.  731. (P-   269) 

20.  At  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  Sargon  says  he  deported  from 
Samaria  27,290  men. (P-  269) 

21.  The  kings  of  Assyria  mentioned  in  the  Bible  are  :  Pul  (2  Kings 
XV.  19),  Tiglath-Pileser,  who  is  probably  the  same  (2  Kings  xv.  29, 
xvi.  7,  10),  Shalmaneser  (2  Kings  xvii.  3).  Sargon  is  not  named 
except  in  Isaiah  xx.  1  after  the  siege  of  Samaria. 

The  history  of  the  Assyrian  monarchs  in  connection  with  Israel  is 
briefly  as  follows.  The  kingdom  began  to  develop  in  the  reign  of 
Assur-nazir-pal,  B.C.  884-860,  vinder  whom  the  Assyrians  advanced 


460 


Notes  on  Chapter  XI 


as  far  as  the  Lebanon,  and  Tyre,  Sidon,  and  other  towns  had  to  pay 
tribute  to  induce  them  to  depart.  Under  his  son  Shalmaneser  II., 
B.C.  869-825,  Ahab  and  a  confederacy  of  Syrian  kings  were  defeated 
at  Karkar.  Twelve  years  later  (b.c.  842)  Jehu  appears  on  the 
'  Black  Obelisk  '  as  paying  tribute.  Ramman-nizari  III.  (b.c.  811- 
783)  made  expeditions  against  Damascus  and  Philistia,  and  he  is 
probably  the  '  saviour  '  (2  Kings  xiii.  5)  who  delivered  Israel  from 
the  power  of  Syria  in  the  days  of  Jehoahaz.  A  period  of  depression 
followed  till  Pulu  or  Tiglath-pileser  IV.  usurped  the  Assyrian  throne 
(B.C.  745-727).  He  first  advanced  into  Syria  in  B.C.  738.  Damascus 
was  taken  in  B.C.  733,  and  Naphtali  was  devastated,  2  Kings  xv.  29. 
In  731  Pekah  was  murdered  by  Hoshea  (Ausi'i).  Apparently  Pekah 
(despite  2  Kings  xv.  27)  only  reigned  two  years.  Shalmaneser  IV., 
probably  a  son  of  Tiglath-pileser,  invested  Samaria  B.C.  724,  and  it 
w€is  taken  in  722,  Hommel  says  by  this  king,  though  his  successor, 
Sargon,  took  credit  for  the  capture  of  the  city. — Hommel  in  Hastings' 
Dictionary  oj  the  Bible,  Art.  Assyria.  (p.  273) 

Chapter  XI 

1.  Hezekiah  receives  the  highest  praise  from  the  author  of  the  book 
of  Kings  :  "  He  trusted  in  the  Lord  God  of  Israel  ;  so  that  after  him 
there  was  none  Uke  him  among  all  the  kings  of  Judah,  nor  among 
them  that  were  before  him."  (2  Kings  xviii.  5)  The  Chronicler  is 
diffuse  on  the  subject  of  Hezekiah's  devotion  to  the  Levitical  wor- 
ship. (2  Chron.  xxix.)  Isaiah,  however,  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  always  in  accord  with  him,  though  the  prophet  never  mentions 
the  king's  name.  His  minister  Shebna  is  furiously  denounced. 
(Isaiah  xxii.  15-19),  and  so  are  the  intrigues  with  Egypt  (Isaiah 
XXX. — xxxi.).  The  monuments  confirm  what  is  implied  in  Isaiah, 
that  Hezekiah  was  rather  a  politician  than  a  pietist,  especially  the 
Taylor  Cylinder  describing  the  campaign  of  Sennacherib,      (p.   277) 

2.  The  chief  campaigns  of  Sargon  were  : — 
B.C.  722.  Accession.     Fall  of  Samaria. 

*  72 L  Indecisive  war  with  Merodach  Baladan. 

720.  Campaign  against  Egypt.     Victory  at  Raphia  (south- 
west of  Gaza).     Ashdod  taken  (Is.  xx.). 
719-716.  Wars  in  the  East. 
715-712.  Campaigns  in  Arabia. 

711.   Invasion  of  Palestine  (Judah  possibly  devastated). 
710.  War  in  Babylonia — Merodach  Baladan  defeated. 
709.  Sargon  receives  tribute  from  Cyprus. 
705.  Sargon  is  assassinated. 
M 'Curdy,  History  and  the  Monuments,  pp.  352  and  620  ff.   Hastings' 
Diet.  oJ  the  Bible,  Art.  Assyria.  (p.   278) 

3.  Merodach  Baladan's  long  and  adventurous  life  was  one  of  con- 
tinual rebellion  against  Assyria.  He  was  a  Chaldetin  from  Bit- 
Yakin,  a  native  of  the  marshes  north  of  the  Persian  Gulf.  His  object 
was  to  seize  Babylon. '  He  was  expelled  by  Tiglath-pileser  ;  but 
returned  under  Sargon  and  ruled  in  Babylon  from  721-710.     In  the 


Notes  on  Chapter  XI 


461 


latter  year  he  was  defeated ;  but  he  again  made  his  appearance  in 
Babylonia  in  b.c.  702,  after  Sargon's  death.  He  was  once  more 
overthrown  by  Sennacherib,  and  took  refuge  in  a  city  of  Elam.  He 
was  dead  before  b.c.  695. 

The  date  of  his  embassy  to  Hezekiah  is  disputed.  It  was  either  in 
711  or  704.  In  the  latter  year  he  was  not  '  King  of  Babylon,'  as  he 
is  described  in  2  Kings  xx.  See  the  articles  by  Dr.  Sayce  and  Dr. 
Johns  respectively  in  Hastings'  Diet,  of  the  Bible  and  the  Encyclo- 
pcedia  Biblica  ;  Robertson-Smith,  Prophets  oj  Israel,  Lect.  viii.; 
and  M'Curdy,  History  and  the  Monuments,  §  678.  (p.  279) 

4.  Rawlinson,  History  oJ  Ancient  Egypt,  vol.  ii.,  ch.  xxv.  Bocchoris, 
of  the  twenty -fourth  dynasty,  succeeded  Pianki  and  was  defeated 
by  Sabako  of  the  twenty-fifth  dynasty,  when  the  power  of  Egypt 
temporarily  revived  sufficiently  to  make  Hezekiah  and  his  allies 
trust  to  its  support  against  Assyria.  (p.  280) 

5.  Dr.  Cheyne's  note  on  Is.  xxx.  7  is  as  follows  : — "  Rahab  was  a 
name  for  Egypt  in  Hebrew  poetry  (Is.  li.  0,  Job  xxvi.  12,  Ps.  Ixxxvii. 
4,  Ixxxix.  10),  derived  from  mythology  and  expressing  the  charac- 
teristic and  the  immense  arrogance  of  the  Egyptians.  .  .  .  Isaiah's 
point  is  that  the  name  Rahab  had  better  be  exchanged  for  Shebeth, 
i.e.  inaction."  (p.   281) 

6.  The  advance  of  Sennacherib  into  Palestine  is  given  on  the 
Taylor  Cylinder  (col.  ii.  34  ff.).  A  translation  is  given  by  M'Curdy, 
History  and  Monuments,  675  ;   see  below.  Appendix,  xiii.     (p.  282) 

7.  The  words  on  the  Taylor  Cylinder  are  :  "  And  Hezekiah,  the 
Judahite,  who  had  not  submitted  to  my  yoke — forty -six  of  his 
fenced  cities,  and  fortresses,  and  small  towns  in  their  vicinity 
without  number  ...  I  besieged  and  took,  200,150  persons,  small 
and  great,  etc.,  etc.,  I  brought  forth  and  allotted  as  spoil.  As  for 
himself,  like  a  caged  bird  in  his  capital  city  I  shut  him  up."  He 
then  goes  on  to  speak  of  Hezekiah's  submission.  Well  may  Dr. 
M'Curdy  say  that  there  then  fell  upon  Judah  "  the  heaviest  blow 
which  it  had  ever  suffered  since  it  became  a  nation."  History  and 
Monuments,  §  686.  (p.  283) 

8.  The  order  of  events  in  Hezekiah's  reign  in  the  Bible  is  somewhat 
different  from  that  which  I  have  here  ventured  to  adopt. 

According  to  II.  Kings,  Semiacherib's  invasion  preceded  Heze- 
kiah's sickness,  after  which  the  King  of  Judah  reigned  for  fifteen 
years.  But  it  is  now  certain  that  Sennacherib  did  not  invade  Judah 
till  701  B.C.,  instead  of  714,  as  was  formerly  supposed.  Merodach 
Baladan's  embassy  must  have  happened  earlier,  though  whether 
in  711  or  704  is  disputed. 

The  Bible  Chronology  is  as  follows  : —  B.C. 

Hezekiah's  accession,  aged  twenty-five      .         .       727 


Samaria  taken,  sixth  year 
Sennacherib's  invasion,  fourteenth  year 
Hezekiah's  sickness 
Hezekiah's  death       .... 


722 
714 
713 
698 


462 


Notes  on  Chapter  XI 


The  Assyrian  Chronology  is — 
Accession  of  Sargon 
Capture  of  Samaria 
Sargon' 8  first  invasion 
Sargon's  second  invasion 
Defeat  of  Merodach  Baladan 
Death  of  Sargon 
Invasion  of  Sennacherib 
Sennacherib  murdered 


Dec.722 
721 
720 
711 
710 
705 
701 
681 
(p.  285) 


9.  Is.  ix,  Iff.,  the  First  Lesson  for  Christmas  Day,  is  almost  un- 
intelligible in  the  Authorised  Version.  What  sense  can  verse  3 
convey  to  the  people,  "  Thou  hast  multiplied  the  nation,  and  not 
increased  the  joy,"  etc.  ?     A  shght  emendation  makes  the  whole 

simple  : 

Thou  hast  multiplied  exultation. 

Thou  has  increased  joy. 

They  joy  before  thee  as  with  the  joy  in  harvest. 

And  as  men  exult  when  they  divide  spoil. 
The  parallelism  of  lines  1  with  4  and  2  with  3  is  in  accordance  with 
the  laws  of  Hebrew  poetry.     See  Box,  Isaiah.  (p.  289) 

10.  The  historical  character  of  Is.  xxxvi.-xxxvii.  and  of  the 
parallel  passage  in  2  Kings  xviii.-xix.  has  been  severely  criticised 
by  Dr.  Cheyne  and  others,  and  there  do  not  appear  to  be  amplihca- 
tions  of  the  original  narrative.  But  I  confess  myself  unable  to  see 
why  the  critics  should  so  persistently  reject  Rabshakeh  s  remark 
that  Hezekiah  had  offended  Jehovah  by  removing  His  altars  and 
high  places  (Is.  xxxvi.  7).  The  very  contradiction  implied  in 
xxxvii.  11,  12,  where  Rabshakeh  expresses  his  utter  disbelief  in 
Jehovah's  power,  seems  an  argument  in  favour  of  the  verse.  The 
movement  in  favour  of  a  single  sanctuary  must  have  been  going  on 
long  before  the  Deuteronomic  reformation  under  Josiah,  and 
naturally  it  would  have  divided  the  people.  Rabshakeh  tries  to 
profit  by  the  factions.  He  is  an  astute  diplomatist,  speakmg  the 
language  and  knowing  the  poUtics  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah.  bee 
G.  A.  Smith,  Book  of  Isaiah,  p.  347.  (P-   ^^^) 


11.  It  seems  impossible  to  reconcile  the  first  campaign  of  Seima- 
cherib  with  the  destruction  of  his  army  by  pestilence,  ^ne  farst 
expedition  into  Syria  was  a  complete  success.  The  story  in  2  Kmgs 
xviii.-xix.  and  Isaiah  xxxvi.-xxxvii.  implies  that  the  retreat  was 
shortlv  before  the  death  of  Sennacherib,  B.C.  681,  whereas  the  cam- 
paign mentioned  on  the  Taylor  Cylinder  was  B.C.  701.  Dr.  Cheyne 
(Introduction  to  Book  of  Isaiah  and  Encyclopcedia  Biblica,  Art. 
Hezekiah)  thinks  the  narrative  fictitious,  but  admits  the  possibility 
of  two  campaigns.  So  does  Dr.  Sayce,  in  Hastings  Diet,  of  the  Bible, 
Art.  Sennacherib.  The  question  is  discussed  in  the  Expository  Tirnes, 
XII  XIII.  (1901-2)  and  a  second  campaign  is  deemed  possible.  Dr. 
Cheyne   remarks,   Encyclopcedia   Biblica  :     "A   thorough   criticism 


Notes  on  Chapter  XII 


463 


of  2  Kings  xviii.-xix.  and  Is.  xxxvi.  ff.  in  connection  with  the  Assy- 
rian annals,  raises  the  character  of  Hezekiah  considerably  :  he  was 
a  true  hero,  who,  unlike  the  cowardly  Luli  of  Sidon,  stuck  to  the 
post  of  duty,"  etc.  (p.  £92) 

Chapter  XII 

1.  The  death  of  Isaiah  may  be  alluded  to  in  Heb.  xi.  37.  Josephus 
says  nothing  about  it.  Ewald  says  it  is  a  late  Jewish  tradition. 
History,  vol.  iv.,  p.  211,  Eng.  Tr.     Justin  Martyr,  Trypho,  cxx. 

(p.  295) 

2.  Professor  Davidson  says  of  Jeremiah  (Hastings'  Dictionary  of 
the  Bible,  Art.  Jeremiah),  "  Strictly  speaking,  we  have  no  literature 
from  him  "  ;  meaning  that  his  prophecies  were  collected  by  his 
friends.  The  book  of  Jeremiah  with  its  two  recensions,  Hebrew  and 
Greek,  presents  a  complicated  problem.  It  has  to  be  rearranged 
to  be  understood.  No  argument  can  be  foimded  on  the  references 
made  in  it.  The  general  impression  it  leaves  on  my  mind  is  that  the 
prophet  was  not  an  original  thinker,  but  borrowed  largely  from  the 
earlier  literature  of  his  people.  Gautier,  Introd.  d  V Ancien  Test. 
vol.  i.,  p.  464.  (p.   297) 

3.  The  authorship  of  Deuteronomy,  or  rather  chs.  v. — xxvi.,  is 
generally  attributed  to  this  age,  and  it  certainly  does  seem  to  re- 
echo its  sentiments.  It  is  neither  pleasant,  nor  necessary,  to  believe 
that  it  was  deliberately  forged  to  induce  Josiah  to  make  his  reforma- 
tion. It  seems  more  likely  that  it  was  written  during  the  period  of 
the  troubles  and  that  the  writer  believed  he  was  giving  the  Law  of 
Moses  with  the  exhortations  necessary  for  his  age.  Cheyne  {Jere- 
miah, his  Life  and  Times,  chs.  vi.,  v^ii.)  has  some  interesting  remarks. 

Dr.  Duff's  Theology  and  Ethics  of  the  Hebrews — a  book,  in  my 
opinion,  singularly  out  of  sympathy  with  any  orthodox  interpreta- 
tion of  Holy  Scripture — has  an  excellent  chapter  on  the  book  of 
Deuteronomy.  He  thinks  it  incredible  that  the  work  was  a  forgery 
by  Hilkiah,  as  this  priest  could  not  have  sympathy  with  a  movement 
like  that  of  the  Deuteronomists.  He  had,  in  fact,  been  reproved 
by  Josiah  for  neglect  of  duty  in  repairing  the  Temple.  Dr.  Duff 
then  goes  on  to  give  Dr.  Carl  Steuernagel's  theory  of  Deuteronomy, 
in  which  the  inspiration  of  a  part  of  the  book  is  traced  to  Hosea  and 
the  Northern  Kingdom  rather  than  to  Isaiah. — pp.  137-141.  For 
the  effect  of  Deuteronomy  on  Jeremiah  see  Gautier,  Introd.  d  V Ancien 
Test.,  vol.  i.,  p.  461.  Prof.  Naville  suggests  (see  Expos.  Times  for 
October,  1909)  that  Deuteronomy  was  put  under  the  foundation  of 
Solomon's  Temple,  where  it  was  discovered  by  Josiah.  The  title 
of  his  paper,  read  before  the  French  Academy,  is  Une  interpretation 
e'gyptienne  d'un  Texte  biblique  :  la  Decouverte  de  la  Loi  sous  le  roi 
Josias. 

There  seems  to  be  a  growing  feeling  that  part,  at  any  rate,  of 
Deteronomy  originated  in  Northern  Israel.  Prof.  Kennett  has 
emphasised  both  this  and  the  late  date  of  Deuteronomy  in  the 
Journal  of  Theological  Studies,  July  1906.  He  argues  that  Jeremiah 
inspired  the  writing  of  Deuteronomy,  rather  than,  as  has  been 


464 


Notes  on  Chapter  XII 


generally  assumed,  Deuteronomy  Jeremiah.  Indeed,  this  critic 
places  the  Law  of  Holiness  (Lev.  xvii.  ff.)  before  Deuteronomy, 
€issigning  the  latter  book  to  the  sixth  century  B.C.  It  was,  he  thinks 
certainly  completed  before  the  time  of  Zerubbabel.  (p.  297) 

4.  As  regards  the  date  of  Nahum's  prophecy,  see  Driver,  Introduc- 
tion to  Literature  oj  Old  Testament,  p.  315.     He  thinks  it  may  belong 
to  the  decline  of  Nineveh  after  the  death  of  Asshur-bani-pal,  b.c- 
626.     As  regards  Judah  the  terms  of  the  prophecy  seem  to  point  to 
some  invasion  not  recorded  in  the  historical  books.  (p.   298) 


5.  Professor  Barnes,  Chronicles  (Cambridge  Bible  for  Schools)  says 
that  the  captivity  and  restoration  of  Manasseh  is  not  incredible, 
though  supported  by  no  Assyrian  inscription.  Necho  I.  of  Egypt 
was  put  in  fetters  and  afterwards  liberated.  That  the  Assyrians 
should  have  taken  him  to  Babylon  is  suspicious.  A  tradition  of  his 
caotivitv  mav  have  survived  till  the  age  of  the  Chronicler,  B.C.  200. 

^        ^       ^ (p.  298) 

5a.  The  prophecy  of  Zephaniah  deserves  careful  study  if  only 
because  its  date  and  genuineness  is  comparatively  undisputed  in  the 
article  on  this  prophet  in  the  Encyclopcedia  Biblica  by  the  late  W. 
Robertson -Smith ;  it  is  admitted  that  Zephaniah  must  have 
prophesied  before  the  reforms  of  Josiah,  as  the  idolatry  condemned 
is  just  such  as  existed  before  the  purification  of  the  Temple.  The 
prophet's  dependence  on  Isaiah  is  also  insisted  upon.  Dr.  Cheyne 
supplements  the  article  by  shewing  how  certain  passages  have  been 
questioned,  but  on  the  whole  agrees  with  what  Robertson-Smith 
has  said.  (P-  ^01) 

6.  Rawlinson,  Ancient  Monarchies,  vol.  ii.,  p.  513.  Driver,  in  his 
Translation  of  the  Book  of  Jeremiah,  p.  21,  says  on  ch.  iv.  5 — vi.  30  : 
"  The  foe  whom  Jeremiah  had  in  mind  when  he  originally  delivered 
the  prophecy  was  in  all  probability  the  Scythians  .  .  .  who  actually 
as  Herodotus  tells  us  (i.  105-108),  overran  Western  Asia  at  about 
625  B.C.,  and  advanced  through  Palestine  as  far  as  Ashkelon,  in- 
tending to  invade  Egypt."  (P-  301) 

6a.  The  reforms  of  Josiah  as  related  in  2  Kings  xxii.-xxiii.  depend 
of  course  on  whether  they  were  in  obedience  to  the  commands  in 
Deuteronomy  or  are  related  by  a  writer  who  made  so  pious  a  king 
as  Josiah  conform  to  the  laws  of  that  book  :  see  Kennett,  '  The 
Origin  of  the  Aaronite  Priesthood  '  {Journal  of  Theological  Studies, 
January  1905). ^P*   ^^^^ 

7.  In  Deut.  xiii.  1  if.  there  is  a  warning  against  prophets  who  en- 
deavour to  ensnare  the  people  into  idolatrous  practices.  Nothing 
like  this  is  foimd  in  the  other  codes,  and  it  is  an  example  of  that  dread 
of  false  prophets  so  conspicuous  in  the  prophetical  writers  of  this 
period.     Driver,  Deuieronomy ,  in  loc.  (p.   305) 

8.  In  Jer.  xxii.  15  there  are  two  most  difficult  words.  The  verb- 
form  (thou  viest  ?)  is  anomalous  and  the  word  for  '  cedar  '  is  read  in 
the  LXX.  Ahaz  or  Ahab. 


Notes  on  Chapter  XIII 


465 


The  following  are  different  renderings  : — 


Vulgate 

LXX. 

Luther 

A.V. 

R.V. 

Cheyne 
Driver 


confers  te  cedro. 

irapoivvfj  iv  ''A.^a^  or  iv  *Axad/3. 

thou  adomest  thyself  with  cedar. 

thou  closest  thyself  in  cedar. 

thou  strivest  to  excel  in  {margin,  viest  with  the) 

cedar, 
thou  viest  with  Ahab. 
thou  strivest  to  excel  in  cedar  {i.e.  Does  building 

palaces  of  cedar  make  thee  a  king  ?).      (p.  309) 


9.  Rawlinson  {Ancient  Monarchies,  p.  501)  calls  Nebuchadrezzar 
"one  of  the  most  remarkable  characters  in  Scripture."  Sayce 
{Religion  of  the  Ancient  Babylonians,  p.  97)  says  that  "  we  gather 
from  his  monuments  that  Nebuchadrezzar  was  a  man  of  peculiarly 
devout  and  religious  character.  This  is  borne  out  by  the  book 
of  Daniel,  which,  though  late,  has  preserved  a  true  tradition  of 
this  monarch's  disposition."  In  Kings,  Chronicles,  Ezra, 
Nehemiah,  Esther,  Daniel,  the  name  is  spelt  Nebuchadnezzar 
(LXX.  'Na/3ovxoBv6(Tvpos).  But  Josephus  and  Strabo  have 
Na^OKoSpocrt'po?.  (p.  310) 

1 0.  The  arrangement  of  the  historical  parts  of  the  book  of  Jeremiah 
is  as  follows  :  The  Reign  of  Jehoiakim,  chs.  xxvi.,  xxxvi.,  xlv.,  xxxv. 
Zedekiah's  reign  (early),  xxiv.,  xxix.,  xxyii.,  xxviii.,  li.  59-64  ; 
(during  the  siege  of  Jerusalem),  xxi.  1-10,  xxxiv.  1-7,  xxxvii.  1-10, 
xxxiv  8-22,  xxxvii.  11 — xxxviii.  28o,  xxxii.  After  the  fall  of 
Jerusalem,  xxxix. — xliii. 

The  LXX.  text  and  arrangement  of  the  book  of  Jeremiah  differs 
more  than  that  of  any  other  part  of  the  O.T.  About  one-eighth  of 
the  total  words  are  not  translated  in  the  LXX.  ;  and  the  prophecies 
against  the  nations  come  themselves  in  a  different  order  to  the 
Massoretic  text  after  xxv.  13a.  Driver,  The  Book  of  the  Prophet 
Jeremiah,  p.  xlvi.  f.  (p.  315) 


Chapter  XIII 


1.  The  authorities  for  Alexander's  visit  to  Jerusalem  are  Josephus, 
Antiq.  viii.  3-6,  and  the  Talmud  {Yoma  69).  In  Josephus,  Jaddua 
is  the  High  Priest ;  in  the  Talmud,  Simon  the  Just.  The  Classical 
historians  do  not  mention  the  circimistances.  The  visit,  however 
is  not  impossible.     The  date  assigned  is  B.C.  332.  (p.  316) 


2.  The  chapters  in  Jeremiah  referring  to  the  history  of  this  period 
(excluding  the  prophecies  against  the  nations)  are  : — 

xiii.,  referring  probably  to  the  very  end  of  Jehoiakim's  reign  or 
even  to  that  of  his  successor. 

XX.,  xxiv.,  xxvi. — xxviii.,  xxxii.,  xliv.,  see  Dr.  Streane  in  the 
Cambridge  Bible  for  Schools,  Jeremiah,  Introduction.  (p.  319) 


466 


Notes  on  Chapter  XIII 


3.  See  note  in  Toy's  Ezekiel  (Polychrome  Bible),  p.  112.  "  The 
persistence  of  these  cults  among  the  Jews  after  the  reform  of  Josiah 
(B.C.  621 )  is  noteworthy."  See  also  T.  P.  Smith,  Old  Testament  Hist., 
pp.   304  ff.  (p.  320) 

4.  Of  this  earliest  '  dispersion  '  in  Egypt  nothing  is  known.  The 
Encyclopcedia  Biblica,  Art.  Dispersion,  §  7,  quotes  the  letter  to 
Aristeas,  which  says  there  were  Jewish  mercenaries  in  the  army  of 
Psammetichus  I.  (B.C.  633-609).  Jer.  xliv.  1  (thought  to  be  an  in- 
sertion of  as  early  a  date  as  the  fifth  century),  mentions  Jewish 
settlements  in  Migdol  (Noph)  and  Pathros,  all  in  Upper  Egypt.  For 
Pharaoh  Hophra,  or  Apries,  see  Herodotus  ii.  169.  See  also  Rawhn- 
son,  Ancient  Egypt,  vol.  ii.,  p.  487.  Ewald  {History  of  Israel,  vol.  iv., 
p.  276,  Eng.  Tr.)  thinks  this  settlement  became  a  nimierous  one. 

An  amazing  light  has  been  thrown  on  the  dispersed  Jews  in  Egypt 
by  the  so-called  Mond  papyri  published  in  facsimile  in  1905.  These 
are  Jewish  documents  carefully  dated  between  B.C.  471-411,  belong- 
ing to  a  family  resident  at  Syene  (Assouan).  The  language, 
Aramaic,  the  character  is  legible  with  a  little  practice  to  anyone 
who  can  read  ordinary  Hebrew.  They  are  purely  secular,  relating 
to  transfers  of  houses  and  marriage  settlements.  The  sacred  Name, 
however,  occurs  in  the  form  Yahu,  and  there  was  an  altar  to  Him  on 
which  the  Jews  swore  fidelity  to  their  agreements.  The  text  has 
been  edited  by  Drs.  Sayce  and  Cowley  of  Oxford.  See  S.  A.  Cook, 
The  Jews  in  Syene  in  the  Fifth  Century  B.C.  (Palestine  Exploration 
Fund).  (P-   324) 

5.  This  is  the  view  of  Hastings'  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  Art.  Israel. 
*'  Judah  "  says  Professor  Barnes,  the  writer  of  the  article  "never 
recovered  from  the  brutal  devastation  wrought  by  Sennacherib." 

(p.   325) 

6.  The  first  batch  of  exiles  certainly  received  indulgent  treatment. 
They  were  settled  in  houses  of  their  own,  Jer.  xxix.  5  ff.  They  were 
allowed  self-government  imder  their  own  elders,  Ezek.  viii.  1  ;  xiv.  1: 
XX.  1.  Jehoiachin,  after  the  death  of  Nebuchadrezzar,  received 
special  marks  of  favour  from  his  son.  (2  Kings  xxv.  27  ff. )  Accord- 
ing to  some  critics,  only  a  small  minority  returned  to  Jerusalem, 
the  majority  preferring  to  remain  behind.  Milman  {History  of  the 
Jews,  vol.  ii.,  p.  151)  speaks  of  the  great  prosperity  of  the  Baby- 
lonian community,  and  remarks  :  "  The  singular  part  of  their 
history  is  this,  that  though  willing  aliens  from  their  native  Palestine, 
they  remained  Jews  in  character  and  religion  ;  they  continued  to  be 
a  separate  people,  and  refused  to  mingle  themselves  with  the  popu- 
lation of  the  country  in  which  they  were  domiciled."  (p.  325) 


7.  Good  examples  of  the  moralising  tendency  of  later  writers  in 
telling  the  ancient  stories  are  seen  in  Wellhausen,  History  of  Israel, 
pp.  237  and  286,  the  accounts  of  Gideon  and  Elisha.  The  speeches 
of  St.  Stephen  (Acts  vii.)  and  of  St.  Paul  (Acts  xiii.)  are  thoroughly 
in  accord  with  the  later  Old  Testament  method  of  making  the  facts 
of  history  point  their  own  lesson  (P-  327) 


Notes  on  Chapter  XIV 


467 


la.  The  vicissitudes  of  the  Levitical  tribe  as  revealed  in  the  Bible 
are  very  strange  and  perplexing. 

Levi  was  the  third  son  of  Leah  and  is  mentioned  in  close  connection 
with  Simeon.  For  their  violence  to  the  Shechemites  the  two  tribes 
are  cursed  by  Jacob  and  are  to  be  divided  and  scattered.  (Gen. 
xxxiv.  25-29,  xlix.  5-7.)  According  to  1  Chr.  iv.  39-42,  the  Simeon- 
ites  had  some  successes  in  their  southern  inheritance  in  the  days  of 
Hezekiah  ;  but  they  are  not  mentioned  in  *'  Moses'  blessing  of  the 
tribes  "  (Deut.  xxxiii.).  S.  A.  Cook,  American  Journal  of  Theology, 
'  Simeon  and  Levi.'  The  tribe  in  fact  disappears  early,  and  Levi, 
as  a  '  secular  '  tribe,  probably  vanished  even  earlier.  But  there  is  a 
uniform  tradition  that  the  Levites  were  the  tribesmen  and  sup- 
porters of  Moses,  see  Ex.  ii.  1  (E)  ;  Ex.  iv.  14  (RJE)  ;  Ex.  xxxii.  26 
(J),  even  as  against  his  brother  Aaron  in  the  matter  of  the  Golden 
Calf  (for  this  see  Kennett,  '  Aaronic  Priesthood  '  in  the  Journal 
Theol.  Studies,  Jan.  1906).  It  is  also  generally  implied  that  the 
terms  '  priest  '  and  '  Levite  '  are  interchangeable.  Even  in  Malachi 
the  priestly  covenant  is  with  Levi  (ii.  4).  In  Deuteronomy  the  priests 
are  Levites,  and  the  law  as  contrasted  with  that  in  Ezekiel  is  as 
follows  :  Deut.  xviii.  6,  "  And  if  a  Levite  come  from  one  of  thy  gates, 
where  he  sojourneth,  and  come  with  all  the  desire  of  his  soul  to  the 
place  which  Jehovah  shall  choose,  and  ministers  in  the  name  of 
Jehovah's  God  like  all  his  brethren  the  Levites  which  stand  before 
Jehovah,  they  shall  eat  their  portions."  (Driver  in  loc.)  The 
separation  of  the  Levites  from  the  Aaronic  priesthood  was  unknown 
to  Ezekiel,  whose  regulations  seem  to  have  led  to  the  promulgation 
of  the  Priestly  Law  on  the  subject  in  Numbers.  (p.   331) 

8.  Toy  {Ezekiel  in  the  Polychrome  Bible)  notes  on  ch.  xlviii.  In 
this  chapter  Judah  and  Benjamin  are  made  to  change  places. 

For  a  plan  of  the  restored  Temple  of  Ezekiel  see  The  Second 
Temple  in  Jerusalem,  by  W.  Shaw  Caldecott.  (p.   331) 

9.  Davidson,  Job  (Cambridge  Bible  for  Schools),  p.  xx.  On  p. 
xxv.  he  remarks  :  "  Moreover,  though  Job  be  an  individual,  he  is 
more  than  an  individual.     The  national  history  reflects  itself  in  his." 

(p.   334) 

10.  Cox,  Commentary  on  the  Book  of  Job,  pp.  55-57  :  "  If  Eliphaz 
is  the  prophet  and  Bildad  the  sage  of  the  trio,  what  shall  we  say  of 
Zophar  ?  So  far  as  I  can  read  his  character  in  his  words,  Zophar  is 
the  common  good  man  of  his  day,  the  vulgar  but  sincere  formalist  ; 
the  man  who  thinks  that  what  he  says  will  become  true  if  only  he 
says  it  often  enough  or  forcibly  enough."  (p.   334) 


Chapter  XIV 

1.  Herodotus  (i.  95)  says  that  he  knows  three  accounts  of  the  birth 
and  origin  of  Cyrus,  and  relates  (i.  107-130)  that  which  he  considers 
the  true  one.  Cyrus  was  the  son  of  Mandane,  daughter  of  Astyages, 
and  was  ordered  by  his  grandfather  to  be  put  to  death.  Harpagus, 
who  wew  commanded  to  kill  the  child,  gave  Cyrus  to  a  herdsman  and 


468 


Notes  on  Chapter  XIV 


commanded  him  to  expose  the  boy.  But  instead  of  doing  so  the 
herdsman  brought  up  Cyrus  as  his  own  son.  Harpagus  in  the  end 
persuaded  Cyrus  to  revolt  against  Astyages  ;  and  in  this  way  the 
Persian  empire  was  founded.  Cyrus  afterwards  captured  Babylon 
during  a  festival  by  diverting  the  course  of  the  Euphrates.  So 
great  was  the  city,  that  many  of  the  inhabitants  whilst  engaged  in 
the  festival  did  not  know  that  the  city  was  taken  (i.  191).  CJ.  the 
account  of  the  capture  of  Babylon  in  Daniel  v.  The  Belshazzar 
there  mentioned  was  Bel-shar-uzur  the  son  of  that  Nabu-nahid  who 
was  actually  king  when  Cyrus  entered  Babylon.  Belshazzar  was 
defeated  outside  the  city  when  Cyrus  was  advancing.  (p.   337) 


2.  Herodotus  says  of  the  Persian  religion  :  "  They  have  no 
images  of  the  gods,  no  temples  nor  altars,  and  consider  the  use  of 
them  a  sign  of  folly.  This  comes,  I  think,  from  their  not  believing 
the  Gods  to  have  the  same  nature  as  men,  as  the  Greeks  imagine." 
(i.  131.)  Yet  Cyrus  says  in  his  inscription  :  "The  gods  dwelling 
within  them  to  their  places  I  restored.  Daily  I  addressed  Bel  and 
Nebo,  that  the  length  of  my  days  they  should  fulfil  ;  that  they 
should  bless  the  decree  of  my  fate,  and  to  Merodach  my  lord  should 
say  that  Cyrus  the  King  thy' worshipper  and  Cambyses  his  son,"  etc. 
Cheyne,  The  Prophecies  oj  Isaiah,  vol.  ii.,  p.  288.  The  religion  of 
Cyrus  does  not  seem  to  have  been  that  of  the  Persians,  who  were 
certainlv  in  sympathy  with  the  later  Jewish  hatred  of  idolatry. 

(p.   338 

3.  For  the  description  of  Cyrus'  entry  into  Babylon,  see  Driver, 
Daniel  (Cambridge  Bible  for  Schools),  p.  xxix.  See  also  Ball,  Light 
Jrom  the  East,  (P-  338) 

4.  For  the  translation  of  the  edict  of  Cyrus  on  the  so-called 
Cylinder  Inscription  see  Ball,  Light  Jrom  the  East,  p.  224.  Cyrus  in  a 
proclamation  issued  by  him  shortly  after  his  entry  into  the  city, 
shewed  that  he  understood  how  to  utilise  the  popular  disaffection  : 
he  represented  himself  as  the  favoured  servant  of  Mardak,  specially 
chosen  by  him  to  become  sovereign  of  Babylon,  in  order  to  undo  the 
evil  deeds  of  Nabu-nahid  and  to  redress  the  grievances  of  the  people. 

(p.  340) 

5.  Professor  Kosters  of  Leyden  is  of  opinion  that  there  was  no 
return  in  the  time  of  Cyrus,  and  that  the  people  who  rebuilt  the 
Temple  were  those  who  had  been  left  behind  at  the  time  of  the 
Captivity.  The  passages  which  allude  to  the  foundations  of  the 
Temple  being  laid  before  the  reign  of  Darius  (Ezr.  i.  3,  5  ;  iii.  8-13  ; 
iv.  1,  2  ;  vi.  21,  22)  belong  to  the  age  of  the  Chronicler,  circa  250  B.C., 
whilst  the  contemporary  prophets  Haggai  and  Zechariah  ignore  both 
the  laying  of  the  foundations  and  the  supposed  return  of  the  '  Cap- 
tivity '  from  Babylon.  See  Cheyne,  The  Book  of  Isaiah,  Introduc- 
tion, p.  XXXV.,  for  an  exposition  of  this  strange  view. 

The  subject  is  dealt  with  in  Cambridge  Biblical  Essays,  '  The 
History  of  the  Jewish  Church  from  Nebuchadrezzar  to  Alexander 
the  Great,'  by  Prof.  Kennett.     According  to  this  essay  Zenibbabel 


Notes  on  Chapter  XIV 


469 


was  governor  of  Judah,  appointed  by  the  Persians.  He  tried  to 
fortify  Jerusalem  despite  the  remonstrances  of  Zechariah,  and 
jispired  to  the  throne  of  his  ancestors.  (p.  340) 


6.  The  Samaritans  are  not  called  by  this  name  in  Ezra  or  Nehe- 
miah.  Bishop  Ryle  {Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  Cambridge  Bible  for 
Schools,  p.  XXXV.)  says  that  the  foreign  settlers  were  the  result  of 
three  deportations  from  the  East  to  Palestine  :  (1)  by  Sargon, 
2  Kings  xvii.  24  ;  (2)  by  Esar-haddon,  Ezra  iv.  2,  between  B.C.  681- 
668  ;  (3)  Ezra  iv.  10,  by  Asshur-bani-pal  (Asnapper),  B.C.  668-626. 

(p.  343) 

7.  The  letters  in  Ezra  present  some  difficulty.  As  the  text  now 
stands  events  took  place  in  the  following  order  : — 

(1)  The  return  under  Cyrus  after  B.C.  538. 

(2)  The  altar  set  up  and  the  foimdations  of  the  Temple  laid. 

(3)  The  '  adversaries  '  ask  to  help  to  build  the  Temple. 

(4)  Letters  in  the  reigns  of  Ahasuerus  and  Artaxerxes  accusing 

the  Jews  of  wishing  to  rebuild  the  walls  and  city  of 
Jerusalem. 

(5)  Correspondence  with  Darius  about  the  Temple,  which  he 
allows  to  be  completed. 

Now  the  kings  of  Persia  were  : — 

Cyrus  B.C.  538. 

Cambyses  B.C.  529. 

Pseudo-Smerdis  B.C.   522. 

Darius  B.C.  522. 

Xerxes  B.C.  485. 

Artaxerxes  (Longimanus)  B.C.  465. 

It  is  not  easy  to  identify  the  Ahasuerus  and  the  Artaxerxes  of  Ezra 
iv.  6.  7,  with  Cambyses  and  Pseudo-Smerdis.  Ahasuerus  is  the 
Hebrew  equivalent  for  Xerxes.  The  narrative  of  Ezra  iv.  is  very 
fragmentary  and  the  letters  are  probably  misplaced.  See  Ryle, 
Ezra  and  Nehemiah.  (P-  343) 


8.  The  identity  of  Zerubbabel  and  Sheshbazzar  used  to  be  generally 
admitted.  The  names  are  mentioned  in  different  places.  In  Ezra  i. 
Cyrus  gives  the  vessels  of  the  Temple  to  Sheshbazzar.  In  Ezra 
ii.-iii.  the  leader  of  the  Return  is  Zerubbabel.  In  Haggai  and 
Zechariah,  Zerubbabel  is  addressed  as  the  leader  of  the  people,  viz. 
in  B.C.  519  when  the  building  of  the  Temple  commenced.  ^  In  1  Esdras 
u.  12,  he  is  called  Sanabassar  (LXX.  cod.  B  Sava/xao-o-apos).  In 
I  Esdras  iii.,  iv.,  Zerubbabel  is  a  yoimg  man  at  the  court  of  Darius 
who,  by  declaring  to  the  King  that  Truth  is  the  strongest  thing  on 
earth,  obtains  leave  to  go  and  rebuild  the  Temple.  Thus  in  1  Esdras, 
Sheshbazzar  and  Zerubbabel  are  distinct  from  one  another  :  the 
first  being  apparently  a  Persian  entrusted  with  the  care  of  the  re- 
turning Jews  in  the  time  of  Cyrus  ;  whilst  Zerubbabel  is  a  Jewish 
exile  at  the  court  of  Darius.  It  may  be  noted  that  Zerubbabel 
and  Sheshbazzar  are  both  Persian  names,  and  consequently  the 
parallel  between  them  and  the  double  names  borne  by  Daniel  and 
his  three  companions  is  not  to  be  maintained.     Sellin  has  advanced 

2m 


470  Notes  on  Chapter  XIV 


a  theory  that  Zerubbabel  was  not  a  Persian  nominee  at  all,  but  was 
a  descendant  of  David,  whom  Haggai  and  Zechariah  the  prophets 
set  up  as  king  and  who  was  put  to  death  by  the  Persians.  He  main- 
tains that  Zerubbabel  is  the  victim  alluded  to  in  Isaiah  liii.  In 
Ezra  V.  16,  however,  Sheshbazzar  (see  also  2  Esdras  v.  16)  is  said  to 
have  laid  the  foundations  of  the  Temple,  and  in  1  Esdras  vi.  18  it  is 
said  that  Cyrus  handed  the  holy  vessels  to  Zerubbabel  and  Sana- 
bassar  the  governor.  The  identity  can  scarcely  be  proved  or  dis- 
proved. Sayce,  Higher  Criticism  and  Monuments,  p.  539.  Ryle, 
Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  p.  xxxi.  (p.   345) 


9.  In  this  case  the  Birah  would  be  north  of  the  Temple  ;  Encyclo- 
paedia Biblica,  Art.  Jerusalem,  §  27  and  §  28.  The  fortress  was  called 
/3dpi<i,  and  was  converted  by  Herod  into  the  strong  castle  of  the 
Antonia.  (p.  345) 

9a.  In  the  subsequent  history  it  will  become  evident  that  what  was 
established  at  the  Return  was  a  priestly  aristocracy.  Once  the  Law, 
as  it  now  exists,  was  fully  accepted,  the  priests  became  the  ruling 
class.  Strangely  enough  this  aristocracy  which  had  been  created  by 
the  "  Law  "  was  less  zealous  than  the  common  people  ;  and  in  the 
days  of  the  Maccabees,  as  in  the  time  of  Nehemiah,  the  priests  of 
high  rank  were  lukewarm  and  even  inclined  to  Hellenize,  whilst  the 
people  were  fanatically  religious.  The  Sadducees  or  priestly  party 
in  later  times  were  never  popular,  whilst  their  opponents  the 
Pharisees  attracted  the  people  by  their  zeal  for  the  Law.      (p.  346) 


96.  The  Book  of  Esther  was  written  to  account  for  the  Purim 
festival.  It  is  intended  to  be  received  as  historical  ;  but,  despite 
many  evidences  that  the  writer  was  not  unacquainted  with  the 
Persian  Court,  there  are  discrepancies  even  in  the  story  itself  which 
make  it  scarcely  credible  as  a  narration  of  actual  facts.  The  name 
of  God  is  never  mentioned  throughout  the  book,  which  is  animated 
by  a  vindictive  spirit  against  the  Gentiles,  contrasting  unfavourably 
with  the  utterances  of  many  of  the  prophets.  No  character  shews 
any  noble  traits  with  the  exception  of  Esther,  who  is  patriotic  if 
revengeful.  The  earliest  Christians  who  mention  the  Canon  of  the 
Old  Testament,  Melito  (a.d.  170)  and  Origen  (a.d.  225)  disregard 
Esther  ;  the  early  Syrian  Church  rejected  it,  nor  is  it  in  the  Nestorian 
Old  Testament.  The  latest  commentator,  Dr.  Paton,  in  the  Inter- 
national Critical  Commentary  (1908),  says  :  "The  book  is  so  con- 
spicuously lacking  in  religion  that  it  should  never  have  been  included 
in  the  Canon  of  the  Old  Test.,  but  should  have  been  left  with  Judith 
and  Tobit  among  the  Apocryphal  writings."  For  an  extraordinary 
theory  of  the  Feast  of  Purim  and  the  hanging  of  Haman  see  Frazer, 
Oolden  Bough,  vol.  iii.  (1903),  pp.  138-200.  (p.   349) 


10.  For  Nehemiah's  ride  and  the  places  mentioned  see  the  En- 
cyclopasdia  Biblica,  Art.  Jerusalem,  §  24  ;  G.  A.  Smith,  Jerusalem 
Jrom  the  Earliest  Times,  vol.  ii.  ;  Conder,  The  City  oj  Jerusalem  ;  and 
Caldecott,  The  Second  Temple  in  Jerusalem.  (p.  363) 


Notes  on  Chapter  XV 


471 


IL  It  is  a  much-disputed  question  as  to  what  Law  was  read  by 
Ezra  on  this  occasion.  Scholars  are  divided,  some  maintaining  that 
the  law  book  was  the  book  known  as  the  Priestly  Code,  others  that 
It  was  the  Pentateuch.  Undoubtedly  the  Law  of  Holiness,  if  not 
the  iaws  of  P,  was  known  at  this  time.  (c/.  Neh.  viii.  18  with  Lev. 
xxiii.  36,  etc.)     Encyclopaedia  Biblica,  Art.  Law  Literature,  sec.  19. 

(p.   358) 

12.  In  1907  Professor  Sachau  of  Berlin  published  some  newly  dis- 
covered Aramaean  papyri  relating  to  the  affairs  of  the  Jewish  com- 
munity at  Assouan,  Drei  Aramdische  Papyrusurkunden  aus  Ele- 
phantine, Berlin,  1907.  They  consist  of  two  almost  duplicate  letters 
to  Bagohi,  Governor  of  Jehud  (Judaea)  ;  and  a  short  memorandum, 
the  writers  being  Yedonyah  and  the  priests  of  the  fortress  Yeb 
(Elephantine).  It  appears  from  the  letter  that  when  Cambyses 
invaded  Egypt  B.C.  525  the  Jews  had  a  temple  at  Yeb,  which  the 
Persian  conqueror,  whilst  destrojring  the  Egyptian  temples,  respected. 
In  the  fourteenth  year  of  Darius  Nothus  (b.c.  424-404),  the  Jewish 
temple  was  destroyed  at  the  instigation  of  the  Priests  of  Chnum  by 
Waidrang,  the  Persian  commander  (rab  hela  as  he  is  called  in  Sayce 
and  Cowley's  papyri,  vide  note  on  Chap.  XIII.,  p.  418).  The  Jews 
of  Yeb  had  already  written  to  the  High  Priest  at  Jerusalem,  Je- 
hoanan,  and  they  tell  Bagohi  that  they  are  now  writing  to  Delajah 
and  Shelemijah,  the  sons  of  Sanaballat.  Thus  in  a  document  dated 
B.C.  408  we  come  across  the  names  of  Scriptural  characters,  and  are 
brought  closely  into  touch  with  the  days  of  Nehemiah,  whose  second 
visit  to  Jerusalem  was  in  b.c.  432.  See  The  Guardian,  Nov.  6th, 
1907  ;   Expositor,  Dec.  1907  ;   Irish  Ecclesiastical  Review,  Feb.  1908. 

(p.  358) 


Chapter  XV 

J.  The  Apocrypha  was  printed  in  all  English  Bibles  down  to 
the  time  of  the  foimdation  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society. 
In  this  enterprise  Churchmen  and  Dissenters  acted  together,  and 
the  Apocrypha  was  in  much  disfavour  with  the  latter,  who  disliked 
it  partly  because  it  was  not  scripture,  and  also  because  in  1662,  when 
the  Prayer  Book  was  revised,  lessons  from  it  were  insisted  upon  by 
the  Church  party.  As  a  compromise  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible 
Society  agreed  to  print  the  Apocrypha,  and  other  printers  have 
followed  this  example.  It  appears  in  all  English  Bibles,  even  in  the 
Genevan  version,  so  popular  with  the  Puritans.  (p.  360) 


2.  The  date  of  the  Books  of  Chronicles  is  generally  agreed  to  have 
been  not  earlier  than  b.c.  332,  for  Jaddua  the  High  Priest  in  Alex- 
ander the  Great's  time  is  mentioned,  nor  later  than  the  middle  of  the 
second  century  B.C.     Probably  it  belongs  to  the  third  century  b.c. 

(p.  361) 

3.  The  letter  of  Aristeas  purports  to  be  a  contemporary  record 
of  a  Greek  courtier  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  (b.c.  285-247).  It 
has  been  described  as  '  Jewish  propaganda  under  a  heathen  mask.' 


472 


Notes  on  Chapter  XV 


It  has  been  dated  variously  from  B.C.  200  to  a.d.  37  ;  and  it  is 
generally  admitted  that  the  letter  cannot  be  genuine.  See  Swete, 
Introd.  to  the  Old  Testament ;  it  has  been  translated  recently  by 
H.  St.  J.  Thackeray.     S.P.C.K.,  London,   1917.  (p.  362) 


4.  Alexander  the  Great  was  besieging  Gaza  in  B.C.  322,  after 
he  had  taken  Tyre.  Josephus  is  our  only  authority  for  his  going  to 
Jerusalem.  The  city  did  not  lie  in  the  direct  route  to  Egypt ;  but 
to  dismiss  the  story  of  the  visit  altogether  seems  to  be  hasty.  The 
only  authoritv  for  the  campaign  of  Alexander  is  Arrian,  who 
flourished  in  the  second  century  aft«r  Christ ;  and  though  he  doubtless 
had  earlier  authorities,  he  was  posterior  to  Josephus.  Mahaffy 
points  out  that  the  Jews  must  have  been  valuable  guides  owing  to 
the  constant  pilgrimages  from  Babylonia  to  Jerusalem.       (p.  363) 


5.  Alexandria  became  almost  the  second  metropolis  of  Judaism, 
as  Mommsen  says,  '  in  acknowledged  independence,  in  repute, 
culture,  and  wealth,  the  body  of  Alexandrian  Jews  was,  even  before 
the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  the  first  in  the  world '  {Roman 
Provinces,  ii.  267).  The  Talmud  preserves  a  very  florid  tradition  of 
the  great  synagogue  there.  Strabo  says  the  Jews  had  their  own 
'  ethnarch.'  But  for  the  Christians  having  preserved  the  writings  of 
Philo  and  Josephus  our  information  about  them  would  be  exceedingly 
scanty. (P-  ^^3) 

6.  The  ferocity  of  the  Maccabees  as  conquerors  has,  I  think, 
often  been  overlooked.  It  is  important,  as  it  accounts  for  the  hatred 
with  which  the  Jews  were  regarded  by  the  surrounding  Gentiles. 
See  1  Mace.  v.  1-8,  Judas'  murderous  campaign,  and  compare 
2  Mace.  X.  16  ff.,  where  he  is  credited  with  killing  twenty  thousand 
Idumeans.  The  whole  chapter  in  1  Maccabees  is  a  tale  of  slaughter, 
burning  cities,  slaying  every  male,  etc.  Josephus  records  almost 
imbelievable  massacres  by  Alexander  Jannaeus,  who,  to  do  him 
justice,  was  no  more  merciful  to  the  Jews  than  to  his  Gentile 
enemies,  but  treated  both  with  impartial  barbarity.  (p.  370) 


7.  The  Assideans  are  described  as  a  synagogue  (crrvaywyr;)  and 
are  called  strict  and  willing  observers  of  the  law  (1  Mace.  ii.  42). 
In  2  Mace.  xvi.  6  they  are  wrongly  confounded  with  the  followers 
of  Judas,  whom  they  deserted  (1  Mace.  vii.  13).  From  the  resemb- 
lance of  their  name  to  the  Hebrew  hasid,  the  saint  or  holy  ones  in  the 
Psalter,  they  are  said  (1  Mace.  vii'.  7)  to  be  alluded  to  in  Ps.  Ixxix. 
2,  3.     Whether  they  can  be  identified  with  any  later  sect  is  doubtful. 

(P-  370) 

8.  The  Pharisees  and  Sadducees.  The  origin  of  these  famous 
parties  is  very  obscure.  It  may  be  that  the  Pharisees  continued 
the  unworldly  policy  of  the  Assideans.  The  Tabnud  relates  a 
dispute  between  King  Jannai  and  the  Pharisees ;  whether  the  King 


Notes  on  Chapter  XVI 


473 


is  John  Hyrcanus  or  Alexander  Jannaeus  is  doubtful.  It  is  also  said 
that  Hyrcanus  in  his  old  age  joined  the  Sadducees.  They  seem 
always  to  have  opposed  the  worldly  policy  of  the  Hasmoneans. 

(p.  372) 

9.  The  Hasmonean  kingdom  was  evidently  widespread,  and 
included  many  Greek  and  Gentile  cities.  Josephus  gives  a  long  list 
of  places  conquered  by  Alexander  Jannaeus.     {Antiq.  XV.  13,  4). 

(p.  373) 

10.  Herod  the  Great  was  a  typical  '  mediatised  '  prince  in  the 
Roman  Empire,  not  unlike  a  Rajah  in  India  under  British  rule. 
The  same  game  was  played  on  a  much  larger  scale  in  Galatia.  Herod 
had  the  wisdom  to  see  that  his  interest  lay  in  being  faithful  to  Rome, 
but  to  no  particular  party  in  the  state.  Unfortunately  the 
life  of  Herod  by  his  contemporary,  Nicolas  of  Damascus,  is  not 
extant,  and  is  only  known  from  quotations  by  Josephus.  There 
is  an  excellent  vindication  of  Herod  by  John  Vickers,  The  History 
oj  Herod,  Williams  and  Norgate,  1901.  (p.  376) 


Chapter  XVI 


1.  The  most  famous  example  of  ultra-Sabbatarianism  is 
1  Mace.  ii.  29-41,  when  the  Jews  allowed  themselves  to  be  massacred 
rather  than  fight  on  the  Sabbath.  They  afterwards  agreed  to  fight 
if  attacked.  (p.  380) 

2.  The  origin  of  the  Feast,  like  its  name,  has  been  hotly  disputed. 
It  is  connected  with  the  victory  of  Judas  Maccabaeus  over  Nicanor, 
which  is  celebrated  the  day  before  13th  of  Adar.  It  has  been 
connected  with  various  heathen  rites.  Mordecai  and  Esther  have 
been  identified  with  Marduk  and  Isthar.  As  celebrated  by  the 
Jews  it  is  a  secular  festival  accompanied  by  much  merriment.  The 
only  religious  feature  is  the  reading  of  the  Book  of  Esther  in  the 
synagogue.  For  an  account  of  the  festivities  see  Jewish  Encyclopedia^ 
art.  '*  Purim,"  and  Morris  Jastrow  in  Hastings'  Die.  oJ  Religion  and 
Ethics.  (p.  380) 

3.  Examples  of  this  tendency  are  Ps.  xlv.  1,  'Efcpcvfaro  rj  KapSia 
fjLOv  Xoyov  dyaOoVy  '  My  heart  overfloweth  with  a  goodly  matter  ' 
— the  speaker  being  the  author  of  the  Marriage  Psalm.  The 
Christians,  arguing  for  the  doctrine  of  the  Second  Person  of  the 
Trinity,  made  God  the  speaker,  and  applied  to  the  word  Logos  its 
theological  meaning.  Another  is  Proverbs  viii.  22,  where  Wisdom 
is  made  to  say  '  The  Lord  created  (eKTicrev)  me.'  This  per- 
plexed those  who  maintained  that  the  word  was  '  uncreate';  whereas, 
as  Meletius,  Bishop  of  Antioch,  observed,  the  Hebrew  word  means 
'  possessed.'  (p-  386) 

4.  For  an  account  of  the  Hebrew  fragments  see  the  Introduction 
to  Ecclesiasticus  in  Charles  Apocrypha  and  PseudepigraphOf  Vol.  I. 


I 


474 


Notes  on  Chapter  XVI 


Edwyn  Bevan,  in  his  Jerusalem  under  the  High  Priests  (pp.  49-68), 
gives  an  excellent  sketch  of  the  book.  (p.  390) 


5.  Who  the  Sibyl  was  is  discussed  in  Charles  op.  cit..  Vol.  II., 
X.  12.  The  invitation  to  become  Jews  by  lustral  washing,  and  not 
p.  368,  by  Mr.  Lanchester.  See  also  Sir  G.  Frazer  on  Pausanias, 
by  circumcision,  is  interesting.  (p.  393) 


6.  See  R.  H.  Charles,  The  Book  oj  Enoch,  and  also  his  Apocrypha, 
*c-  (p.  395) 

7.  The  Third  and  Fourth  Books  of  Esdras  are  placed  at  the  very 
end  of  the  Vulgate  after  the  New  Testament.  The  Fourth  Book 
has  not  been  preserved  in  Hebrew  or  Greek.  There  are  Syriac, 
Arabic  and  Armenian  versions.  Fragments  of  the  Greek  are  pre- 
served in  patristic  literalum,  Clement  Alex  (Stromatris  iii.  6)  and  in 
the  Apostolic  Constitutions  ;  see  G.  H.  Box,  The  Ezra  Apocalypse, 
Introd.  (p.  395) 

8.  The  references  to  the  Essenes  are  Josephus  B.J.  II.  and  Antiq. 
XVIII.  1,  Philo  Quod  omnis  prohv^  liber  12,  Pliny  Nat.  Hist.  V.  17. 
The  Christian  fathers,  Hippolytus  and  Epiphanius,  are  confused  and 
almost  unintelligible  on  the  subject.  Lightfoot's  essay  on  the 
Essenes  in  his  commentary  on  Colossians  is  still  most  valuable. 

(p.  398) 

9.  The  only  information  about  the  Therapeutae  is  the  treatise  on 
The  Contemplative  Life,  attributed  to  Philo.  The  correctness  of  this 
attribution  is  upheld  by  F.  C.  Conybeare  in  his  edition,  but  is  denied 
by  Schiirer  and  others.  No  other  trace  of  the  sect  has  been  dis- 
covered.    (p.   399) 

10.  The  Covenanters  of  Damascus,  like  the  Therapeutae,  are 
only  known  from  a  single  document.  For  a  fuller  discussion  see 
Foakes- Jackson  and  Lake,  Beginnings  of  Christianity,  vol.  i.,  pp. 
^'^^' (p.  400) 

11.  See  J.  A.  Montgomery,  The  Satnaritans  (Philadelphia,  1907), 
and  Beginnings  of  Christianity,  vol.  i.,  pp.  120  ff.  (p.  403) 


Appendix 


TRANSLATIONS  OF  INSCRIPTIONS  BEARING  ON  THE 
HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREWS. 

I.  The  letter  of  Abdi-Hiba,  King  of  Jerusalem,  to  Amenophis 
IV.  on  the  state  of  Palestine,  14th  century  b.c.  (Tel-el-Amarna 
Tablets). 

II.  The  stele  of  Menephtah,  describing  the  conquest  of  the 
Is-ra-e-ru,  13th  century  B.C. 

III.  List  of  cities  conquered  by  Shishak,  B.C.  960  (?). 

IV.  Mesha's  inscription  about  his  victories  over  the  son  of  Omri, 
B.C.  900  (?). 

V. 

VI. 

VII. 

VIII. 

IX. 

X. 

XI. 


Shalmaneser  II.  conquers  Ahab  and  his  allies,  B.C.  854. 
Shalraaneser  11.  exacts  tribute  from  Jehu,  b.c.  842. 
Tiglath-pileser  III.  reduces  Hamath,  b.c.  740. 
Menahem  pays  tribute  to  Assyria,  B.C.  738. 
Death  of  Pekah,  and  accession  of  Hoshea,  B.C.  734. 
Fall  of  Samaria,  b.c    722. 
Sargon's  campaign  against  Ashdod,  B.C.  711. 
XII.  The  Siloam  inscription  describing  the  making  of  a  conduit 
in  Jerusalem,  8th  century  B.C. 

XIII.  Sennacherib  and  Hezekiah,  b.c.  701. 

XIV.  The  murder  of  Sennacherib,  b.c.  681. 
XV.  The  taking  of  Babylon  by  Cyrus,  b.c.  638. 

XVI.  ,,  ..  (another  account). 


j> 


*9 


I. 

Abdi-Hiba  to  Amenophis  IV. 
The  Tel-el-Amarna  Correspondence  (letter  3). 

To  the  King  my  Lord  [my]  Sun  [say]  thus  :  Abdi-Hiba  is  thy 
bond -servant  ;  at  the  feet  of  the  King  my  lord  seven  times  and 
seven  times  I  fall.  Behold  the  King  my  lord  hath  set  his  name  upon 
East  and  West.  As  for  the  slander  which  they  have  uttered  against 
m.e,  behold  I  am  not  a  city  governor,  but  a  captain  to  the  King  my 
lord  ;  behold  I  am  the  King's  friend,  and  a  tributary  of  the  King's. 
It  was  not  my  father,  nor  was  it  my  mother,  but  the  King's  strong 
arm  established  me  in  my  father's  house.  .  .  .  Let  the  King  take 
counsel  for  his  dominion.  All  the  King's  territory  is  going  to  ruin, 
having  taken  opposition  against  me.  Behold  the  districts  of  Seir 
(Se-e-ri)  imto  Gath-Carmel  (Ginti  Kirmil)  are  leagued  with  all  the 
native  princes  and  hostility  is  carried  on  against  me  because  of  the 

A-mi-ri  men  (?  the  Amorites) Now  the  Chabiru-folk  have 

got  hold  of  the  King's  cities. — Ball,  Light  from  the  East,  p.  91. 

The  name  of  the  King  of  Jerusalem  is  Abdi-KJiiba.  Dr.  Sayce 
says  it  probably  should  be  read  Ebed-tob  =  Servant  of  the  Good  one. 
There  are  those  who  maintain  that  the  Chabirir  or  Abiri  are  the 
"  Hebrews  "  ;  but  it  remains,  at  least  for  the  present,  problematical. 
There  is  a  discussion  of  the  question  by  Konig,  Expository  Times,  xl. 
238  ff. 


476 


Appendix 


II. 

Stele  of  Menephtah,  b.c.  1277.  (Hommel.) 
Libya  is  laid  waste,  Kheta  has  been  pacified,  Canaan  with  all  its 
ill-disposed  ones  has  been  captured,  Ashkelon  has  been  led  away- 
captive,  Gezer  taken,  I-no'-am  has  been  annihilated.  Is-ra-e-ni 
has  been  laid  waste  and  its  seed  destroyed,  Khar  has  become  even 
as  the  widows  of  Egypt,  all  lands  are  together  at  peace.  Every  man 
that  roameth  about  has  been  chastened  by  the  King  Menephtah.— 
Hommel,  Ancient  Hebrew  Tradition,  Eng.  Tr.,  p.  216. 

This  is  a  large  stele  of  black  syenite  originally  sculptured  by 
Amenophis  III.,  but  utilised  on  the  other  side  by  Menephtah  for  an 
inscription. — Ball,  Light  from  the  East,  p.  129. 

III. 

Palestinian  Cities  Conquered  by  Shishak  (b.c.  960  ?). 
The  record  of  Shishak' s  invasion  of  Palestine  is  on  the  southern 
wall  of  the  great  temple  of  Amon  at  Kamak.  The  gigantic  figure  of 
the  king  is  surrounded  by  the  names  of  the  places  conquered  by  hun. 
Only  a  few  can  be  identified  with  certainty,  among  them  Taanach, 
Shunem,  Rehob,  Adullam,  Gibeon,  Beth-horon,  Kedemoth,  Ajalon, 
Megiddo.  Most  of  these  places  belonged  to  the  northern  kmgdom, 
so  the  theory  that  Shishak  helped  Jeroboam  against  Rehoboam 
must  be  abandoned.  The  third  name  on  the  third  row  is  JAd- 
hamalek,  perhaps  the  king's  hand  or  monument  (2  Sam.  xvni.  18)  : 
some  think  it  should  be  read  Juda-melech  ;  "  but  this,"  says  Mr. 
Ball  in  his  Light  from  the  East,  p.  138,  "  is  philologically  impossible." 
— Baedeker's  Upper  Egypt,  p.  123. 

IV. 

The  Moabite  Stone. 
idesha's  inscription  describing  his  victory  over  Israel,  9th  century  B.C. 

(See  N\unb.  xxxii.  1-5  ;   Josh.  xiii.  15-19  ;   Is.  xv.  ;   Jer.  xlviii.  ; 

and  2  Kings  iii.   4,   5.) 

I  am  Mesha  (2  Kings  iii.  5)  the  son  of  Chemosh-melek,*  King  of 
Moab  the  Daibonite.  My  father  reigned  over  Moab  for  thirty  years, 
and  I  reigned  after  my  father.  And  I  made  this  high  place  for 
Chemosh  in  QRHH,  [a  high  place  of  8al]vation,  because  he  had 
saved  me  from  the  king's  assailants  and  because  he  had  let  me  see 
my  desire  upon  mine  enemies  (Ps.  lix.  10,  cxviii.  7).  Omri  was  kmg 
over  Israel  (1  Kings  xvi.  23),  and  he  afflicted  Moab  many  days 
because  Chemosh  (Numb.  xxi.  29)  was  angry  with  his  land.  And  his 
son  succeeded  him  ;  and  he  also  said  I  will  afflict  Moab.  In  my  days 
said  he  thus,  but  I  saw  my  pleasure  on  him  and  Israel  perished  with 
an  everlasting  destruction.  And  Omri  took  possession  of  Mehedeba 
(Medeba)  and  (Israel)  dwelt  during  his  days  and  during  half  his  son's 
days  forty  years  ;  but  Chemosh  restored  it  in  my  days.  And  I  built 
Baal-Meon  and  I  made  in  it  the  reservoir  (?)  ;  and  I  built  Qirathen 
(Kiriathaim).  And  the  men  of  Gad  had  dwelt  in  Ataroth  from  of 
old  ;  and  the  king  of  Israel  built  for  himself  Ataroth.  And  I  slew  all 
the  people  from  the  city  a  gazing-stock  (Nahum  iii.  6,  Ez.  xxviii.  17) 
unto  Chemosh  and  unto  Moab.  And  I  brought  back  thence  the 
•  Name  uncartain  :  ObeJiiosh-[kan]  in  Encycl.  Bibi, 


Appendix 


477 


altar  hearth  of  Dawdoh  (?)  and  I  dragged  it  before  Chemosh  in 
Qeriyyoth  (Kerioth  or  Kir  of  Moab  ?).  And  I  settled  there  in  the 
men  of  SRN  and  the  men  of  MHRT.  And  Chemosh  said  unto  me. 
Go  take  Nebo  against  Israel  (Josh.  viii.  1,  etc.).  And  I  went  by 
night  and  fought  against  it  from  the  break  of  dawn  until  noon. 
And  I  took  it,  and  slew  the  whole  of  it  7000  men  and  male -strangers 
and  women,  and  [female-strenger]s,  and  maid-servants  :  for  I  had 
devoted  it  to  '  Ashtor  Chemosh.  And  I  took  thence  the  vessels  of 
Jahveh,  and  I  dragged  them  before  Chemosh.  And  the  king  of 
Israel  had  built  Yahas  (Jahaz),  and  abode  in  it  while  he  fought 
against  me.  But  Chemosh  drave  him  out  from  before  me  ;  and  I 
took  of  Moab  200  men,  even  all  its  chiefs,  and  I  led  them  up  against 
Yahass  and  took  it  to  add  it  unto  Daibon  (Dibon).  {The  rest  of  the 
inscription  refers  to  Mesha' s  buildings.) — Driver  in  Samuel,  Introd. 
p.  Ixxxvii.,  and  in  Encyclopcedia  Biblica,  art.  Mesha. 

V. 

The  Qarqara  Inscription  of  Shalmaneser  II.,  b.c.  853. 
To  the  cities  of  Irkhuleni  the  Hamathite  I  approached.  The  cities 
of  Eden,  Barga,  and  Argana  his  royal  city  I  captured.  His  spoil,  his 
goods  (and)  the  riches  of  his  palaces  I  removed  ;  his  palaces  I  de- 
livered to  the  flames.  From  the  city  of  Argana  I  departed  ;  to  the 
city  of  Qarqara  I  approached.  Qarqara,  his  royal  city,  I  overthrew, 
dug  up  and  burned  with  fire  ;  1200  chariots,  1200  riding  horses  (and) 
20,000  men  belonging  to  Hadad-idri  of  the  (country)  of  Damascus  ; 
700  chariots,  700  riding  horses  and  10,000  men  belonging  to  Irk- 
huleni the  Hamathite  ;  2000  chariots  (and)  10,000  men  belonging 
to  Ahab  the  Israelite  (Ak-hab-bu  mat  'Sir'ala)  ;  500  men  belonging 
to  the  Guans  ;  1000  men  belonging  to  the  Egyptians  ;  10  chariots 
and  10,000  men  belonging  to  the  Arkites  ;  200  men  belonging  to 
Matin-ba'al  of  Arvad  ;  200  men  of  the  U'sanatians  ;  30  chariots  and 
10,000  men  belonging  to  Adon-ba'al  the  Sianian  ;  1000  camels  from 
Gindibuh  the  Arabian  (and)  .  .  .  men  belonging  to  Baasha  the  son 
of  Rehob  of  the  country  of  Ammon  ;  these  twelve  kings  he  took  to 
his  assistance  ;  to  (offer)  battle  and  combat  they  came  against  me. 
With  the  mighty  forces  which  Asshur  the  lord  has  given  (me),  with 
the  mighty  weapons  which  Nergal  who  goes  before  me  has  granted 
(me),  I  fought  with  them  ;  from  the  city  of  Qarqara  to  the  city  of 
Kirzau  I  utterly  defeated  them  ;  14,000  of  their  fighting  men  I  slew 
with  weapons,  etc. — Sayce,  Higher  Criticism  and  the  MonumentSy 
p.  390.     {With  the  permission  of  the  S.P.C.K.) 

VI. 

The  Siege  of  Damascus  by  Shalmaneser  II.,  and  the  Tribute 
OF  Jehu,  King  of  Israel,  842  b.c. 
In  the  eighteenth  year  of  my  reign  for  the  sixteenth  time  the 
Euphrates  I  crossed.  Hazael  (Ha-za'ilu)  of  Damascus  in  the  mul- 
titude of  his  troops  trusted,  and  his  troops  in  great  number  he 
assembled.  Saniru,  the  summit  of  the  mountain,  is  at  the  entrance 
to  Lebanon,  as  his  fortess  he  made.  With  him  I  fought ;  his  defeat 
I  brought  about ;  16,000  of  his  warriors  with  weapons  I  overcame  ; 
1121  of  his  chariots,  470  of  his  horses,  together  with  his  camp  I  took 


478 


Appendix 


from  him.  To  save  his  life  he  made  off ;  after  him  I  went ;  in 
Damascus,  his  royal  city,  I  besieged  him  ;  his  plantations  I  cut 
down.  To  the  mountains  of  Haurani  (Ha-u-ra-ni)  I  went  ;  cities 
without  number  I  destroyed,  I  burnt ;  their  spoils  without  number 
I  carried  off.  To  the  mountain  of  Ba'lira'si  which  is  at  the  head  of 
the  sea  I  went  ;  my  royal  image  there  I  set  up.  At  that  time  the 
tribute  of  the  Tyrians  (Sur-ra-ai)  the  Sidonians  (Si-du-na-ai)  and  of 
Jehu  (la-u-a)  the  son  of  Omri,  I  received. — By  permission,  from 
King,  First  Steps  in  Assyrian,  p.  37  (Kegan  Paul,  Trench,  Triibner  & 

Co.). 

This  inscription  is  on  the  famous  Black  Obelisk  now  in  the  British 
Museum. — Ball,  Light  from  the  East,  p.  166. 

VII. 

TiGLATH-PiLESER  III.  REDUCES  Hamath,  circa  740  B.C. 

Nineteen  districts  of  the  city  of  Hamath  (Ha-am-ma-at-ti) 
together  with  the  cities  round  about  them  which  are  on  the  shore  of 
the  sea  of  the  setting  of  the  sun,  which  in  sin  and  iniquity  to  Azariah 
( Az-ri-ia-a-u)  they  had  detached,  to  the  territory  of  Assyria  I  brought 
back.  My  officers  as  governors  over  them  I  appointed  ;  30,000 
people  I  carried  away  from  their  cities,  and  in  the  district  of  Ku 
(?)  I  settled.— King,  First  Steps  in  Assyrian,  p.  40. 

Considerable  difficulty  has  been  found  in  the  mention  of  Azaritih's 
name  in  connection  with  Hamath.  How  could  a  king  of  Judah  have 
been  influential  at  this  time  in  the  politics  of  Northern  Syria,  es- 
pecially if  Jeroboam  II.  were  still  alive,  and  Israel  a  great  power  ? 
Then  Uzziah  or  Azariah,  if  alive  at  all,  must  have  been  a  very  aged 
man,  and  a  leper  in  addition,  in  the  days  of  Tiglath-pileser.  An 
attempt  has  been  made  to  identify  the  la-u-di  of  Tiglath-pileser 
with  a  kingdom  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Hamath. — See  the  Article 
by  Mr.  S.  A.  Cook,  Encyclopcedia  Biblica,  and  M'Curdy,  History 
of  Prophecy  and  the  Monuments,  vol.  i.,  p.  ^4 13. 

VIII. 
Menahem  pays  tribute  to  Tiglath-pileser  III.  (2  Kings  xv.  19), 

B.C.  738. 
The  tribute  of  Kustaspi  of  Kummuh,  Rezin  (Ra-sim-nu)  of 
Damascus,  Menahem  (Me-ni-hi-im-me)  of  Samaria,  Hiram  (Hi-ru- 
um-mu)  of  Tyre  (Sura),  Sibitti'i  of  Gebal  [and  of  others  including 
Zabibe  the  Queen  of  Arabia],  gold,  silver,  lead,  iron,  elephants' 
hides,  ivory,  garments  of  variegated  stuffs,  cloth,  purple  wool, 
crimson  wool,  (various)  kinds  of  wood,  every  valuable  thing, 
treasures  of  royalty,  fat  sheep  whose  fleeces  with  crimson  are  dyed, 
birds  of  the  heaven  that  fly,  whose  wings  with  purple  are  dyed, 
horses,  mules,  oxen,  and  sheep,  camels  and  female  ctimels  with  their 
foals  I  received. — Kino,  First  Steps  in  Assyrian,  p.  41. 

IX. 

The  death  of  Pekah  and  the  accession  of  Hoshea  to  the 
Throne  of  Israel.     Tiglath-pileser  III.,  734  b.c. 
The  cities  of  Gal'za  and  Abilakka  which  are  on  the  border  of 
Israel   (Bit   Hu-um-ri-a,   i.e.   the   House  of  Omri)  .  .  .  the  wide- 
spreading  in  its  whole  extent  to  the  territory  of  Assyria  I  restored. 


Appendix 


479 


My  officers  as  governors  over  them  I  appointed.  Hanno  (Ha-a- 
hu-u-nu)  of  Gaza  (Ha-az-za-at-ai)  before  my  arm  fled  and  to  Effvpt 
escaped.  Gaza  (Ha-az-zu-tu)  I  conquered.  His  propertv  his 
possessions,  his  goods  I  carried  off.  The  land  of  Israel  (Bit  Hu-um- 
n-a)  .  .  .  the  whole  of  his  people  together  with  their  possessions  to 
Assyria  I  carried.  Pekah  (Pe-ka -ha)  their  king  they  overthrew, 
and  Hoshea  (A-u-si  )  to  the  kingship  over  them  I  appointed.— 
From  King,  First  Steps  m  Assyrian,  p.  45. 

X. 

The  fall  of  Samaria.  Sargon,  b.c.  722. 
The  city  of  Samaria  (Sa-me-ri-na)  I  besieged,  I  took  ;  27,290  of 
the  people  that  dwelt  therein  I  carried  away  ;  50  chariots  from  them 
1  took  and  the  others  their  share  I  caused  to  take.  My  officer  over 
them  I  appomted,  and  the  tribute  of  the  former  king  I  laid  upon  them 
— From  King,  First  Steps  in  Assyrian,  p.  47. 

XI. 

SaRGON's    campaign    against   AsHDOD,    711    B.C. 

Azuri,  king  of  Ashdod,  to  no  longer  bring  tribute  in  his  heart 
planned,  and  to  the  kings  of  his  neighbourhood  proposals  of  hatred 
against  Assyria  sent.  Because  of  the  evil  he  had  done,  over  the 
people  of  his  land  his  rule  I  changed  and  Ahimite  his  twin  brother 
to  the  kingship  over  them  I  appointed.  The  Hatti  planning 
iniquity  his  rule  hated,  and  latna  with  no  claim  to  the  throne  whS 
like  them  reverence  for  authority  did  not  know,  they  raised  over 
them.  In  the  anger  of  my  heart  with  the  chariot  of  my  feet  and 
my  horses,  which  during  .  .  .  from  my  side  do  not  depart,  to 
Ashdod  his  royal  city  in  haste  I  went,  and  Ashdod,  Gimtu  and 
Asdudunu  I  besieged  ;  I  conquered.  The  gods  that  dwelt  therein, 
himself,  together  with  the  people  of  his  land,  gold,  silver  the 
possessions  of  his  palace  as  booty  I  counted.  Those  cities  anew  I 
took.  People  from  various  land,  the  prisoners  of  my  hands,  therein 
I  settled  ;  my  officer  as  ruler  over  them  I  set  and  with  the  people 
of  Assyria  I  reckoned  them.— i^'rom  King,  First  Steps  in  Assyrian 
p.  48.  ^  ij        * 

XII. 

The  Siloam  Inscription. 

Not  later  than  the  time  of  Hezekiah. 

(2  Kings  XX.   20;    2  Chr.  xxxii.  30;    Isaiah  viii.   6.) 

[Behold]  the  piercing  through  !  and  this  was  the  manner  of  the 
piercing  through.  Whilst  yet  (the  miners  were  lifting  up)  the  pick 
each  towards  his  fellow,  and  whilst  there  were  yet  three  cubits  to  be 
(cut  through,  there  was  heard)  the  voice  of  each  calling  to  his  fellow, 
for  there  was  a  fissure  of  the  rock  on  the  right  hand.   ... 

And  on  the  day  of  the  piercing  through  the  miners  (lit.  hewers) 
smote  each  so  as  to  meet  his  fellow,  pick  against  pick  ;  and  there 
flowed  the  water  from  the  source  to  the  pool,  1200  cubits  ;  and  one 
hundred  cubits  was  the  height  of  the  rock  over  the  head  of  the 
miners. — Driver,  Samuel,  Introd.  p.  xv. 


48o 


Appendix 


Appendix 


481 


XIII. 

Sennacherib  and  Hezekiah,  b.c.  701. 

The  Taylor  Cylinder  in  the  British  Museum  contains  a  record  of 
eight  years  of  the  reign  of  Sennacherib,  including  his  third  expedi- 
tion  against  the  kings^f  Phoenicia  and  Palestine  After  the  defeat 
of  the  Egyptians  at  El-tekeh,  Hezekiah  was  attacked— 

And  ofHezekiah  (Ha-za-ki-a-u)  of  Judah  (la-u-da-ai)  who  had 
not  submitted  to  my  yoke,  forty -six  of  his  strong  cities,  fortresses 
and  small  cities  which  were   around  them,   which  were  without 
number,  with  the  battering  of  rams  and  with  the  assault  of  engmes, 
the  attack  of  foot-soldiers,  of  mines,  breaches,  and  .  .  .  I  »^esieged, 
I  captured,  200,150  people,  small  and  great,  male  and  female,  horses, 
miSes,  ass^s,  camels,  oxen  and  sheep  without  number  from  their 
mM^t  I  brought  out  and  as  spoil  I  counted.     Him  like  a  caged  bird 
within  Jerusllem  (Ur-sa-li-im-mu)  his  royal  city  I  enclosed      En- 
TrencLnents  against  him  I  cast  up,  and  whosoever  came  forth  from 
the  sate  of  his  city  I  punished  his  sin.     His  cities  which  I  had  taken 
rom^  the  m^^t  of^  his  land  I  separated  to  Mitinti,  king  of  Ashdod 
Padi    king  of  Ekron,   and  Sillibel,   kmg  of  Gaza    I  gave  and  I 
diminished  his  land.     Besides  the  former  taxes,  their  yearly  gift, 
S^^te  and  presents  to  my  dominion  I  added  and  fixed  upon  them. 
As  for  him,  Hezekiah,  fear  of  the  majesty  of  my  dommion  over- 
whehned  him   and   the   Urbi   and   his   trusty   warriors,   whom   to 
Ttre^hen  Jerusalem  his  royal  city  he  had  brought  m,  deserted- 
with  30  talents  of  gold,  800  talents  of  silver  (2  Kmgs  ^vm    14) 
precious  stones,  stibium,  great  stones,  couches  of  ivory,  seats  of 
ivory,  elephant-hide,  ivory,  various  woods   divers  objects,  a  heavy 
tre^ire,  and  his  daughters,  the  women  of  his  palace,  male  musicians 
female  musicians  into  Nineveh  the  city  of  my  dommion  after  me  he 
despatched,  and  to  give  tribute  and  to  make  ^^^"^^f  ^«^^^^^^^/ ^^^ 
messenger.— King,   First  Steps  m  Assyrian,  p.   61.     Bai.l,  Light 

from  the  Easty  p.  187. 

^  J.  V . 

The  murder  of  Sennacherib,  b.c.  681. 
On  the  twentieth  day  of  Tebet  Sennacherib  king  of  the  land  of 
Assyria  his  son  in  a  rebellion  slew  him.  For  twenty -three  years 
Sennacherib  the  kingdom  of  Assyria  ruled.  From  the  twentieth 
dS  of  Teb^^^  to  the  second  day  of  Adar  the  rebelUon  of  Assyria  con- 
Wed  On  the  eighteenth  day  of  Sivan  Esarhaddon  (A^ur-ah- 
idZ)  his  son  in  Assyria  on  the  throne  sat.-KiNG,  First  Steps  in 
Assyrian,  p.  67.  . 

The  taking  of  Babylon  by  Cyrus,  b.c.  538. 
He  a  e  Marduk)  sought  out  a  righteous  prince  (Is.  xli.  2)  after  his 
own  heart  (1  Sarn.  xiii.  U),  whom  he  might  take  by  the  hand 
OT  xlv  \)  -Cyrus  king  of  Anshan  he  called  by  his  name  (Is- xlv-  4) 
for  empire  over  the  whole  world  he  proclaimed  his  title  The  land 
of  S,  the  whole  of  the  tribal  hordes  he  forced  into  subm^f^^^^^  at 
h  s  feet  the  men  whom  he  had  delivered  unto  his  hand  with  nght- 
eoulness  a^^^^  he  cared  for  (Is.  xi.  4).  Marduk,  the  great  lord 
thrpr^tector  of  the  people,  his  good  deeds  with  joy  beheld.     To 


i 


his  city  of  Babylon  that  he  should  go  he  commanded,  he  caused  him 
to  take  the  road  to  Babylon  ;  like  a  friend  and  helper  (Is.  xlv.  2) 
he  went  at  his  side.  His  wide -spreading  troops  which,  like  the 
waters  of  a  stream  not  to  be  known  is  the  number,  with  their  weapons 
girt,  advance  at  his  side.  Without  contest  and  battle  he  made  him 
enter  into  Babylon  his  city  ;  Babylon  he  spared  from  tribulation. 
Nabonidus  the  king  that  did  not  fear  him,  he  delivered  into  his 
hand.  The  people  of  Babylon,  all  of  them,  the  whole  of  Sumer  and 
Akkad,  princes  and  governors,  beneath  him  bowed  down,  they  kissed 
his  feet,  they  rejoiced  in  his  kingdom,  bright  was  their  countenance. 
To  the  lord,  who  through  his  strength  raises  to  life  the  dead,  and 
from  destruction  and  misery  had  spared  all,  joyfully  they  paid 
homage,  they  reverenced  his  name.  I  am  Cyrus  (Ku-ra-ash),  king 
of  the  world,  the  great  king,  the  king  of  Babylon,  king  of  Sumer  and 
Akkad,  king  of  the  four  quarters,  son  of  Cambyses  (Ka-am-bu-zi-ia), 
the  great  king,  king  of  Anshan,  the  grandson  of  Cyrus  the  great  king, 
king  of  Anshan,  descendant  of  Teispes  (Shi-ish-pi-ish)  the  great  king, 
king  of  Anshan,  eternal  seed  of  royalty,  of  whom  Bel  and  Nabu  love 
the  reign,  and  for  the  delight  of  their  heart  desired  his  kingdom. 
When  into  Babylon  I  entered,  favourably  and  with  exultation,  and 
with  shouts  of  joy,  in  the  palace  of  the  princes  I  took  up  a  lordly 
dwelling,  Marduk  the  great  lord,  the  great  heart  of  the  Babylonians, 
inclined  to  me  ;  and  daily  do  I  care  for  his  worship.  My  wide- 
spreading  troops  into  Babylon  advance  in  peace.  The  whole  of 
Sumer  and  Akkad,  the  great  race,  no  trouble  I  caused  to  have.  For 
the  affliction  of  Babylon  and  all  its  cities  thoroughly  did  I  care. 
And  the  gods  of  Sumer  and  Akkad  which  Nabonidus  to  the  anger  of 
the  gods  had  brought  into  Babylon,  at  the  word  of  Marduk,  the  great 
lord,  in  (their)  entirety  in  their  own  shrines  did  I  cause  to  take  up 
the  habitation  of  their  hearts'  delight.  May  all  the  gods  whom  I 
have  brought  into  their  own  cities  daily  befofe  Bel  and  Nabu  for  the 
lengthening  of  my  days  pray,  let  them  speak  the  word  for  my  good 
fortune  and  unto  Marduk  my  lord  let  them  say,  "  May  Cyrus  the 
king  that  feareth  thee,  and  Cambyses  his  son  have  prosperity." — 
King,  First  Steps  in  Assyrian,  p.  102. 

XVI. 

The  taking  of  Babylon  by  Cyrus.     (Another  account.) 

In  the  month  Tamrauz  Cyrus  a  battle  in  Upe  on  the  banks  of  the 
Zalzallat  against  the  forces  of  Akkad  when  he  had  waged,  the  people 
of  Akkad  he  conquered  ;  when  they  rallied  (?)  the  people  he  slew. 
On  the  fourteenth  day  Sippar,  without  fighting,  was  taken. 
Nabonidus  (Nabu-na'id)  fled.  On  the  sixteenth  day  Ugbaru,  the 
governor  of  Gutium,  and  the  soldiers  of  Cyrus,  without  fighting,  into 
Babylon  entered.  Afterwards  Nabonidus  when  into  Babylon  .  .  . 
was  taken  captive.  .  .  .  Peace  for  the  city  was  established  ;  Cyrus 
peace  to  Babylon,  the  whole  of  it,  proclaimed.  Gubaru,  his 
governor,  as  governor  in  Babylon  he  appointed,  and  from  the 
month  Kislev  to  the  month  Adar,  the  gods  of  Akkad,  which 
Nabonidus  to  Babylon  had  brought  down,  and  their  own  cities 
returned. — King,  First  Steps  in  Assyrian,  p.  112. 


Index  483 


Index. 


Aabon,   xxix,  xxxvii-ix,   49-51, 

69,    77-8,    82,    84,    86-7,    224, 

432,  467 
Ab©l    xxxiv    6 
Abiathar,  xlv,  157,  179,  182,  184, 

186,  193,  195,  200 
Abigail,  159-60,  166 
Abijah,  228 
Abimelech,  king  of  Grerar,  xxxv, 

20,  35,  415 
Abimelech,  son  of  Gideon,  xlii, 

118-19,  437,  441 
Abishag,  184,  186 
Abishai,  159,  167,  175,  179,  181, 

183,  449 
Abner,  xliv,  159,  165-9,  447 
Abrfitham,  xxxiv-v,  17,  19,  22-6, 

57,  78,  414,  417 
Absalom,  xliv,  177-81,  450 
Achan,  xli,  97,  434,  435 
Achiachanis,  Ixv 
Achish,  160 

Achor,  Valley  of,  97,  435 
Actium  battle,  377 
Adam,  xxxiv 
Adam  on  the  Jordan,  95 
Adonijah,  xlv,   184-6,   193,   195, 

451 
Adoniram,  206,  220 
Adonizedek   ( Adonibezek) ,    111, 

417,  437 
Agag,  xliv,  152-3,  434,  446 
Agrippa,  friend  of  Augustus,  377 
Ahab  (king),  xlvi,  232,  234-40, 

247-9 
Ahab  (prophet),  319 
Ahasuenis,  lix,  348-9,  469 
Ahaz  ( Jehoahaz),  xlviii,  li,  265-8, 

293    295 
Ahazikh,  xlvi,  232,  236,  242,  254 
Ahijah  the  Shilonite,  xlvi,  212, 

215,  218,  219,  223,  226,  454 
Ahimaaz,  181,  182 
Abimelech,    156-7 
Ahitophel,  179-81,  450 

482 


Ai,  xli,  97-8,  436 

Akabah,  Gulf  of,  xxxix,  71,  87, 

199,  424,  428 
Akkad,  15,  481 
Alcimus,  High  Priest,  370 
Alexander  the  Great,  212,  316, 

362,  465 
Alexander  Jannaeus,  373 
Alexandra,   Queen,   373 
altars,  74,  80,  106,  183,  207,  225, 

229,  238,   269,  295,  330,  429, 

431,438,440,446 
Amalekites,  xxxvii,  xliv,  21,  72, 

84,  151-2,  166-7,  434 
Amasa,  181-3 
Amaziah  (king),  xlvii,  266 
Amaziah  (priest),  260 
Amenemhat  I.,  57 
Amenophis,  61,  475 
Ammonites,  xliv,  lii,  21,  25,  106- 

7,  143,  175,  181,  197,  282,  325, 

347,     354,      444,     447,     450, 

457 
Amnon,  xliv,  177 
Amon,  298,  300 
Amorites,  xxxix,  20,  21,  88,  99, 

295    416 
Amos'  lii,  223,  242,  251,  256-60, 

266,  270,  296,  297  ;    Book  of, 

xxii,  h,  lii,  256,  326  ;   quoted, 

297 
Amraphel,  21,  415 
Anathoth,  186,  300,  307,  321 
Angel  of  Jehovah,  79,  89,  115-16, 

121,  440 
Antigonus,  377 
Antiochus  Epiphanes,  Ix,  Ixviii, 

365  ff.,  370 
Antiochus  the  Great,  366 
Antipater,  374 
Apocalyptic  heaven,  382 
Apocrypha,  Ixiii-lxix,  360,  386 
Apollonius,  369 
Araimah  (Oman),  xlv,  Ixii,  204, 

210,  453 


H 


I 


Aristeas  letter,  362,  384 
Aristobulus,  374 
Ark,  80-1,  84,  86,  95, 128-32, 133- 
4,  134-5,  173-4,  183,  208,  304, 
306,  361,  430,  431 
Amon,  xxxix,  88 
Artaxerxes  (Longimanus)  Ix,  Ixi, 

347,  350,  352,  469 
Asa,  xlvi,  228,  231,  246,  456,  457 
Asahel,  xliv,  167-8 
Ashdod,  133,  281,  282,  354,441, 

460,  479,  480 
Asher  (tribe),  113,  200,  270,  286, 

419,  441 
asherah,  116,  228,  229,  295,  304 
Ashkelon,  282,  464 
Ashteroth-Kamaim,  21,  416 
Ashtoreth  (pi.   Ashtaroth),  xlii 
Asmodeus,  demon,  Ixv 
Asshur-bani-pal,  liv,  2,  298,  300, 

464,  469 
Asshur-nazirpal,   256,   459 
Assidaeans,  369,  370,  396 
Assyria,  xlvii,  xhx,  10,  256,  263, 

265,  269-70,  274-98,  309 
Astyages,  337,  467 
Athahah,  xlvii,  239,  265-6 
Athens,    Old   man   of,   suggests 

persecution  of  Jews,  368 
Augustus,  376,  377 
avenger  of  blood,  76,  117-18,  178 
Azariah  (king),  see  Uzziah 
Azariah  (prophet),  228 

Baai.  (pi.  Baalim)  worship,  xlii ; 

in   Israel,   xlvi,    235-41,    255, 

262  ;   in  Judah,  265,  286,  295, 

296,  438 
Baal-peor,  xxxix,  91,  433 
Baal-perazim,  449 
Baal-zephon,  426 
Baasha,  xlvi,  227,  228,  231,  246 
Babel,  xxxiv,  8-9,  12,  218,  412 
Babylon,  1,  Ix,  298,  309-15,  335- 

6,  338  ;  Jews  in,  314,  325,  337, 

348,  480,  481 
Babylonia,  2,  10-11,314,325,461 
Babylonian  influence  in   Pales 

tine,  20 
Bacchides,  370 
Bagoses,  362 
Bagoas  the  eunuch,  Ixvii  | 


Balaam,  xxxix,  89-91,  218,  433 
banditti,  262,  287 
Barak,  xlii,  113-14,  270 
Baruch,  xlix,  312,  322,  324 
Bamch,  Book  of,  Ixv 
BarziUai,  181,  182,  211  ;   his  de- 
scendants, 185,  342 
Bashan,  xxxix,  105 
Bathsheba,  176,  184,  185,  451 
Beersheba,  xliii,  42,  137,  205,  229 

259,  345,  415 
Bel  and  the  Dragon,  Ixiv 
Belshazzar,  lix,  338,  468 
Benaiah,  xlv,   175,  185 
Ben-hadad,     xlv,     231,     246-7. 

252-3,  457 
Benjamin,  33,  41,  44 
Benjamites,    xlii,    111-12,    113, 
140,   144,   183,  200,   221,  271 
Bethel,  xxxiv,  xxxv,  xlv,  xlvii, 
lii,  29,  33,  38,  142,  205,  222, 
223,  224,  225,  226,  259,  304, 
415 
Beth-horon,  99,  145,  369,  476 
Beth-horon  the  nether,  201 
Bethlehem,     xxxvi,    Iviii,     148, 

156,  345,  421,  444 
Beth-shemesh,   443 
Bethulia,  Ixvi 
Bilhah,  30,  34,  430 
Bitter  Lakes,  426 
Boaz  and  Jachin,   pillars,   206, 

453 
Boaz  of  Bethlehem,  Iviii,  126-7 
Book  of  the  Covenant,   xxxvii, 

64,  74,  259,  270,  297,  302-3 
Brazen  Serpent,  87,  287,  294 
Bull-worship,  xxxiv,   78,   223-4, 
262,  430 


Cain,  xxxiv,  6-7,  11,  218,  364-6. 

409-11 
Caleb,  83,  102,  110-11,  432,  434, 

437 
Cambyses,  father  of  Cyrus,  337 
Cambyses,    son   of   Cyrus,    344, 

468,  481 
Canaan,  son  of  Ham,  8 
Canaanites,  xxiv,   15,  21-2,  54, 

55,   84,   87,   101,   102,   111-14, 

125,  198,  201,  203.  207,  221, 

230,  244,  272,  416,  437 


484 


Index 


Captivity,  xlviii,  316-36 
Carchemish,  xlix,  288,  308,  309, 

318 
Carmel,  Mt.,  237-8 
Cassius,  376 
chariots,  55,  56,   102,   114,   198, 

201,  228,  248,  256,  267,  427 
Chedorlaomer,  xxxv,  18-19,  21, 

415 
Chemosh,  77,  107,  213,  230,  295, 

435    457 
Cherethites,  179,  183,  185 
Chronicles,   Books  of,   Ixi,   360, 

380 
chronology,   19,  62,  413 
confusion  of  tongues,  12 
Crassus,  375 
Creation,   accounts   of,   xv-xvii, 

2-3,  406,  407 
Cushan-rishathaim,  111,  439 
Cyrus,   xlviii,   xlix,   lix,    337-40, 

343,  344,  467,  480-81 
Cyrus,  grandson  of,  467 

Damascus,  lii,  liv,  247,  252,  256, 

269,  459, 477 
Damascus  Covenanters,  399 
Dan,  124,  222,  223,  224,  226,  231, 

441 
Daniel,  lix,  Ixiv  ;    Book  of,    lix, 

348   382 
Danites,  xlii,  113,  119-24 
Darius  Hystaspes,   li,   liii,   344, 

349,  469 
Darius  Codomannus,   363 
Darius  the  Mede,  lix 
Dathan,  Abiram,  and  On,  xxxix, 

85,  108,  432 
David,  xliv-v,  Ixii,  148-92,  194, 

195,   196,   198,  200,  204,  445, 

448,  450,  451  ;    his  character, 

187-92 
Day  of  Atonement,  xxxviii 
Deborah  (nurse),  xvi,  33,  420 
Deborah  (prophetess),  xlii,  109, 

113-14 
Demetrius  of  Phalerum,  362,  384 
Deuteronomists,  xxi,  xxviii,  65, 

98,  203,  205 
Deuteronomy,  xxvi,  xl,  92,  297, 

326,  463-464 
Dinah,  xxxvi,  30,  419 


Dothan,  34,  252 
drunkenness,   8,   130,   228,   260, 
262,  264,  272 


Ebal,  xli,  98 
Ebenezer,   xlii,   444 
Ecbatana,  Ixv 
Ecclesiastes,  Iviii,  383 
Ecclesiasticus,  Ixvii,  383,  388 
Eden,  Garden  of,  xxxiv,  3,  6,  408 
Edna,   Ixvi 
Edom,  xxxvi,  xxxix,  xlv,  xlvi, 

lii,  86,  91,  175,  195,  244-6,  282, 

318,  341,  419 
Edomites,  25,  29,  86,  199,  266, 

325,  345,  347,  449 
Eglon   in   South   Palestme,   99, 

100 
Eglon,  king  of  Moab,  111-12 
Egypt,  xxxvi,  xlix,   39-68,  218, 

263,  278-81,  298,  309,  461 
Ehud,  xlii,  112 
Ekron,  242,  282,  480 
Elah,  228,  232 
Elasa  battle,  370 
Elath  (Eloth),  199,  246 
Eldad  and  Medad,  82,  434 
elders,  the  seventy,  77,  81-2 
Eleazar,  xl,  72,  86,  442 
Eleazar  the  Pharisee,   372 
Eli,  xliii,  128-33,  442 
Eliakim,  276,  290-91 
Eliashib,  354,  357,  362 
Elijah,  xlvi,  Ixii,  26,  223,  232, 
235-43,  252,  270,  271,  272,  430 

Elim,  xxxvii,  71  '^    ^ 

Elisha,  xlvi,  xlvii,  223,  239,  245, 
249-53,   270,   272 

Elishama,  312 

Elohists,  xix,  xxviii,  18,  63 

El-tekeh,  battle  of,  282,  480 

Emmaus  battle,  369 

Enoch,  xxxiv,  13  ;  Book  of,  411, 
413 

Enoch,  Books  of,  393 

Ephes-dammim,  battle  of,  147-9 

ephod, 124,  132,  166,  443 

Ephraim,  xxxvi,  42 

Ephraimites,  xH,  xlv,  106-7,  113, 
115,  140,  200,  218,  221,  271, 
272,  442 

Epiphanius.   385 


Index 


485 


Esar-haddon,  270,  298,  325,  342, 

469 
Esau,  xxxv,  xxxvi,  27-9,  32-3 
Esdras,    First    Book    of,    Ixiii ; 

Second  Book  of,  Ixviii,  395 
Essenes,  396 

Esther,  Book  of,  lix,  348-9,  380 
Etham,  xxxvii,  426 
Evil-Merodach,  xlvii 
Exodus,  Book  of,  xxxvi- viii,  297 
Exodus,  the,  53-6,  71 
Ezekiel,  xxvii,  315,  319-21,  326- 

31,  430,  435  ;    Book  of,  1-li 
Ezra,  Ix,  Ixi,  350-2,  357-9 
Ezra-Nehemiah,  Ix,  341,  343,  352 

Fall,  12,  408 

Fathers,  Sayings  of  the,  390 

feasts,  75 

first-bom,  law  of,  75 

Flood,  XV,  xvi,  xxxiv,  4-5, 12, 409 

Gaal,  119,  440 
Gad  (seer),  215 
Gadites,  xxxix,  xH,  92,  105,  109, 

246,271,419 
Galilee,  210,  269 
Gamaliel,  or  Gamliel,  391 
Gaza,  lii,  197,  198,  480 
Gebal,  282 

Gedaliah,  xlvii,  xlix,  323-4,  340 
Gehazi,  250 
Genesis,  Book  of,  xv-xviii,  xxxiv 

vi,  1-45  ;    quoted,  297 
Gemariah,  312 

geography,  Hebrew  ideas  of,  14 
Gerizim,  xh,  98,  368,  371 
Gershom,  72 
Geshem  (Gashmu),   355 
Gezer,  196,  201,  452 
Gibbethon,  228 
Gibeah,  xlii,  112,  444 
Gibeon,  98-9,  197,  324,  476 
Gibeonites,  xli,  xlv,   98-9,   170, 

179-80 
Gideon,   xHi,    106,    115-18,   270, 

429,  440,  442-3 
Gihon,  185,  204,  452 
Gilboa,  battle  of,  xliv,   161-2 
Gilead,  106-7,  236 
Gilgal,  xliv,  96,  99,  144-5,  151, 

205,  249,  259,  434,  442 


Golden  Calf,  77,  224,  432,  455, 

467 
Goliath,  xliv,  148-9,  445-6 
Goshen,  xxxvi,  42,  54,  422,  423, 

426 
Greek  thought,  379,  383,  387 
Gudea,  inscriptions  of,  20-1,  416 
Gynuiasium  in  Jerusalem,  367 


Habakkuk,  liv,  Ixv,  309 
Hadad  (of  Edom),  195-7 
Hadad-ezer,  175,  195,  246 
Hagar,  xxxv,  24,  430 
Haggai,  liii,  343,  344,  470  ;  Book 

of,  xxix,  liii 
Ham,  xxxiv,  8,  14,  57 
Haman,  lix,  348-9 
Hamath,  liv,  196,  197,  256,  277, 

291,  478 
Hananiah,  319 
Hannah,  130-1,  442 
Hanum,  king  of  Gaza,  277 
Hanun,  king  of  Ammon,   175 
Hasmonaeans,  204,  332,  368  ff. 
Hattush,  350 
Hazael,  xlvi,  239,  252,  253,  256, 

260,  266,  477 
Hebron,  xxxiv,  xliv,  Ixii,  99,  100, 

102,  111,  167,   170,   171,  179, 

205,  431 
Heliodorus,  Ixix 
Heliopolis,  59-60 
Hermon,  Mt.,  88 
Herod,  204,  217,  332 
Herod  the  Great,   375 
Herodotus,  270,  290 
Hexateuch,  xli 
Hezekiah,  xlvii,  xlviii-ix,  li,  275- 

93,   297,   312,   460,   401,   462, 

467,  480 
higher  criticism,  xiii 
Hilkiah,  302,  463 
Hillel,  391 
Hinnom,  Valley  of,  295,  303,  311, 

452 
Hiram,  xliv,  xlv,  198,  205-6,  209- 

10,  452 
historical  problems,  257-8 
Hittites,  20,  22,  198,  415 
Hobab,  xxxix,  80,  111 
Holophemes,  Ixvi 

2n 


486 


Index 


Index 


487 


Hophni  and  Phineas,  131-3 

Hor,  Mt.,  xxxix,  87 

Horeb,  xxxvii,  xlvi,  47,  79,  239, 

252,  428 
Horites,  21,  419 
Hormah,   xxxix 

horses,  198,201,  248,  265,  267,291 
Hosea,  xxviii,  242,  253,  257,  261- 

3,  270,  296,  326,  435,  459,  463  ; 

Book  of,  lii  ;   quoted,  297 
Hoshea,  lii,  269,  280-1,  459,  478 
Huldah,  302-3 
Huram-abi,  206 
Hushai,   179-80 
Hyksos,  58,  61,  62 
Hyrcanus,  son  of  Joseph,  364 
Hyrcanus,  John,  Ixix,  371,  373 
Hyrcanus  II,  374 

Iddo  (seer),  215 

Immanuel,  268 

inscriptions,    20,    62,    233,    248, 

277,  278,   283,   310,  337,   4.>5, 

475-81 
inspiration,  xiv,  xviii,  16 
Isaac,  XXXV,  xxxvi,  25,  27,  78, 

414,  417,  418 
Isaiah,  xxviii,  264-9,   276,   295, 

326,  463  ;    Book  of,  xlviii-ix, 

335,  435  ;    quoted,  297 
Isaiah  II.,  315,  338 
Ishbosheth,    xliv,    165,    167-70, 

447,  448 
Ishmael,  son  of  Abraham,  xxxv, 

24,  25,  417,  418 
Ishmael,    son   of   Nethaniah,    1, 

323-4 
Ishmaelites,  35 
Israel  in  Egypt,  39-56 
Israel,    kingdom    of,    xlvi-xlvii, 

lii,  217-73 
Issachar,    30;     the    tribe,    113, 

200,  419 
Ittai,  179,  181 

Jabesh-Gilead,   112,   143,   162, 

169,  444,  447 
Jabin,  xli,  113 
Jacob,   xxxv-vi,   27-34,    42,   78, 

108,  246,  272,  414,  420 
Jaddua,  High  Priest,  363 
Jael,  114,  439 


Jair,  xlii,  88,  105,  433 
Japheth,  xxxiv,  8,  14,  412 
Jashar,  Book  of,  xxiii,  433,  436 
Jason,   High  Priest,   367 
Jason  of  Cyrene,  historian,  360 
Jebusites,  20,  171,  204 
Jehoahaz  (Shallum),  xlix,   308 
Jehoahaz  of  Israel,  255,  256 
Jehoash,  xlvii,  266 
Jehoiachin  (  =  Jeconiah,  Coniah), 

xlvii,  1,  li,  313-14,  319 
Jehoiada,  265,  270,  319 
Jehoiakim  (  =Eliakim),  xlix, 308, 

313,317,  319 
Jehonadab    (Jonadab),    son    of 

Rechab,  253,  255,  313 
Jehoram  (Joram)  of  Israel,  232, 

236,  245,  254,  269 
Jehoram  (Joram)  of  Judah,  239, 

246 
Jehoshaphat    (king),    xlvi,    239, 

245,  248,  456,  457 
Jehoshaphat  (recorder),  200 
Jehosheba,  265 
Jehovist,  xix,  xxviii,  18,  63,  65, 

214,  218 
Jehu    (king),    xlvi,    253-0,    265, 

458,  477 
Jehu,  son  of  Hanani,  228 
Jephthah,  xhi,  106-8,270,438,447 
Jerahmeelites.   110,   271 
Jeremiah,     297,     298-324,     326, 

463,  464  ;    Book  of,  xHx-1 
Jeremy,  Epistle  of,  Ixv 
Jericho,  xH,  95-7,  111,  235,  243, 

249,  322,  354,  435 
Jeroboam  I,  xlv,  xlvi,  212,  218- 

28,  454,  455 
Jeroboam   II,    xlvii,   li,   lii,   liv, 

255-7,  259,  260 
Jerome,  385 
Jerubbaal,    Jerubbesheth  = 

Gideon,  q.v. 
Jerusalem,  xlvii,  xlix,  li,  liii,  Iv, 

Ix,  Ixi,  22,  99,  111,  172,  174, 

179,   182,  201,  204,  205,  207, 

221,  222,  223,  227,  233,  256, 

267,    275,    283,    285,    287-93, 

295,  299,  302-3,  304,  318,  320, 

321,  326,  352-4,  356,  377 
Jeshua    (Joshua),    high    priest, 
I       liii,  341,  344,  346 


/ 


Jesus  the  son  of  Sirach,  Ixvii,  362 
Jethro,  47,  72,  80,  428 
Jezebel,  xlvi,  235,  238,  239,  240, 

254,  458 
Jezreel,  102,  238,  254,  255 
Joab,  xliv,  xlv,  167,  171,  175-86, 

193,   195,   448 
Joacim,  High  Priest,  Ixvi 
Joah,  son  of  Asaph,  290 
Joash,  253,  255,  256,  265-6 
Job,  Book  of,  Ivii,  334-5,  381 
Johanan,  son  of  Kareah,  1,  324 
John  the  Baptist,  400 
Jonah,  liv,  251,  256,  271  ;   Book 

of,   liv 
Jonathan,    High    Priest,    Ixviii, 

371 
Jonathan,  son  of  Abiathar,  181, 

185 
Jonathan,  son  of  Saul,  xliii,  xliv, 

144-7,  153-6,   162-4,  443 
Joel,  Book  of,  liii 
Jordan,  95,  242-3,  251,  434 
Joseph,  son  of  Tobias,  364 
Joseph,  xxxvi,  30,  34-45,  421 
Josephus,    xxix,    61,    202,    204, 
207,  360,  397,  409,  411,  418, 
423,  426,  429,  435,   465 
Joshua,    xxxvii,    xxxviii,    xli-ii, 
26,  72,  78,  79,  82,  92,  94-104, 
270,  431,  434,  430,  437 
Josiah,  xlvii,  xlix,  li,  224,  270, 
298,  300,  302-8,  402,  463,  464 
Jotham,  xlviii,  li,  266,  453 
Judah,    xxxvi,    30,    34,    35,    41, 
419,  422  ;  tribe,  xli,  102,  109- 
11,  221,  432,  439;    kingdom, 
xlvi-xlviii,  lii,  Ixii,  216,  228-32, 
244,     265,     274-315  ;      during 
captivity,  1,  316-36  and  nn.  ; 
the  Return,  337-59  and  nn. 
Judaism,  li,  316,  328,  350 
Judas  the  Maccabee,  Ixviii,  369 
Judges,  105  ;  Book  of,  xlii,  105-25 
Judgment,  final,  379,  380 
Judith,  Book  of,  Ixvi 
Judith,  Ixvi 
Justin  Martyr    385 

Kadesh,    xxxix,    81,    83-5,    88, 

100,  432 
Kamak,  466,  476 


Keilah,  167 

Kenites,  20,  80,  110,  271,  431 

Kenizzites,  20,  437 

Keturah,  xxxv,  25,  414,  418 

Khammurabi,  21 

Kibroth-hattaavah,    xxxix,    82, 

431 
Kings,  Books  of,  xlv-vii 
Kiriath-sepher  (Debir),  100,  111 
Kirjath-jearim,  xliii,   134-6,  174 
Korah,  xxxix,  85,  432 

Laban,   xxxv,   29-31,   246,   414, 

420 
labour,  enforced,  46,  50,  99,  138, 
175,  201,  203,  206,  211,  212, 
220,  223,  232 
Lachish,  99,  100,  283,  317 
Laenas  Pompitius,  367 
Lamech,  6,  7,  11,  413 
Lamentations,   Iviii 
Law,   xxxiv-xl,   379  ;     Book  of, 

xlvii,  302-3,  357,  379 
Law  of  Holiness,  xxviii,  xxxviii, 

464,  471 
Laws,  75,  76 
Leah,  xxxv,  30 
Levi,  xxxvi,  30,  33,  34,  420 
Levites,  xxxv^iii,  xxxix,  Ixi,  79, 
86,    110,    179,   221,   223,   224, 
330-1,  341,  346,  350,  358,  439 
Leviticus,  xxviii,  xxxviii,  297 
Libnah,   100,  291 
Lot,  xxxv,  24 
lots,  casting,  97,  102 
Lysias,   369 

Maachah,  queen-mother,  228 
Maachah,  wife  of  David,  177 
Maccabees,  First  book,  Ixviii,  360 
Maccabees,    Second   book,    Ixix, 

360 
Machpelah,  xxxv,  xxxvi 
Magnesia  battle,  366 
Mahanaim,  xxxv,  31,  165,  181-2, 

185,  229,  449,  450 
Makkedah,  99 
Malachi,  xxix,  347    359  ;    Book 

of,  Iv 
Manasseh  (king),  xlvii,  Ixv,  294- 

8,  464 


488 


Index 


Index 


489 


Manasseh,  son  of  Joseph,  xxxvi, 

40 
Manasseh,  high  priest,  363 
Manassites,    xh,    109,    113,    116, 

271,  286 
mandrake,  419 
manna,  xxxvii,  71-2,  81,  428 
Marah,  xxxvii,  71 
Mariamne,  377 
Mark  Antony,  376 
massacres  :    Canaanites,    100-1  ; 

IsraeUte  prophets,   236,   241  ; 

Baal  prophets,  238,  241  ;  Baal 

worshippers,  253,  255  ;  priests, 

157 
Massah,  xxxvii,  432 
Matteui,  priest  of  Ba^,  265-6 
Mattathias,  Ixviii,   368 
Megiddo,  xlvii,  113,  201,  308,  476 
Megilloth,  Ivii 

Melchizedek,  xxxv,  22,  47,  417 
Melkarth,  237 
Memphis,  58,  263,  280 
Menahem,  lii,  260,  265,  458,  479 
Menelaus,  High  Priest,  367 
Menephtah  II,  xxix,  1,  406,  476 
Mephibosheth  (Merib-baal),  180, 

182 
Meribah,  xxxvii,  xxxix,  84,  432 
Merodach,  310 
Merodach   Baladan,   xlvii,   xlix, 

277-80,  282,  460,  462 
Mesha,  245,  435,  456-7,  476 
Meshullam,   354 
Mesopotamia,  xxxv,  22,  23,  39, 

338 
Messiah,  335 
Messianic  hopes,  403 
Mithradates,    375 
Micah,  an  Ephraimite,  xlii,  124 
Micah  (prophet),  xxviii,  hi,  264, 

275,  297-8,  326  ;    Book  of,  lii, 

69;    quoted,   297,   311 
Micaiah,  son  of  Gemariah,  312 
Micaiah,  son  of  Imlah,  248-9, 458 
Michal,  154,  179 
Michmash,  War  of,  145-7,  445 
Midian,  Land  of,  xxxvii,  47,  423, 

428 
Midianites,  xxxix,  35,  39,  91,  106 

115-18,  120,  423,  432,  438-9 
Migdol,  426,  463 


Milcom,  295 

miracles,  xxx-ii,  56,  95-6' 

Miriam,  xxxix,  54,  69,  82,  84 

Mishna,  390 

Mizpah,  31,  354 

Mizpeh,  369 

Moab,  xliv,  lii,  Iviii,  87-91,  93, 

111-12,   175,   197,  234,  244-6, 

282,  318,  476 
Moabites,    xxxix,    xlvi,    21,    25, 

112,  120,  232,  310,  325,  341, 

347,  457 
Moabite  Stone,  xxii,  xxix,  234, 

244-6,  435,  450,  454,  455,  457 
Modin,  368 

Moloch,  213,  268,  303 
Mond  papyri,  466 
monotheism,  270,  413 
Mordecai,  lix,  348-9 
Moresheth-Gath,  lii,  275 
Moses,  xxxvii-xl,  15,  46-93,  108, 

270,  423,  432,  434,  441 
music,  influence  of,  54,  153,  245 

Naaman,  xlvi,  211,  251 
Nabal,  159-60,  210 
Nabonidus,  337-8,  416,  481 
Nabo-polassar,  298,  309 
Naboth,  xlvi,  240 
Nadab  and  Abihu,  xxxviii,  11] 
Nadab  (king),  228,  232 
Nahash  the  Ammonite,  xliii,  113 
Nahum,  Book  of,  liv,  298 
Naphtali  (tribe),  200,  206,  419 
naphthar,  discovered  by  Nehe- 

miah,  Ixix 
Nathan  (prophet),  xliv,  xlv,  176, 

183-5,  214,  451 
Nebo,  Mt.,  92,  242 
Nebuchadnezzar,    xlvii,    1,    lix, 

309,  310,  313,  315,  317-23,  340, 

345,  348,  465 
Nebuzaradan,   323 
Negeb,  xxxiv,  93,  110,  111 
Nehemiah,  Ix,  Ixi,  Ixix,  331,  346, 

350,   352-7,   470 
Nehushta,  queen-mother,  313 
Nehushtan,  287,  433 
Nethinim,  341,  350-1 
Nicanor,  369,  370 
NUe,  39,  46,  61 
Nimrod,  8,  212,  412,  413 


i 

■' 
:  ^' 

% 

i  i 


I 

y 


■I 


Nineveh,  liv,  2,  277, 298,  464, 480 
Noah,  XV,  xxxiv,  5-6,  8,  12,  412 
Nob,  157,  443 
Numbers,  Book  of,  xxxviii-xl 

Obadiah,  Ahab's  vizier,  236,  237 

Obadiah,  Book  of,  liii 

Obed-Edom,  174 

Og,  xxxix,  88,  433 

Omri,  xlvi,  218,  228,  232-5,  449, 

456,  476 
Ophir,   199,  201 
Othniel,  xlii,  110,  111,  270 

Pakan,  Wilderness  of,  xxxix,  82 

Parthians,  374 

Pashhur,  321 

Passover,    xxxvii,    xxxix,    Ivii, 

52-3,  63-8,  285-6,  345 
Paul,  St.,  307,  327,  466 
Pekah,  lii,  260,  266,  268-9,  276, 

459,  478 
Pekahiah,  Ui,  260 
Pelethites,  179,  183,  185 
Pentateuch,  xh,  331,  359 
Pentecost,  Ivii 

Penuel,  xxxv,  47,  106,  117,  229 
Pharaoh  :     of    the    Oppression, 

45-6,     62;      of    the    Exodus, 

xxxvii,    49-55,    62 ;     ally    of 

Solomon,   195 
Pharaoh -Necho,  xlvii,  xlix,  308, 

309,  318,  464 
Pharisees,  332,  372,  401 
Philistines,  xlii,  xliii,  xliv,  120, 

132-74,    199,    244,    264,    278, 

282-3,  415,  445,  448,  449 
Philo,  385,  396,  398 
Phinehas,   106,   112 
Phoenicians,  198,  199,  205-6,  230, 

303 
Pianki,  280,  281,  461 
pillars,  29,  222,  229,  262,  323 
Pisgah,  87 
Pithom,  xxxvi,  421 
plagues  of  Egypt,  xxxvii,  50-53 
Phny,  398 

polygamy,  76,  202-3 
polytheism,  230 
Pompey,   374 
Poor  righteous,  382-3 
Prayer  of  Manasses,  Ixv 


Priestly  School,  xxvii-viii,  Ixi, 
13,  55,  65,  73,  77,  91,  361 

priests,  xxvii,  47,  65,  95,  135, 
166-7,  200,  221-3,  225,  304-5, 
328,  331,  341,  350,  351 

Prophets,  xxxiii,  xli-lv 

Proverbs,  Book  of,  Ivii,  215-16 

psalmody,  346 

psalms  attributed  to  David,  192 

Psalms,  Book  of,  Ivi 

Psammetichus,  301,  466 

Ptolemy  Epiphanes,   364 

Ptolemy  Lagus,  363,  384 

Ptolemy  Philopator,  366,  384 

Pul,  260,  459 

Purim,  Feast  of,  Ivii,  lix,  Ixiv, 
349,  380 

Qahqaba,  battle  of,  248,  256, 477 

Rabbath-Ammon,  88,  175,  181 
rabbis,  219,  359 
Rabbinical  teaching,  390 
Rab-saris  (title),  290 
Rab-shakeh     (title),     290,     293, 

294,  462 
Rachel,  xxxv,  xxxvi,  29-33,  38, 

430,  444 
Raguel,  Ixv 

Rahab,  95,  97,  110,  435 
Ramah,   138,  231,  443,  444 
Rameses  II,  60,  423 
Rameses  III,  441 
Ramoth-Gilead,  xlvi,  248-9,  254 
Raphael  Angel,  Ixv 
Raphia,  battle  of,  277,  280-1,  460 
Rebekah,  xxxv,  28,  29 
Rechabites,  1,  236,  313,  458 
Recompense  after  death,  382 
Red   Sea,    xxxvii,   xxxix,    64-6, 

70,  84,  195,  199,  245,  268,  426 
Rehoboam,    xlv,    219-22,    228, 

454,  455 
Rephaim,  21,  445 
Rephidim,  72 
Rest  of  Esther,  Ixiv 
Resurrection,  379 
Return  from  Captivity,  337,  340 
Reuben,  30,  34,  43,  419,  422,  438 
Reubenites,  xxxix,  xli,   85,   92, 

106,  108,  113,  246 
Reuel  (Raguel),  xxxix,  80,  428 


490 


Index 


revelation,  xxxi,  424 

Rezon  (Rezin),  195-6,  246,  265, 

268,  276,  478 
Riblah,  308,  323 
riddles,  209 
River   of   Egypt   (el-Arish),    53, 

197 
Romans,  366-373 
Ruth,  110,  126-7  ;   Book  of,  Iviii 

250 

Sabbath,    xxxvii-viii,    75,    329, 

357,  36S,  380 
sacrifices,   xxi,   xxxviii,   65,   74, 

115,  151,  229,  259,   285,  342; 

human,    108,     152-3,    179-80, 

230-1,  245,  295-6,  303 
Sadducees,  372,  400 
Salem,  22,  371 
Samaria,     xlvi-vii,     Iv,     233-4, 

249,  252,  259,  260,  269,  270, 

274,  288,  326,  341,  460,  461,479 
Samaritans,  xlvii,  Ix,  341-3,  347 

402,  469 
Samson,  xlii,   120-3,  270,  441 
Samuel,  xliii,   130-55,   161.   200, 

270,  442,  444,  446,  447  ;  Books 

of,  xliii-v  ;  quoted,  297 
Sanballat,    Ixi,  353-5;    another, 

363 
Sara,    Ixv 

Sarah,  22-4,  418,  430 
Sargon  of  Akkad   20,  412 
Sargon    of    Assyria,    xlix,    269, 

277-82,  292,  325,  416,  459-62, 

469  479 
Saul,  xliii,  139-63,  200,  270,  429, 

434,  436,  443-4,  446,  447 
Scythians,  liii,  301-2,  464 
Sects  in  Judaism,  395 
seers,  136 

Seleucus  Nicator,  363 
Sennacherib,     xlvii,     xlix,     275, 

277,    282-92,    294,    298,    325, 

460,  462,  466,  480 
Septuagint,   384 
Seraiah   chief  priest,  323 
Serbonian  bog,  53-4 
Seron,  369 
Seth,  xxxiv 
Seti  I,  60,  62 
Shallum  (king),  lii,  260 


Shallimi,  ruler  in  Jerusalem,  354 
Shalmaneser   II,    248,    256,    460 
Shalmaneser  III,  459 
Shalmaneser  IV,  269,  277,  460 
Shammai,  391 
Shaphan,  302 

Sheba,  Queen,  of  xlv,  lxii,202,209 
Sheba,  son  of  Bichri,  xlv,  183 
Shabna,  276,  290-1,  460 
Shecaniah,  351 

Shechem,  xxxvi,  33,  38,  102,  103, 
118-19,  205,  219,  220,  262,  270, 
324,  341,  415,  420,   437,    441, 
442,  467 
Shem,  8,  14,  412 
Shemaiah  (false  prophet),  356 
Sheraaiah,  Judaean  prophet,  218, 

219,  220,  454 
Shemaiah  the  Nehelamite,  319 
Sheol,  436 
Shephelah,  99,  100 
Sheshbazzar  (Sanabassar),  345 
shewbread,  80 
shibboleth,  107 

Shiloh,    102,    128-35,    183,    205, 
257,  270,  306,  324,  341,  431, 
437,  439,  442,  455 
Shimei,  180,  182,  185,  186 
Shishak,    xxix,    219,    227,    454, 

455,  476 
Shur,  Wilderness  of,  71 
Shushan,  Ix,  348 
Sibyllina  Oracles,  392 
Sihon,  xxxix,  88 
Simeon,  xxxvi,  30,  33-4,  419 
Simeonites,  109,  110,432,439,467 
Simon,    brother    of    Judas    the 

Maccabee,  Ixix 
Simon,  son  of  Onias,  362 
Simon,   High  Priest,  Ixvii 
sin,  3,  7,  214,  408 
Sin,  Wilderness  of,  xxxvii,  71 
Sinai,  xxxvii,  71,  73-80,  184,  428 
Sisera,  113,  427,  439 
slavery,  75-6,  99,  430 
So  (Sabako),  269,  277,  280-1,  461 
Sodom,  xxxiv-v 
Solomon,  xlv,  Ixii,  184-216,  430, 

451,  453 
Son  of  Man,  382 
Song  of  Songs,  Iviii,  202-3,  212, 
271 


Index 


491 


Songs  :  of  Moses,  xl,  54,  92,  109  ; 

of    Deborah,    108-10,    114-15, 

199,    270,    436;     of   Hannah, 

130-1,  442 
Song  of  the  Three  Children,  Ixiv 
sorcery,  76,  267,  295 
spies,  xxxix,  83,  95,  431 
Stephen,  St.,  327,  466 
Succoth  in  Egypt,   xxxvii,   426 
Succoth  in  Palestine,  xxxvi,  106, 

117 
Sumer  (  ^Shinar),  3,  10,  15,  481 
Susanna,  Story  of,  Ixiv 
Syria,  xlv,  xlvi,  xlviii,  246 
Syrians,  xliv,  liv,  175,  197,  264, 

276,  310 

Taberah,  xxxix,  81,  431 
Tabernacle,  xxxvii-ix,  Ixix,   77, 

80,  128-9,  156,  184,  207,  430- 

431,  442 
Tabernacles,   Feast   of,   Iv,   Ivii, 

Ixi,  342,  358 
tablets,  2,  3,  59,  325,  337-8,  408 
Tabor,  Mt.,  113,  118 
Tadmor  (Palmyra),  198 
Tahpanhes,  324 
Tamar,  daughter-in-law  of  Judah 

34 
Tamar,  daughter  of  David,  xliv, 

177 
Tarshish,  ships  of,  199 
Tartan  (title),  280,  290 
Tattenai,   344 

Taylor  Cylinder,  283,  4G0-62 
teachers,    305 
Tekoa,  lii,  177,  258,  354 
Tel-el-Amarna  tablets,  22,  58-9, 

416,  448 
Temple  :   Solomon's,   xlv,   xlvii, 
Ixii,    183-4,    201,    204-8,    213, 

216,  221,  222,  227,  265,  266, 
268,  270,  283,  285,  295,  302-4, 
311,315,  317,  323,  344,  453; 
Second,  liii,  Ix,  Ixi,  315,  324, 
342,  344,  351,  469;  Herod's, 

217,  311  ;  Ezekiel's  Vision, 
330  ;  Profaned  by  Pompey, 
374 

Ten    Words,    xxxvii-viii,    73-4, 

429  ;   the  second,  80,  429 
Tent  of  Meeting,  79,  86,  129,  430 


Terah,\.^AXv,  zl8,  413 
teraphim,  31,  124,  155,  420 
tetragrammaton,    48,    408,    424 
Thebes  (Egypt),  liv,  280,  298 
Thebez,  119 
Theophany,  xxxvii 
Therapeutae,  398 
Three  Youths,  Story  of,  Ixiii 
Tiglath-pileser,  256,  268-70,  325, 

459 
Tiphsah  (Thapsacus),  197,  198 
Tirhakah,    280,    291 
Tirshatha  (title),  Ixi,  342,    352, 

358 
Tirzah,  212,  228,  233 
Tobiah,  Ixi,  353-5 
Tobias,  Ixv;   house  of,  364 
Tobit,   Book  of,  Ixv 
Tobit,  Ixv,  386 
Tophet,  288,  303,  311,  452 
trade,  198-9,  267,  357 
tradition,  xx,  xxiii,  1,  3,  61,  62,  77 
Tyre,  lii,  liv,  199,  282,  318,  453, 

460 

Universe,  Hebrew  view  of,  4 
Unleavened    Bread,    Feast    of, 

xxxvii,  66-7,  75 
untruthfulness,  24,  189,  283-4 
Uriah  (prophet),  312 
Uriah  the  Hittite,  176 
Uriel,  Angel,  Ixviii 
Urim  and  Thimimim,  342 
usury,  260,  346,  355 
Uzzah,   174,  449 
Uzziah  (Azariah),  king,  xlviii,  11, 

266,  478 

Vail  of  the  Sanctuary,  80 
Valley  of  Salt,  195 
vessels  of  the  Temple,  314,  319, 
323,  342 

Wars    of    Jehovah,    Book    of, 

xxiii,  433 
Wicked,  prosperity  of,  381. 
Widow  and  seven  sons  martyrs, 

368 
Wilderness,  Israel  in,  xxxvii-xl, 

Ivi,  69-93 
Wisdom  of  Solomon,  Ixvii,  386 
witchcraft,  161,  295 


492 


Index 


Writings,  ine,  xxxiii,  Ivi-lxii 

Xebxbs,  lix,  346,  348-9,  469 

Yam-Sdth,  xxxvii,  426 
Yahubidhi,   277 

Zachamah  (king),  260 

Zadok,  xiv,  179,  182,  184-5,  200 ; 

House  of,  330,  331 
Zealots,  227 
Zebul,  440 

Zebulun,  30  ;    tribe,  286,  419 
Zechariah    (prophet),    343,    344, 

470  ;   Book  of,  liii,  305 
Zechariah  II,  liv 
Zechariah,  son  of  Jehoiada,  266 
Zedekiah    (  =Mattaniah),    king, 

xlvii,  xlix,  1,  314,  315,  317-23 


Zedekiah  (prophet),  319 
Zedekiah,  son  of  Chenaanah,  248 
Zelophehad,  his  daughters,  xxxix 
Zephaniah  (a  priest),  319,  321, 

323 

Zephaniah  (prophet),  Uii  ;  Book 
of,  liii,  297,  300-1,  305 

Zerah  the  Ethiopian,  228 

Zerubbabel,  liii,  341-7,  350,  464, 
469-70 

Zeruiah,  169 

Zeus,  Temples  of  Jerusalem  and 
Gerizim  dedicated  to,  368 

Zidon,  liv,  282,  318,  460 

Ziklag,  160,  166,  167 

Zimri,  xlvi,  228,  456 

Zion,  171-2,204,288-9,335 

Zipporah,  47,  49,  424-5 

Zorobabel,   Ixiv 


W.  EJBVSB.  and  80N3  LTD.,  OAMBRTOGB,  ENGLAND. 


The   Physical  Features  of  Palestine. 

Attention  is  called   to    the   variety  of  the   country,    the  plains,  valleys,  and  mountains,  and  the  extraordinary  depression  of 
the  Jordan  valley,  the  descent  from  Jerusalem  to  the  Dead  Sea  being  3800  feet. 

N.B. — The   '  Shephelah '  should    have   teen    placed,  a  little  more   to  the  East,   as  the  land    £uijoining    the    coast  is  usually 
described   as  the  *  Maritime   plain.' 

The  Student  is  strongly  recommended  to  have  a  large  map  of  Palestine  to  refer  to 


-^i 


